
Class u£_/Zll 
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COPyKKSHT DEPoam 



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Copyrighted, 1897, by D. H. Montgomery. 



TIbe XeaMno .iFacts of Ibtstor^ Bevies 



THE 



STUDENT'S American History 



liV 



D. H. MONTGOMERY 

AuTiioK OF "The Leading Facts of Histoky" btkiBS 



Boston, U.S.A., and London 
GINxM & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS 

1899 






28607 

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1897, by 

D. H. MONTGOMERY 

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 

Copyright, 1899, by D. H. Montgomery. 

TWOCOPlto «tcc:iv£D. 







^ 'V"^^ 



of 
B. B. p. 



PREFATORY NOTE. 



This work follows the same general lines as the author's 
'' Leading Facts of American History." It differs, however, 
from the more elementary manual in many important respects. 
It is much fuller in its treatment of political and constitutional 
history, and of the chief events bearing on the development of 
the nation. It quotes the statements of public men, original 
documents, and authorities, in order that the history of our 
country may speak for itself on the points of greatest interest 
to the student and the teacher. 

As a help to further research, note numbers have been in- 
serted throughout the book referring to upwards of two thousand 
works of acknowledged merit cited in the Appendix. 

The author is particularly indebted to the Trustees and the 
Librarian of the Boston Athenaeum for the privilege of making 
use of the admirable collection of books under their charge. 



CON TENTS. 

SECTION PACE 

I. The Discovery and Naming of America, 1492 to 1 521 . ... i 

II. Attempts at Exploring and Colonizing America (the Country, 
the Natives, Effects of the Discovery of America on Europe), 
1509 to 1587 12 

III. Permanent English and French Settlements (the Thirteen Col- 

onies, French Exploration of the West, Wars with the In- 
dians and with the French, Colonial Life), 1607 to 1763 . . 27 

IV. The Revolution, the Constitution, 1763 to 1789 163 

V. The Union, National Development (Presidents from Washing- 
ton to Buchanan, inclusive), 1789 to 1861 219 

VI. Tiie War of Secession, 1861 to 1865 400 

VII. Reconstruction, the New Nation, 1865 to ^^e Present Time . . 465 

APPENDIX. 

1. The Declaration of Independence (with an Introduction) ... i 

2. The Constitution (with an Introduction and Notes) vi 

3. Table of Admission of States xix 

4. Taljle of Presidents xxiii 

5. List of Books on American History xxiv 

6. Authorities cited xxx 

7. Index xxxix 



LIST OF FULL AND DOUBLE-rAGE MAPS. 



FACINC TACK 

1. The World about the Time of Columbus 4 

2. Early Voyages iS 

3. Indian Tribes of the United States 20 

4. Phj-sical Features of the United States ^6 

5. First Settlements 4- 

6. The French in the West 1 30 

7. Period of the Revolution — New England (colored) 174 

S. Boston and Vicinity 1S2 

9. New Vork and Vicinity iSS 

10. Period of the Revolution — Middle Colonies (colored) .... 190 

11. Burgoyne's Expedition ; Washington's Movement against Vork- 

town ; Vorktown 193 

12. Period of the Revolution — Southern Colonies (colored) . . . 200 

13. The United States at the Close of the Revolution (colored) . . Jo6 

14. The Northwest Territory (colored) . . 210 

15. The United States in 1792 (colored) 230 

16. Indian Land Cessions in Ohio 233 

17. The Warof 1S12 270 

iS. The Missouri Compromise Act 292 

19. The Mexican War 350 

20. The Area of Freedom and of Slavery 384 

21. The Civil War (colored) 41- 

22. The Defences of Washington 414 

23. The Battle of Gettysburg 436 

24. The Siege of Vicksburg 440 

25. Map of North .\merica 47S 

26. Relief Map of the United States 480 

27. Territorial Growth (colored) 505 

28. The United States at the Present Time (colored) 516 

29. The United States and Dependent Territories (colored) . . . . 537 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



1. Medallion of Washington and Lincoln Frontispiece 

FACING FAGB 

2. Extract from the " Body of Liberties" of 1 641 70 

.5. Advertisement of the " Flying Machine " 152 

4. The Pennsylvania " Gazette " on the Stamp Act 166 

5- Franklin's Letter to Strahan 184 

6. Signatures to the Declaration of Independence 186 

7. Signatures to the Treaty of Peace of 1783 212 

8. Key's "The Star Spangled Banner" 272 

9. A Railway Time-Table of 1843 3'^ 

10. Morse's Letter respecting the First Telegram 344 

11. Letter of John Brown 390 

12. Secession liulletin 394 

13. Letter of Secretary iJix on the Plag 396 

14. Grant's " Unconditional Surrender " Despatch 418 

15. Lincoln's Proclamation of Emancipation 430 

16. Lincoln's Gettysburg Address 438 

17. Admiral Farragut's Letter from Mobile 456 

18. Lee's Letter of Surrender 460 



THE 

STUDENT'S AMERICAN HISTORY. 

For Authorities for this Chapter, see Appendix, pageXTiW. The small figures 
in the text refer to A uthorities cited on page xxx of the Appendix. 



-iXi'^^OO- 



THE DISCOVERY AND NAMING OF AMERICA. 

(1000-1515.) 



THE NORTHMEN. — COLUMBUS. CABOT. AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 

I. The discovery of America by the Northmen; ««Vin- 
land the Good." — The Scandinavians, or Northmen, were the 
most skillful and daring sailors of the middle ages. For them 
the Atlantic — "the Sea of Darkness" — had no terrors. Be- 
fore the mariner's compass had come into use in Europe they 
made distant voyages in vessels often not so large as modern 
pleasure yachts. Their only guides on those perilous expedi- 
tions were the sun, the stars, and the flight of birds. 

In the ninth century (875) the Northmen planted a colony 
in Iceland. Their sagas or traditions inform us that, late in 
the next century (981), Eric the Red set sail from Iceland in 
search of a strange land which a Norse sailor, blown out of 
his course, had sighted in the far west.^ He found it, and 
giving it the tempting name of Greenland, lured a band 
of colonists to those desolate shores. In the year 1000 



2 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1000-1347. 

Leif Ericson, — later known as " Leif the Lucky," — a son of 
Eric the Red, set out from Greenland in quest of a land 
which a storm-driven mariner had seen in the southwest. 
He discovered a beautiful country which abounded in wild 
grapes. " From its products, Leif gave the land a name, and 
called it Vinland."^ Here the Northmen planted a colony, 
and carried on trade with Greenland. In 1347 the Norse 
records mention a ship's going to this southern colony after 
a load of timber. That is the last that we hear of the settle- 
ment. The Northmen ceased to make voyages to the west, the 
colonies they had planted died out, all records of them were 
forgotten, and we have no evidence that Columbus ever heard 
of the discovery of Vinland.^ 

2. The locality of "Vinland"; the Northmen and 
American history. — In recent years repeated attempts have 
been made to determine the locality of Vinland, but without 
acknowledged success. Many have supposed that Leif Eric- 
son landed on some part of the New England coast. The 
descriptions of the country given by the records fail to throw 
any decisive light on this point, and no Norse graves, inscrip- 
tions, or ruins have been found on the mainland of America, 
although the ruins of buildings erected by the Northmen are 
still standing in Greenland. The conclusion of most eminent 
scholars respecting the settlements of the Northmen is that 
" the soil of the United States has not one vestige of their 
presence."* Granting that those bold sailors did establish 
colonies on the mainland of America, as it is certain they did 
on the coast of Greenland, still their work had no permanent 
results, and no direct connection with American history. It 
was simply a match struck in the dark, sending out a moment- 
ary flash of light, but nothing more^ 

Later, however, after Columbus had made his great voyage, 
the English descendants of the Northmen of the Scandinavian 
peninsula came to the front. As colonists of the New World, 
they set their lasting mark on this continent. Hence we may 



1420-1487.] DISCOVERY AND NAMING OF AMERICA. 3 

say that the old Norse daring, which braved the tempests of 
the Northern Atlantic centuries before Columbus was born, 
and which conquered and settled a large part of Britain, 
stands forth a powerful and permanent factor in the making of 
America.^ 

3. A new search for lands beyond the Atlantic; Euro- 
pean trade with the Indies. — Nearly five hundred years after . 
Leif Ericson feasted on wild grapes in Vinland, the project of 
crossing the Atlantic in quest of distant lands again came up. 
This time it was not a Northman, but an Italian, who was to 
make the attempt. His venture was suggested ^bv _the de- 
Tv^Qnrlg of_ commerc e. 

In the latter part of the fifteenth century Venice had gained 
control of the lucrative trade between Europe and the Indies. 



XJ K O P E 




Trade Route to 
the Indies. 



OCEAN 



That trade, however, was seriously hampered by the fact that 
it could not follow a direct and continuous water route. The 
Isthmus of Suez barred the way. For this reason, the spices, 
silks, and drugs brought from the far East up the Red Sea 
had to be unloaded, transported across the desert to the Nile, 



4 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1487. 

and reshipped to Alexandria for the Mediterranean.*' Europe, 
in the interest of trade, called for an all-sea route to the Indies. 

4. The work of "Prince Henry the Navigator"; Bar- 
tholomew Diaz. — Prince Henry of Portugal, commonly 
known as " Prince Henry the Navigator," undertook to find 
•the required route. For forty years (1420-1460) his cap- 
tains were exploring the seemingly endless western coast of 
Africa, endeavoring to discover a way round that mysterious 
continent into the waters of the Indian Ocean. Year after 
year the Portuguese ships crept down that coast, but found no 
passage to the East. The problem was unsolved when Henry 
died, but nearly thirty years later success was practically 
gained.'' Bartholomew Diaz (1487) succeeded in doubling the 
formidable Cape of Storms. Then it was seen that at last the 
way to the Indies was almost as good as opened; for that 
reason the Cape of Storms received the auspicious name of the 
Cape of Good Hope. But the length of the new route was a 
serious drawback, since every bale of goods shipped from the 
East would have to make a voyage of at least twelve thousand 
miles in order to reach the European market. The question 
arose, might it not be possible to find a better way ? 

5. Columbus proposes a new and shorter route to the 
Indies. — Christopher Columbus, a native of Genoa, was 
ready to answer that question. He was an experienced mari- 
ner, and believed that he could discover a far shorter and 
more direct all-water route to the much-coveted Indies. The 
leading geographers of that day regarded the earth as a globe.* 
Columbus held the same idea, but he considered the globe to 
be much smaller than it actually is. It embraced, as he sup- 
posed, but one ocean — the Atlantic — which surrounded the 
three continents of Europe, Asia, and Africa. These three 
continents, with their outlying islands, he believed consti- 
tuted all the land there was. He imagined that the Indies 
faced Europe at a distance of less than four thousand miles. 
His plan for reaching the far East was very simple ; he would 



THE WORLD AS KNOWN SHORTLY BEFORE AND SHORTLY AFTER THE 

SAILING OF COLUMBUS. 



Light arrows show voyages made up to 1492 ; (light track, Da Gama's voyage, 1497). 
Dark arrows, voyages of Columbus and Cabot. 

White crosses, countries of which something was known before 1492. 
White area, including western coast of Africa, the world as known shortly before the 
sailing of Columbus. 





<.i 



-•^^t.^^"" 






mi 






Colwnbtis sailed Aug. sd, /i''t, ^^^ 

. o, /^"' 

- " ' /'' / 

left Canary Islam} s /', J ^ 
Sept. cth __.,i*'ff ' y^ r. 




^S. 



1492.] DISCOVERY AND NAMING OF AMERICA. 5 

make for the Canaries, and then sail nearly due west, until he 
touched the coast of Asia.'-* Such a route would have an im- 
mense advantage over the circuitous and dangerous voyage 
around Africa, for it would be almost a straight line, and 
would save something like eight thousand miles. 

6. Columbus fits out vessels for the voyage ; objects of 
the undertaking. — After years of vain solicitation, Columbus 
succeeded in getting the assistance of Ferdinand and Isabella of 
Spain. He fitted out three small vessels for the voyage ; of this 
little fleet he was to be admiral. To guide him on his course 
he had the compass, an improved astrolabe, or instrument for 
determining the position of a ship at sea by taking observa- 
tions of the sun and stars, and his carefully drawn charts.'" In 
this great and original undertaking Columbus was not seeking 
to find new lands, but a new way to reach old lands. His 
three chief objects were : i. To open direct trade with the 
Indies. 2. To carry the Catholic faith to the nations of the 
far East. 3. To gain for himself fame and fortune." 

7. Columbus sails; the voyage; he discovers land and 
returns to Spain. — Columbus sailed from Palos, Spain, 
August 3, 1492. He made directly for the Canary Islands '^ 
which he supposed to be in a line with Japan. The route to 
those islands was well known. He reached them August 12, 
and stopped more than three weeks to refit his vessels. On 
September 6 he set out on his ever memorable voyage across 
the " Sea of Darkness." He believed himself, as he said, "an 
agent chosen by Heaven to accomplish a grand design.'"^ 
Day after day passed, but no land was sighted, and the sailors, 
losing heart, cried out to Columbus : " Are there no graves in 
Spain, that you should bring us here to perish ? " ^* They 
were terrified at the variation of the compass, and still later, 
becoming desperate, they threatened to turn the ship back ; 
but Columbus compelled them to keep on their way, and on 
October j_2, land was sighted.'^ It was the low, sandy shore of 
a small island.'® Here he planted the royal standard of Spain, 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



[H93. 



named the island San Salvador — or the Holy Redeemer — 
and took possession of it for Ferdinand and Isabella. 

The naked natives crowded round the Spaniards shouting 
" Come and see the men who have come from heaven." Going 
south Columbus discovered Cuba, which he believed to be a 
part of the mainland of Asia. Having left a garrison to hold 
a small fort on the coast of San Domingo or Hayti, he set sail 
for Spain (January, 1493). He was certain that he had found 
the Indies, and as he had reached them by sailing west, they 
received the name of the West Indies. For a like reason he 
called the natives of these islands Indians. 

8. Letter of Columbus ; arrival in Spain ; reception at 
court ; the Pope divides the earth. — Forced to put into 
Lisbon, Columbus there wrote to the royal treasurer of Spain 
describing his discoveries." In his letter he declared that 
he had " accomplished a task to which the power of mortal 
man had never before attained." At Palos all the people, 
forming a solemn procession, came out to receive him, and 
when he arrived at the royal court at Barcelona the King and 
Queen stood up to give him welcome. '** 

News of the wonderful discovery was at once sent to the 
Pope. He received the messenger with joy. As " lord of 

the world " he proceeded to divide 
the newly discovered heathen lands 
between Spain and Portugal, the 
two great exploring powers. ^^ Tak- 
ing a map of the globe, he drew 
a line from pole to pole a hun- 
dred leagues w^est of the Azores 
and of the Cape Verd Islands.^ 
All lands found west of that 
line, not belonging to some Chris- 
tian prince, he granted to Spain ; 
all similar lands east of it he recognized as belonging to 
Portugal. Thus by a stroke of the pen through a map of the 




The Pope's Division of the World. 



1493-.] DISCOVERY AND NAMING OF AMERICA. 7 

world the Pope gave Spain the entire continent of North 
America. ^^ Ferdinand and Isabella soon began to establish 
settlements in the West Indies and seized the natives as slaves. 

9. What Columbus discovered ; his death ; greatness of 
his work. — In the course of his three subsequent voyages 
(1493 -1504) Columbus discovered the mainland of Central and 
South America, but never touched any part of what is now the 
United States. He died in 1506 in the unshaken belief that he 
had discovered the eastern coast of Asia.^^ He did not dream 
that by a happy accident, he had actually found a fourth con- 
tinent — a "new world." It has been well said : Nothing like 
it was ever done before, and nothing like it can ever be done 
again, for, save the island-continent of Australia, Columbus left 
no new worlds for a future explorer to reveal. 

The true glory of the Genoese sailor is that he was the first 
civilized man who dared cross the Atlantic and thus lead the 
way to this fourth continent. His discovery stands forth the 
greatest secular event recorded in the history of the world, — 
one-half of which had never suspected the existence of the 
other half. 

10. John and Sebastian Cabot plan a rival route to the 
Indies. — When Columbus returned to Spain at the termina- 
tion of his first voyage the news of his discovery created 
" great talk at the court of Henry VII. in England." John 
Cabot, an Italian merchant, was then living at the port of 
Bristol. His son Sebastian says that the report of what 
Columbus had achieved kindled in his own heart " a great 
flame of desire to attempt some notable thing." The "notable 
thing" developed itself into a project for reaching the spice 
islands of the Indies bv sailing westward on an extreme northern 
course so as to pass round the "backside of Greenland." 

John Cabot entered into his son's scheme with much enthu- 
siasm, and hoped " to make London a greater place for spices 
than Alexandria." Henry VII. issued a patent to the elder 
Cabot and his sons giving them authority to discover and take 



8 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



[1497. 




rirat Seen 



ii 



possession of those heathen lands in the west "which before 
this time have been unknown to all Christians." 

1 1 . First voyage of the Cabots ; second voyage ; New- 
foundland fisheries; results of the first voyage. — John 
Cabot, probably accompanied by Sebastian, sailed from Bristol 
in 1497. The chief results of the voyage were set forth on a 
map, bearing this inscription : " In the year of our Lord 1497, 
John Cabot, a Venetian, and his son, Sebastian, . . . discovered 

that land which no man before 
that time had attempted, on 
the 24th of June, about five 
o'clock in the morning."-^ 

This land, which seems to 
have been Cape Breton,"* re- 
ceived the name of Prima 
Vista, or First Seen. Here 
the Cabots landed and, hoist- 
ing the English flag, claimed 
the country for the British 
Crown. The envoy of the 
Duke of Milap wrote to the 
duke from London of this 
claim, saying, *' His Majesty (Henry VII.) has won a part of 
Asia without a stroke of the sword." ^^ 

The next year (1498) the Cabots sailed westward again. 
They went much farther north in the hope of discovering a 
short passage to the Indies. At this point the elder Cabot 
disappears from history. Sebastian admits that the icebergs 
which blocked his way chilled his enthusiasm and made him 
turn southward. He coasted along the American mainland 
looking for a passage through to the East, until, as he says, 
he reached a point " almost equal in latitude with the Straits 
of Gibraltar."^® He then set his face homeward. 

The reports made by the Cabots of the vast quantities of 
codfish seen by them in the vicinity of Newfoundland opened 



A 




1499-1507.] DISCOVERY AND NAMING OF AMERICA. 



the way to the establishment by the English and French of the 
largest fisheries in the world. These fisheries had a very 
marked influence on American colonial history, and have since 
given rise to important international questions. 

But the crowning result of John Cabot's voyage in 1497 was 
that he was the first European (since the days of the Northmen) 
who set foot on the continent of North America. He thus, as 
Burke declares, gave the English their claim to the mainland. 
This laid the foundation for the North American colonies 
which Sir Walter Raleigh began in the next century. 

12. The voyages of Americus Vespucius to the <'New 
World." — In 1499 (after Columbus had made his third 
voyage and had discovered the mainland at the mouth of the 
Orinoco) Americus Vespucius, a Florentine, a friend of Colum- 
bus, sailed with a Spanish expedition which explored part of 
the same coast."^ Two years later (1501) he made another 
voyage and touched Brazil. On his return he suggested that 
the lands he had visited in the south should be called the 
" New World."'^** The next year (1503) Vespucius again visited 
South America and built a fort on the coast of Brazil. On his 
return he wrote a brief account of his voyages, but the original 
manuscript has never been found. 

13. How America received its name. — A copy of the 
account written by 
Vespucius chanced 
to fall into the hands 
of a German named 
Waldseemiiller. He 
was a teacher of 
geography in the 
college of St. Die' — 
a village of Lorraine 
now included in eastern France. The college owned a small 
press; on it in 1507 Waldseemiiller printed a thin Latin pam- 
phlet bearing the title "An Introduction to Geography." ^^ In 




The Village of St. Di^, Eastern France. 



TO THE STUDENTS AMERICAN HISTORY. [1515-. 

it he described the three continents of Kurope, Asia and 
Africa ; he then gave an account of the voyages of Americus 
Vespucius, and closed by saying, "The fourth part of the 
world having been discovered by Americus it may be called 
. . . the land of Americus or Awrr/ra.''^'^ 

The suggestion met with favor. On a German globe made 
in 1515 we find America standing out in capitals on what 
appears to be a great southern islantl in the western Atlantic. 
The name was at first confined to South America ; later it was 
applied to both of the western continents. 

14. How it was discovered that America was a continent; 
Magellan; Behriug. — But for a long time North America 
was laid down on the maps of that period as an island. The 
true continental character of the New World was discovered 
gradually. ""^^ Cabot and \'espucius must have suspected it. but 
it was not until Magellan made his famous vovage round the 
globe (15 19-152 1") that the evidence became strong. The 
Spanish explorers of the Pacific coast, and Sir Francis Drake, 
in his voyage round the world (,1577-1579), confirmed that evi- 
dence. But even then the actual breadth of North America 
was not clearly recognized, and as late as Henry Hudson's ex- 
pedition (1609^ European navigators thought that they might 
find a short passage through the northern continent to the 
Pacific. In the next century Vitus Behring, the Danish explorer 
(1728), sailed through the straits which have since borne his 
name and proved that America was not attached to Asia in 
that quarter. In 1S56 the discovery of the Northwest Passage 
completed this process, and showed that America is absolutely 
disconnected from Asia. 

15. Summary. — In the year 1000 Leif Ericson, a North- 
man, discovered Vinland on the North American coast ; but 
in the course of a few centuries all knowledge of Vinland 
was lost. In 1492 Columbus in searching for a new route to 
the Indies discovered the West India Islands. In 1497 John 
Cabot landed on the North American continent and claimed it 



1000-1850.] DISCOVERY AND NAMING OF AMERICA. 



II 



for the English Crown. England considered that this claim 
gave her the right to plant colonies in America. Between 1499 
and 1503 Americus Vespucius made three voyages to the 
South American coast. His description of the New World 
suggested the name America which was given to South Amer- 
ica, and later extended to the northern continent. The true 
character of North America was discovered by Magellan, 
Drake, the Spanish explorers of the Pacific coast, Captain 
Behring and his successors. 




Eguafor 




i^Or^///jpan/c>/a 







II. 



ATTEMPTS AT EXPLORING AND COLONIZING 

AMERICA. 

0513-1600.^ 

For Autktrrities /or this Cha/>ter see AfftHJix, /.».^v xxiv. The small ^^ytres 
in the text refer to A uthorities cittti on /i>iir xxx o/ th* A/>J>eHdijc. 



THE COUNTRY. — THE NATIVES. — EFFECTS OF THE DISCOVERY 
OF AMERICA ON EUROPE. 

i6. The miraculous spring ; Ponce de Leon discovers 
Florida. — Eiwly in the sixteenth century a Portuguese histo- 
rian ^vrote to the Pope, " Ther-^; is an isU^nd about three hun- 
dred and fifty leagues from Hispaniola (Hayti) . . . on which 
is a never-faihng spring of such marvellous efficacy that when 
the water is drunk, perhaps with some attention to diet, it 
makes old people young again." Ponce de Leon, a Spanish 
cavalier, who was. as his epitaph""^ declared, "a lion by name 
and still more by nature." resolved to set out in search of this 
marvellous spring. He hoped thereby to find new lands 
and new life at the same time. It was a compliment to 
America that men believed it could give all things, not only 
gold and fame but even one's lost youth, 

De Leon sailed (1513) from Porto Rico with a picked crew 
in search of the miraculous fountain. On Easter Day — in 
Spanish called Pascua Florida or "Flowery Easter" — tliey 
discovered land."*^^ De Leon and his men went ashore a few 
miles north of where the Spaniards later founded St. Augustine. 
He called the land Florida from the name of the day on which 
he had discovered it. Later (1521) he returned to colonize 



1513-.] EXPLORING AND COLONIZING AMERICA. 1 3 

Florida. The Indians resisted his attempt to seize their coun- 
try, and in the fight the stout-hearted old cavalier received his 
death wound. 

17. Balboa discovers a new ocean; Magellan names it; 
Spanish exploration of the Pacific coast. — Meanwhile 
lialboa, the Spanish governor of a colony on the Isthmus of 
Darien, set out (1513) to discover a sea said to exist in the 
southwest. After an exhausting march of nearly three weeks, 
over rocky hills and through vine-tangled forests, the expedi- 
tion reached the foot of a mountain where he called a halt. 
Climbing to the top of this height the Spaniard looked 
down upon the shining waters of the "South Sea." No white 
man had ever before beheld that greatest of the oceans of the 
globe ; next after Columbus, Balboa had made the most 
remarkable geographical discovery recorded in history, A few 
days later, wading into the waters of that sea, he drew his 
sword and declared that the Kings of Spain should hold 
possession of the South Sea ajid of its cdasts and islands 
" while the earth revolves, and until the universal judgment of 
mankind.'"^ 

Seven years later (1520) Magellan entered that ocean on his 
voyage round the globe. He found its waters so calm that he 
named it the Pacific. 

Cortez had begun the conquest of Mexico, and in the course 
of a little more than twenty years (i 520-1 543) Spain had 
explored the Pacific coast of North America as far as Oregon. 

18. Narvaez attempts to conquer Florida ; the adventures 
of Cabeza de Vaca. — While Cortez was plundering Mexico, 
Narvaez started from Spain (1528) to conquer Florida; but 
lost his life in the undertaking. Cabeza de Vaca and three 
survivors of the expedition were wrecked on the coast of Texas. 

He and his companions managed to escape from a long 
captivity among the Indians, and set out to cross the country 
to the Spanish settlements on the Pacific coast. After two 
years of wandering, they arrived (1538) at the city of Mexico. 



14 THE STUDENTS AMERICAN HISTORY. [1539-1542. 

Cabeza carried to the Spaniards of the Pacific coast reports 
of the existence of the wonderful stone and adobe cities of the 
Indians of New Mexico and Arizona. This led to the great 
exploring expedition undertaken (1540) by Coronado. 

19. De Soto's expedition; the Indians. — When Cabeza 
returned to Spain (1537) he reported that Florida was "the 
richest country in the world." Ferdinand de Soto, who had 
been with Pizarro in South America, heard this report with 
savage delight. He liked the " sport of killing Indians," and 
hoped to strip the Florida chiefs of their gold as Pizarro had 
stripped the unfortunate ruler of Peru. 

In 1539 De Soto landed with an army of six hundred men 

at Tampa Bay, Florida. The 
Indians fought heroically against 
the invaders, but their arrows 
were no match for the arms 
carried by these white " warriors 
of fire." 

The Spaniards chained a num- 
ber of natives in gangs, forced them to serve as guides through 
the forest, and made them carry their baggage and "pound 
their corn." 

20. De Soto discovers the " Great River " of the West; 
his death. — In the spring (1541) the Spaniards came to the 
banks of the " Great River " of the West. At the point where 
they first saw it, the river "was about half a league broad," of 
"great depth," with "a strong current," "the water was always 
muddy, and timber and trees were continually floating down." 
Such is the first description by Europeans of the Mississippi.^^ 

De Soto and his party crossed this mighty stream probably 
not far below the present city of Memphis, and pushed on to 
the vicinity of the Hot Springs of Arkansas. In the spring, 
utterly discouraged, they set out to reach the Gulf of Mexico. 
They got as far as the point where the Red River unites with 
the Mississippi. There (1542) De Soto died, and was secretly 




1540-1541.] EXPLORING AND COLONIZING AMERICA. I 5 

buried at midnight in the turbid waters of the "Great River" 
which he had discovered. His followers built boats, and 
dropping down the stream succeeded at length in reaching 
Mexico. 

21. The seven wonderful cities; Coronado's expedition; 
Onate's expedition. — But the effect of Cabeza de Vaca's 
reports did not end with De Soto's disastrous expedition. 
Some Indians had told the Spaniards in Mexico that there 
were seven wonderful cities full of gold, silver and precious 
stones about forty days' journey northward in a region called 
Cibola. Cabeza, then in Mexico, said that he too had heard of 
these remarkable cities. The cupidity of the Spaniards was 
excited to fever point. A negro who had been one of Cabeza's 
former companions was sent out as guide to a monk who was 
directed to bring back an account of Cibola. They penetrated 
Arizona and New Mexico, and came in sight of one of the mar- 
vellous cities. The next year (1540) Coronado, the Spanish 
governor of a Mexican province, set out with an army to 
conquer Cibola. After a terrible march over mountains of 
rock and through suffocating deserts, Coronado reached one 
of the cities- — the pueblo of Zuni, it is supposed — and took 
it by assault, but found no gold or precious stones. 

From this point he sent out an exploring party in search of a 
strange river. They discovered the Canon of the Colorado — 
the deepest gorge known to exist in the earth's crust. Led on 
by stories of gold to be found farther north, Coronado pushed 
forward until, according to his own computation, he reached 
the fortieth parallel of latitude. Here, first of white men, he 
hunted buffalo — perhaps on the plains of Kansas. The next 
year (1541) he reached the banks of a branch of the Mississippi 
and set up a cross bearing the inscription: "Thus far came 
the general Francisco Vasquez de Coronado."^'' Had the bold 
explorer kept on eastward from New Mexico he might have 
met his countryman De Soto, who had crossed the Mississippi 
and was moving westward. '""^ 



l6 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1569-1565. 

More than half a century later Onate, a Spanish military 
leader, founded Santa Fe (1605),^* the second oldest town in 
the United States ; his name cut on the smooth white sand- 
stone of " Inscription Rock," between Santa Fe and Zuni, is 
still distinctly legible. 

These men cared nothing for America itself, but only for 
what they could get out of it. Cortez summed up their motives 
in a single sentence when he told the Mexicans : "We Spaniards 
are troubled with a disease of the heart for which we find gold, 
and gold only, a specific remedy." 

22. French explorations ; Huguenot colonies planted at 
the south. — Meanwhile, a party of Frenchmen dared to dis- 
pute the claims of Spain to the exclusive possession of the 
North American continent. Cartier had already discovered 
and explored the St. Lawrence (1535), and had named a lofty 
hill on an island in that river Montreal. Not quite thirty years 
later (1562) Admiral Coligny, the champion of the French 
Protestants, sent out a number of Huguenot emigrants to 
plant a colony at the South. Their object was to build up a 
Protestant commonwealth at Port Royal, on the coast of what 
is now South Carolina. The attempt failed. Two years later 
a new Huguenot colony settled near the mouth of the St. 
John's River, Florida, and built Fort Caroline. Here they were 
joined by Jean Ribaut with reinforcements. 

23. Philip II. sends Menendez to exterminate the Huguenot 
colonists ; St. Augustine ; the massacre ; De Gourgues's re- 
venge. — Philip II. of Spain was startled by hearing of these 
trespassers on his American dominions. French pirates had 
(1555) burned the Spanish settlement of Havana and butchered 
all of the inhabitants. Philip was eager for revenge ; he was 
resolved to show no mercy to men who in his eyes were not 
only intruders, but " heretics." Pedro Menendez was sent 
over with a fleet to deal summarily with the Huguenots. 

Menendez arrived in time to catch sight of Ribaut's vessels, 
but could not overtake them. He then dropped down to a 



1565-i:)67.] EXPLORING AND COLONIZING AMERICA. 1/ 

point about forty miles south, where he erected a fort (1565), 
and thus laid the foundations of St. Augustine, the oldest city- 
built by white men on the North American continent. 

Meanwhile Ribaut, leaving a small garrison to hold Fort 
Caroline, sailed to attack the Spaniards, but his fleet was 
wrecked on the coast. Menendez, heard of the disaster, 
marched rapidly across the country, surprised Fort Caroline 
and killed most of the French in their beds. The women and 
children were spared. The story of this massacre reached 
France ; it was reported that Menendez had hanged a number 
of the garrison, and had written above their swinging corpses : 
" I do this not as to Frenchmen but as to Lutherans." ^^ 

On his return from Fort Caroline Menendez fell in with some 
of Ribaut's shipwrecked men. Trusting to the Spaniard's 
mercy they surrendered ; their hands were tied behind their 
backs, they were marched to St. Augustine, and all, except a 
few sailors who professed to be Catholics, were put to death. 
A little later Ribaut himself, with some of his soldiers, was 
discovered. Part of them, including the captain, surrendered. 
They were told that they must die. " We are of the earth," said 
Ribaut, "and to earth we shall return — twenty years more or 
less matters little." All were stabbed to the heart. After- 
ward some of the French who had evaded pursuit were 
captured. Their lives were spared, but they were sent to the 
galleys, a fate more cruel than death itself. 

France made no attempt to retaliate, but two years later 
(1567) Captain de Gourgues, said to have been a French 
Catholic, sailed from France and captured the Spanish fort 
on the St. John's. He hanged his prisoners on the same 
tree which it was said Menendez had used for executing his 
French captives. Over their bodies he placed this inscription: 
" I do this not as to Spaniards, but as to Traitors, Robbers, 
and Murderers." Not daring to attack St. Augustine, De 
Gourgues returned to France, leaving Spain supreme in 
America. 



i8 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTOKV. [1576-1584. 



24. The English search for a northwest passage to India ; 
Drake's voyage ; Gilbert; Raleigh. — But soon a more formid- 
able rival than the French appeared on the scene to contest 
the Spanish monopoly of North America. Frobisher, the Eng- 
lish navigator (1576-1578), made great efforts to discover 
a northwestern passage to Asia. A little later (1579) Sir 
Francis Drake, in his voyage round the world, landed on the 
northern Pacific coast. He took possession of the country for 
Queen Elizabeth and named it New Albion. The English, 
however, made no attempt to plant a colony on the western 
coast, but a few years afterward (1583) Sir Humphrey Gilbert 
claimed Newfoundland for the British Crown. His intention 
was to colonize the country, but he was lost at sea. The 
year follo'.\lng (1584), Walter Raleigh, a half brother of Sir 
Humphrey, obtained a charter from Elizabeth giving him 
the right to lay claim to any land in the west " not actually 
possessed by any Christian Prince." Raleigh's charter guar- 
anteed to all subjects of the Queen who should settle under it 
the same rights and privileges which they enjoyed at home, 
'iurke says of Raleigh : " He was the first man in England 
who had a right conception of settlements abroad." His 

object was to found an English colonial 
empire in America, and to put '* a 
bridle on the King of Spain,'" — Eng- 
land's most formidable enemy. 

25. Raleigh and Virginia ; prod- 
ucts of Virginia ; the lost colony ; the 
results. — Raleigh sent out an explor- 
ing expedition (1584). They landed 
at Roanoke Island and brought back 
such glowing accounts of the " good 
land " that Elizabeth named it Virginia 
and rewarded Raleigh with knighthood. The next year (1585) 
Raleigh sent out a body of colonists, but they soon came back. 
They had, however, discovered an Indian herb which the poet 





A. 

VJ ■ Island 
-5^^^: I 1584 



1587.] EXPLORING AND COLONIZING AMERICA. I9 

Spenser called "divine tobacco." They had also found 
certain round " roots " which " being boiled are very good 
food.""" 

Sir Walter planted the Indian herb and the round " roots " 
in his garden at Youghal near Cork, Ireland. By his efforts 
the Potato — the most valuable vegetable known to man — and 
Tobacco, denounced by King James as "the vilest of weeds," 
were introduced into use in the British Isles. 

Not disheartened by the failure of his first attempt to estab- 
lish a settlement in Virginia, Sir Walter sent out emigrants 
('1587) to form another. This colony mysteriously disappeared 
and no trace of it was ever found, save the name, Croatoan,''^ 
which the colonists had cut on the bark of a tree when they left 
their settlement never to return. 

Though Sir Walter's enterprise had failed, the idea survived, 
and was successfully carried out later by a company of London 
merchants. Raleigh believed that he should live to see an 
" English nation " founded in the New World. He was not 
disappointed. His memorial window in the church of St. 
Margaret near Westminster Abbey, commemorates the fact 
that he "laid the corner-stone of the American Republic." 

26. The American Indians ; their character ; their num- 
bers. — Before proceeding to the work of Raleigh's successors, 
let us consider the subject of the Indians and their influence 
on the history of our country. 

The Indians that Columbus met in the West Indies were 
usually gentle, timid, and easily enslaved by Europeans. But 
no colonist ever accused the northern Indians of excessive 
meekness of spirit. In bloodthirsty ferocity and bull-dog 
tenacity an Algonquin — or, still better, an Iroquois — was 
a match for the most brutal Spaniard that ever set foot on the 
shores of the New World. 

The entire Indian population east of the Mississippi proba- 
bly fell short of two hundred thousand."*" The same area 
to-day supports a white population of over fifty millions. 



X 



20 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1492-. 

Like the wild beasts of the forest, the Red Men possessed 
the country without occupying it. They required vast solitudes 
in which to seek their game. This was the more necessary 
because the dog was their only domestic animal. 

The Indians cultivated some small patches of corn and 
tobacco. But this area of cultivation remained practically 
stationary, since the amount of corn which a squaw could work 
over with her clamshell hoe could never be very great, when 
measured by the vigorous appetites of a healthy Indian family. 

27. Influence of the character of the Indian on the early- 
settlers. — It was perhaps fortunate for the future of America 
that the Indians of the North rejected civilization. Had they 
accepted it the whites and Indians might have intermarried to 
some extent as they did in Mexico. That would have given us 
a population made up in a measure of shiftless half-breeds. 

It was fortunate, too, that the Indians whom the English 
colonists encountered were generallv warlike. Had thev been 
peaceful and submissive the white settlers would probably 
have reduced them to slavery, — as they did in the West 
Indies. That would have struck a serious blow at the habits 
of personal industry and of self-help acquired by the colonists. 

The fact that the Red Man was intractable, independent, 
and fond of fighting prevented the great body of settlers from 
spreading rapidly over the country. It compelled them to live 
in a tolerably compact line along the coast, made them vigilant, 
exercised them in the art of war, and made union for self- 
defence a necessity. When later the English settlers had to 
fight the Canadian French, this training in arms, which con- 
flicts with Indans had forced upon them, came into effective 
play and had decisive results on the future of America. 

28. The indebtedness of the colonists to the Indians for 
food and clothing. — ■ The relations in which the aborigines 
stood to the colonists as friends or enemies had important 
economic results. The first and greatest need of the colonists 
was an abundant supply of food. The chief American cereal 




INDIAN TRIBES. 



1492-.] EXPLORING AND COLONIZING AMERICA. 21 

was Indian corn. It did not grow in Europe, and no English- 
man ever saw a field of it before coming to this country. The 
Red Men taught the Virginia settlers how to raise corn in an 
uncleared forest by simply girdling the trees and so letting the 
sunlight in. In Plymouth the Indians showed the Pilgrims 
how to make their corn grow by putting a fish, as a fertilizer 
in every hill. They showed them, too, how to make maple 
sugar, and how to spear fish through the ice in winter and 
pack them in snow till wanted; that was the Indian's "cold 
storage " system. 

From them, too, the settlers learned to tan deer-skins for 
clothing, to make moccasins, snow-shoes, and birch-bark canoes 
— all articles of indispensable use in the American wilderness. 

29. Value of wampum ; Indian labor ; trade with the 
Indians. — Next to food and clothing one of the greatest wants 
felt by the colonists was some medium of exchange for carry- 
ing on trade with the natives. The Indians themselves met 
this want by their wampum or shell money. For many years 
this currency was practically well-nigh the only one in use in 
certain parts of the English settlements. It proved a most 
important factor in trading with the natives. The settlers also 
used it among themselves ; they bought merchandise, hired 
labor, paid the salaries of their schoolmasters and ministers, 
and settled their tax-bills in clam-shell money. 

Again, it was the Indians who first enabled the whites to 
open commerce with the mother-country. Fish and furs were 
always in demand in England ; the Red Men were experts in 
trapping beaver, catching cod-fish, and in whaling ; on this 
account the colonists found it profitable to hire their services. 

On the other hand, the Indians were excellent customers for 
the hoes, knives, hatchets, blankets, muskets, ammunition, and 
rum which the colonists offered for sale. With iron hoes the 
natives could raise a much greater quantity of corn, and 
Governor Bradford states that the Narragansetts offered for 
sale from five hundred to a thousand bushels at a time. 



22 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1492-. 

30. Indian trails and water-ways ; fur-trading posts. — 
When the colonists had grown so strong that they had begun 
to develop an inland commerce, the Indian proved helpful in a 
different direction. In the course of centuries of travel the Red 
Man's feet had worn trails through the forests. The settlers 
took the hint and often laid out their roads on the line of these 
trails. In the State of New York the turnpike, the Erie Canal, 
and the New York Central railroad, running nearly side by side 
from Albany to Buffalo, follow the great Iroquois trail extending 
from the Hudson to Lake Erie. In America the Indian was 
the first road surveyor.*^ 

The water-ways of the Indians were as valuable to the 
colonists as their trails. By means of their light birch canoes 
the natives could pass from the Great Lakes to the Atlantic on 
the one hand and to the Gulf of Mexico on the other. They 
transported immense quantities of furs from the interior to the 
sea-coast for shipment to Europe. Merchandise and household 
goods were carried West in the same way. Over this great 
network of water-ways the Indians were our first pilots. The 
fur-trading posts in the West marked the sites of what became 
important settlements. Detroit, Milwaukee, Chicago, St. Louis, 
and other Western cities began in this way. 

31. The Indians claim the continent; Indian wars. — 
The Red Man claimed the American continent as his own. 
The English colonists had to get their lands from him either 
by purchase, force, or fraud. Often the settlers bought the soil 
at a fair price. In other cases they deliberately drove the 
natives from their homes and hunting grounds, or shamefully 
cheated them out of their possessions by some cunning trick. 

The result of such unfair treatment was war, and war accom- 
panied by all the hideous acts of cruelty in which the Indians 
took delight. But the increase of the white settlers made con- 
flict with the Indians well-nigh inevitable. The interests of the 
two races were to a certain extent antagonistic. The white man 
wanted to clear the land, — in fact, had to clear it in order to 



1492-.] EXPLORING AND COLONIZING AMERICA. 23 

live ; the Indian wanted to retain the primeval wilderness as a 
game preserve. Every tree which the settler's axe felled was a 
sign to the Red Man that he must sooner or later move further 
west or starve. Hence it is that, down to a comparatively late 
period, Indian wars occupy a prominent place in our history. 

32. Our alliances with the Indians; the Iroquois, or 
" Five Nations." — Our alliances with the Indians were often 
as important as our wars with them. It was largely through 
the help of the Iroquois that the English prevented the Cana- 
dian French from getting possession of New York. 

Again, the English, through the Indians of New York, 
obtained " their first real treaty-hold " on the rich country 
west of the Alleghanies, between the Ohio and the Great 
Lakes. Those Indians claimed that region by reason of their 
conquests over other tribes. By a treaty made at Lancaster, 
Pennsylvania (1744), the Iroquois ceded all their western 
lands to the King of England. When the French claimed that 
vast and fertile region by right of discovery and exploration, 
England replied, in behalf of her American colonies, that the 
territory was already hers by virtue of the Lancaster Indian 
treaty. Whether the Iroquois cession was valid or not, it was 
believed to be so, and it helped to open the way for the future 
growth of the English colonies in the West. 

33. Summary of our relations with the Indians. — We 
may summarize our relations with the Indians as economic and 
political. Under the first head we find that: i. The Indians 
taught the settlers how to grow corn and thus supply themselves 
with an inexhaustible quantity of food. 2. They helped them 
to open, up a highly profitable European trade in furs and fish. 
3. They furnished the first currency for obtaining supplies to 
carry on that trade. 4. The Indian trails and water-ways 
became permanent means of communication to the settlers, 
and the fur-trading posts often grew into thriving cities. 

Under the second head we find that: i. The necessity of 
defence against hostile tribes induced the colonists to keep 



24 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1492-. 

together, and trained them in war. 2. Alliances formed with 
the powerful Iroquois Confederacy of New York served as a 
barrier against the designs of the Canadian French, and thus 
favored the unity and continued growth of the English colonies. 
3. Through a treaty made with the Iroquois at Lancaster, 
Pennsylvania, the English obtained a formal title to the lands 
beyond the Alleghanies ; thus they secured room for expan- 
sion, and laid the foundation of our hold on the West. 

34. Effects of the discovery of America on Europe. — 
I. The success of Columbus gave rise to voyages of explora- 
tion, and opened new fields for commerce. Spain rapidly rose 
through the supply of precious metals she obtained in Mexico 
and Peru, to be the most powerful nation in Europe. The large 
amount of gold and silver thus brought into circulation in the 
Old World stimulated rival nations to send out expeditions to 
conquer and colonize empires in America. 

In England and on the Continent the increase of the precious 
metals frequently enabled the peasantry, who paid a fixed money 
rent, to become owners of the lands they cultivated. Many 
emigrants of the best class who came to this country from 
England sprang from that thrifty and industrious peasantry. 

2. The Spaniards who settled the West Indies at first 
enslaved the Indians ; but finding that negroes were far 
more profitable as laborers, they gradually introduced African 
slavery into those islands. After the English planted colonies 
on the mainland, much of their commerce was with the West 
Indies. Interference with this trade by the British Government 
was one cause of the American Revolution. 

3. North America gave Europe new food products of ines- 
timable value. Chief among them stand the potato and Indian 
corn. Besides these, the cod fisheries of Newfoundland fur- 
nished the poorer classes with inexhaustible supplies of that 
cheap and well-known fish. America also in time supplied 
Europe with such luxuries as cocoa and tobacco. Columbus 
found cotton in the West Indies, and carried back with him 



149a-.] EXPLORING AND COLONIZING AMERICA. 25 

cloth manufactured from it by the natives. Sugar, rice, and 
cotton had long been produced in the East Indies; but their 
high price in Europe made them the luxuries of the rich. Now 
they were discovered growing wild in America. Eventually 
their cultivation in the Southern States made them so cheap 
that they came into general use throughout the civilized world. 

4. But the crowning result of the discovery of America was 
that it widened the intellectual horizon to a degree that no event 
ever had before. Men found that they were living in a grander 
world than they had imagined. New possibilities, new oppor- 
tunities were opened to them. Hope was awakened, enterprise 
stimulated. "If," says Freeman, the eminent English historian, 
" the New World owes its being to the Old World, the Old owes 
to the New the revival and expansion of its being." 

At best the Old World was limited; men knew its bounds 
and its resources. There, progress was beset with difficulty ; 
but no one dared to fix the limits of America or say what marvels 
it contained. Here certainly was room for all, and food for all. 
If in many of its physical aspects — its soil and climate — it 
was Europe repeated, still it was repeated on a colossal scale, 
with vaster forests, wider prairies, loftier mountain ranges, 
grander lakes, and nobler rivers. Unlike Europe, America 
fronts on two oceans; it naturally commands the trade of 
Europe and Africa on the one side, and of Asia and the Indies 
on the other. 

America invited all classes of men to her hospitable shores. 
She seemed to say : Come here and be free, for here is a virgin 
field in which to try not only all experiments in the develop- 
ment of material resources, but in government and in the 
organization of society ; — here, in short, is a New World ; you 
shall make of it what you will.^'' 

■ 35- Summary. — i. In 1492 Columbus, while seeking a 
direct, all-water route to the Indies, discovered the West India 
Islands and opened them to Spanish occupation. The voyages 
of Americus Vespucius suggested the name America for the 



26 THE student's AMERICAN HlsroKV. [l I!>'2-IR00. 

New World. Ey the beginning of the 17th century the 
Spaniards liad discovered Florida, the Mississippi and the 
Pacific, explored parts of the South and West, made a settle- 
ment at St. Augustine. Florida, and taken possession of 
Mexico and New Mexico. 

2. Meanwhile, the French had explored the St. Lawrence and 
made an attempt to get a foothold in the South, but had been 
driven out by the Spaniards. 

3. In 1497 John Cabot first discovered the ^w/Z/V/fV// of North 
America and claimed possession of it for England. In the next 
century Sir \\'alter Raleigh planted English settlements in 
Virginia, but they were soon abandoned. 

4. The close of the sixteenth century left the Spaniards the 
sole possessors of North America. So far as could then be 
seen, Spain, and Spain alone, was destined to control the future 
of the territory which is now the United States. 



PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORY. 

(See, in general, Witisor's "America," II'., i.-xxjr. ; Shaler''s "United States," ami 

" Our ContitieniP) 

The physical geography of the United States has had and must continue to have 
a powerful influence, not only on the health and industry, but on the cliaracter and 
progress of the American people. 

I. The English colonies were planted on rivers or harbors which invited settle- 
ment and favored their commercial intercourse with the mother country, with the 
West Indies, and with each other. (See §§ 39 et seq., and 173, 177, 17S.) 

II. The Appalachian range barred the West against the colonists and confined 
them to a long, narrow strip bordering on the sea. This limitation of soil had im- 
portant effects on the occupations and the exports of the settlers, while it encouraged 
the development of union, political strength, and independence. (See §§ 173, 196.) 

III. The Canadian French, on the other hand, having control of the St. Lawrence 
and the Great Lakes, soon got temporary possession of the Mississippi valley. This 
led to a war which ended by giving the West to the English colonists. (See § 172.) 

IV. The first English-speaking settlements made west of the Alleghanies were 
planted on streams flowing into the Mississippi, — a river system 35,000 miles in 
extent, watering the great central valley of the continent. Later, the steamboat 
made that vast region accessible in all directions. (See §§ 137, 25S.) 

V. After the Colonies secured their independence, the boundaries of the Ameri- 
can Republic were fixed by successive treaties. These boundaries were determined, 
to a great extent, by : i. coast-lines; 2. rivers and lakes; 3. watersheds; 4. moun- 
tain ranges. In 17S3 our possessions bordered upon the Atlantic only; in 1803 tiiey 
touched the Gulf of Mexico; in 1S46 they reached the Pacific. (See "Table of 
Boundaries.'') 

VI. The most pressing question with every rapidly growing people is that of 
food-supply. Some nations of Europe — notably Great Britain — can only feed 
themselves by importing provisions. America is so fortunate in soil, climate, and 
extent of territory, that the people produce not only all the breadstufts and meats 
they require, but they have an immense surplus for exportation. (See §§421, 563.) 

VII. Next in importance to grain and meats are cotton, wool, timber, coal, petro- 
leum, iron, copper, and the precious metals. These products are powerful factors in 
the development of modern civilization, and it is believed that no continent is richer 
in them than our own. (See §§ 143, 406, 437, 563.) 

VIII. While cotton fastened slavery on the South, the abundant water power of 
New England gave the first impulse to American cotton manufacturing. On the 
other hand, the western prairies stimulated agriculture and immigration, and encour- 
aged the building of raikoads, which in twenty years did more to open up the coun- 
try than two centuries had done before. Again, physical geography has influenced 
legislation respecting labor, the tariff, trade, currency, and the building of roads and 
canals; furthermore, it determined decisive military movements in the Revolution, 
(see Washington's retreat across the Delaware, § 212, and Greene's retreat, § 230), 
and the Civil War (see §§ 467, 46S, 4S5-487). 

IX. Experience proves that the physical conditions of the United States favor 
health, vigor, and longevity. Statistics show that in size and weight the American 
people are fully equal, if not, indeed, superior to Europeans, while their average 
length of life appears to be somewhat greater. (See Rhodes's " U. S.," III., "jy, 74.) 

X. The conclusion of eminent scientists is that no part of the globe is better 
suited to the requirements of one of the master-races of the world than the United 
States, and such statesmen as Lincoln and Gladstone have declared their belief tliat 
this country has a natural base for the greatest continuous empire ever established 
by man. (See § 34.) 



III. 

PERMANENT ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 

For A uthorities for this Chapter, see Appendix, page xxiv. The sviall figures 
refer to Notes on A uthorities cited on page xxx of the Appendix. 



THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. - FRENCH EXPLORATION OF THE 

WEST. -WARS WITH THE INDIANS AND WITH THE FRENCH. 

— GENERAL VIEW OF THE COLONIES, i6cx3-i763. 

36. English trading expeditions ; the fisheries ; Virginia 
colonies planned. — Although Raleigh's attempt to plant a 
colony in Virginia had failed, yet the English continued to send 
out occasional fishing and fur-trading expeditions to America. 
By 1600 the British Newfoundland fisheries employed not less 
than ten thousand men and boys.'*^ 

Gosnold (1602) and Weymouth (1605) made voyages to that 
part of Northern Virginia which was later named New England, 
and carried back favorable accounts. Two commercial com- 
panies, known as the London and the Plymouth companies, 
were formed in England to plant permanent colonies in Virginia, 

— a territory then extending from Cape Fear to Halifax.''® 
Several reasons prompted this undertaking: i. The com- 
panies hoped to discover mines of precious metals in Virginia 
or to find a passage to the Pacific and the Indies. 

2. It was believed that colonies in Virginia would draw off a 
restless class of disbanded soldiers and of young men out of work, 

— then numerous in England ; that they would employ many 
idle vessels in carrying out emigrants and freight; that they 
would open new markets for English goods, and finally that 



28 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. 



[1606. 



England would be able to get a cheap and abundant supply of 
ship-timber, tar, and rosin from her American colonies. 

3. Some of the promoters of the enterprise had broader 
views ; they looked beyond material gains, and resolved to 
plant great and growing colonies in Virginia which should 
secure to England a mighty empire in America. 

But the plans of the Companies had opponents. Hume says 
that even in 1606 there were Englishmen who thought it bad 
policy to plant colonies in Virginia, because such settlements 
"after draining the mother-country of inhabitants w'.uld soon 
shake off her yoke and erect an independent govemmcnt:'^'' 



I. Virginia (1607). 






'irginia Charter (1606) ; appeal to that charter 

The charter «« of the London Company gave them power to 
establish settlements in Southern Virginia anywhere between the 
^4ch and 38th degrees of north latitude (that is, between Cape 
rear ai.d tl.e Potomac). To the Plymouth Company the King 
by the same charter granted the territory in Northern Virginia 
between the 41st and 4sth degrees of north latitude (that is, 
between the eastern end of Long Island and the northern 
limit of Nova Scotia). The intervening country (38th to 
41st degrees), embracing what is now Maryland, Delaware, 
New Jersey and a small corner of New York, was open to 
colonization by either Company, but neither was to make a 
settlement within one hundred miles of the other. 

The charter provided : i. That each grant should extend 
one hundred miles inland. 2. That the territory should be free 
of all tax to the King, save a certain reservation (from a fifth to 
a fifteenth) of any valuable metals which might be found. 
3. The King guaranteed to the colonists and their descendants 
the same rights and privileges " as if they had been abiding 
and were born within this our realm of England." *^ 



1606.] 



ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 



29 



This last important concession did not go into effect until 
the establishment of the Virginia Assembly (i6ig) ; later it had 
an unforeseen 
result. On the 
eve of the Rev- 
olution (1765), 
the Virginians 
in justifying 
their resistance 
to the Stamp 
Act appealed to 
this clause of 
the original 
charter. They 
declared that 
the first settlers 
" brought with 
them, and trans- 
mitted to their 
posterity, all the 
privileges . . . 
that have at any 
time been held ... by the people of Great Britain." ^° 

38. Government of the colony ; trial by jury ; religious 
worship ; community of goods. — The colony was to be 
governed by a resident council, under the direction of a 
higher council in England, controlled by the King.^^ 

Trial by jury was to be granted in capital cases, and 
religious worship according to the usage of the Church of 
England was to be established.^^ For the first five years the 
colonists were to deposit "all the fruits of their labor" in the 
Company's storehouse ; but the Company was to supply the 
settlers with food, clothing, and other necessaries. 

39. Settlement of Jamestown (1607) ; instructions to the 
emigrants; Captain John Smith. — In 1607 the London 







Cy 



^ 



J 



/ 



3i 



Grants made in Virginia (by 
charter of 1606) to the 
London and the Ply- 
mouth Companies. 



_7(L 



-34 



30 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN' HISTORY. [ltiOT-1609. 

Company sent out one hundred and five emigrants to Vir- 
ginia. Xo women or children went. Like the California 
pioneers of '49 their object was to find fortunes in the soil of 
the New \\'orld. They took out pickaxes to dig for gold. The 
emigrants had particular orders to search for mines of precious 
metals, and to seek for a passage to the Pacific. 

The colonists landed on the banks of a river which they 
named the James in honor of the King. For a like reason 
they named their settlement Jamestown (1607). Perhaps the 
ablest man in the party was Captain John Smith. He became 
one of the governors of the colonv. and wrote its history. 

Most of the settlers belonged to a class in England who were 
unused to manual labor, and hence wholh' unfit to struggle with 
the hardships of an American wilderness. Sickness carried off 
many, and at one time they came so near starving that it was 
with the greatest difiiculty that the breath of life was kept in the 
colony. A ship-load of glittering earth which tliey sent back 
to London, and which turned out to be not gold but simply 
yellow dirt, completed the disgust of the settlers. 

When Smith became Governor, he laid down the scriptural 
rule that those who would not work should not eat. He 
explored and mapped the country bordering on Chesapeake 
Bay, urged the cultivation of corn, and endeavored by every 
possible means to put the settlement on a self-supporting and 
paying basis. ^ Whether Pocahontas saved Captain Smith's 
life or not. he certainly seems to have saved Virginia. 

40. Provisions of the new charter (1609). — Two years 
after the settlement of Jamestown the King granted the London 
Company (1609) a new charter. It provided : — 

1. That the government of the colony should be placed 
entirely in the hands of the Council in England, who were to 
send out a governor having almost absolute power. 

2. Virginia was now made to extend two hundred miles north 
and the same distance south of Point Comfort ; westward it 
was to run "from sea to sea," — that is, to the Pacific.^* Event- 



lOia-.] KNfil.ISII AND IKI'.NCII SiaTLKMKNTS, 33 

lin^ hiiri to devote ;i ccrlain number of acres to corn. These 
laws were necessary to prevent over-production in the one 
case, and to provide food in the other. 

Economically, politically and socially the cultivation of 
tobacco had results of the highest importance. 

1. it encouraged the immigration of a class of thrifty and 
industrious colonists who saw in Virginia a gold mine which 
they could work with a hoe. 

2. It induced the exportation from I'.ngland of thousands 
of "indented apprentices," wIkj were bound to the planters 
for a number of years. Part of them came voluntarily, part 
were Kidnapped in English ports and shipped to Virginia 
against their will. In a few instances, convicts known as 
"jail birds" were sent over by order of the King. By a 
later Act of Parliament convicts might be sent to any of the 
American colonies, though the greater part seem to have been 
transported to the West Indies.'''' Most of these apprentices 
and their descendants became what were known as " IVjor 
Whites," or " Scrubs." C)ccasionally a remarkable man sprang 
from these people. In modern times "Stonewall" Jackson 
was one, and Abraham Lincoln says that he was another.*" 

3. The demand for cheap and permanent laborers for raising 
tobacco led directly to the introduction (iCkj) of negro slavery. 

4. 'i'he plantations, by scattering the population over large 
areas, checked the growth of towns and of public schools ; but 
they were highly favorable to the creation of a well-to-do and 
high-spirited rural aristocracy who lived on their estates much 
after the fashion of the county aristocracy of England. 

5. I'inally, although tobacco exhausted the soil, and in time 
com])elled the planters to abandon their old farms and take 
new," yet this staple first placed Virginia on a solid financial 
basis, and ensured the success of the colony. 

43. Establishment of the Virginia Assembly ; Virginia 
loses her charter; suffrage; power of the Assembly (1619; ; 
local government. — A majority of the Virginia Company in 



34 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [lt;i9-1624. 

England were members of the Liberal party of that day. In 
their sympathy for popular liberty they resolved to give the 
colonists the power to enact laws so " that they might have a 
hand in governing themselves." ^ 

Acting under orders from the Company, Governor Yeardley 
called on the inhabitants of the eleven boroughs or tow-ns of 
Virginia to elect two representatives from each borough to meet 
with him and his council. In accordance with that summons 
the first American legislature assembled in the church at James- 
town in the summer of 1619. That body had full power to 
make all needful '* general laws," ^'' but no law was to be in 
force unless approved by the Governor and " solemnly rati- 
fied "' by the Virginia Company in England. The meeting of 
that House of Burgesses or Assembly marks the beginning of 
local self-government on the American continent. 

At first all free men had the right to vote for members of the 
Assembly, but later (^1670) it was enacted that in accordance 
with English law and custom none but householders and owners 
of real estate should have '* a voice in the election of any bur- 
gesses in this country." '"'* 

In 162 1 the Company gave the colonists a written constitu- 
tion®^ confirming their right to a legislative Assembly. A little 
later the burgesses enacted (1623) that the Governor should 
not " lay any taxes . . . upon the colony . . . other than by 
the authoritv of the General Assemblv."®" This enactment 
had the effect of making the Assembly the real ruling 
power. 

The stockholders of the Virginia Company fell into disputes, 
and the King took advantage of the fact to annul the charter 
(1624) and make the colony a royal province ; but this change 
did not affect the Assembly. The local government of the 
province was carried on by parish committees, who taxed the 
people for the support of the Episcopal Church and for the 
poor. The counties were governed by officers appointed by the 
royal Governor. These officers levied taxes to build highways 



1619.1 ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 35 

and for other purposes. The general expenses of the province 
were met by taxes levied by the Assembly. 

In time local government throughout the South came to 
resemble that of Virginia, — especially in the county system. 

44. The beginning of African slavery in Virginia (1619). 
— Not long after the meeting of the first American legislature 
an event occurred which John Rolfe, the tobacco planter, thus 
records: "About the last of August (1619) came in a Dutch 
man-of-war that sold us twenty Negars." The purchase of that 
score of kidnapped Africans fastened slavery on Virginia and 
on the United States. No one then thought it any more harm 
to buy a negro than to buy a horse. The laws of Moses were 
believed to sanction traffic in human beings, and the Attorney- 
General of England declared that " negroes being pagans might 
justly be bought and sold." The English sovereigns shared 
in the profits of the trade and encouraged the Virginians to 
buy as many black men as they could pay for. Before the 
American Revolution, every one of the thirteen colonies held 
more or less slaves. But the increase of negroes in Virginia 
was slow, since planters of small means found it cheaper to 
employ the labor of " indented apprentices." Later a statute 
(1662) made slavery hereditary, not only for negroes, but for 
mulattoes, by providing that " all children born in this country 
shall be held bond or free, according to the condition of the 
mother." ^" 

45. Attempts to check the importation of slaves ; growth 
of slavery. — Eventually the Virginians became alarmed at the 
rapid increase of slaves and endeavored to check their importa- 
tion, but the English Parliament refused to allow any restriction 
on so lucrative a trade. George Mason of Virginia declared 
in the Federal Congress that " this infernal traffic originated in 
the avarice of British merchants," and Jefferson, in his first 
draft of the Declaration of Independence, made the King's 
encouragement of the slave-trade one of the reasons which 
justified the colonies in separating from the mother-country.''* 



36 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [ifiOl. 

But although Jeffersou. Washington, and other leading \'ii- 
ginians (^who were themselves slave-holders\ advocated gradual 
emancipation, yet the majority of the planters opposed it. 
After the adoption of the Federal Constitution, and after the 
invention of the cotton-gin made the cultivation of cotton 
enormously profitable, slavery gained a commercial and politi- 
cal importance which made it for more than two generations 
the "central problem of American history." 

46. Importation of women ; results ; Plymouth Colony ; 
the situation. — But though \'irginia was becoming prosperous, 
the colony still lacked one element without which no colony 
could hope to thrive. Very few women had emigrated to 
Jamestown. The Virginia Company resolved to remedy the 
deficiency and sent (162 i) ninety "young and handsome maids 
to be disposed in marriage to the most honest and industrious 
planters . . . who are to defray the charge of their passage." '""' 
The charge was from 120 to 150 pounds of the best leaf 
tobacco. Never was that plant put to better use. 

When the women came, homes began in this part of the New 
World. Husband, wife, children. — these t4areefold bonds made 
the little Virginian commonwealth sure of its future. 

Five hundred miles to the northeast a band of Pilgrims had 
recently (1620) planted a second English colony. They brought 
their families with them, — they too had homes. The children 
born in these two settlements, at Plymouth Rock and on the 
James River, would call this country, and not England, their 
native land ; in that way America would come to be a sacred 
name, and mean what it had never meant before. 

Here then was the situation in 1621 : In Florida a few 
hundred Spaniards held a fort (St. Augustine) on the coast ; at 
Quebec a small number of French Catholics, who had gone 
there in 1608, held another fort ; on the Hudson River a thrifty 
colony of Dutch traders had established themselves since 1614. 

In New England and Virginia there were two little settle- 
ments of English people. Of these four rival colonies the 



1632-.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 37 

English homes alone were the abodes of men who made their 
own local laws and levied their own taxes. In that fact may be 
seen the germ of American independence. 

47. Virginia loses part of her territory ; civil war in Eng- 
land ; cavaliers ; loyalty of Virginia. — After Virginia lost 
her charter (§ 43) she also lost part of her territory through 
the King's grant (1632) of Maryland on the north and (1663) 
of the Carolinas on the south. 

Shortly after Charles I. appointed Sir William Berkeley Gover- 
nor of Virginia (1642), civil war broke out in England ; the 
Puritan party suppressed the established Church of England 
for a time, and set up a short-lived republic. 

Though the people of Virginia were divided in their political 
and religious opinions, yet the ruling element staunchly upheld 
the Church and the Crown. The Assembly enacted (1643) 
that " all non-coiiformists (that is, persons who would not attend 
the service of the Episcopal Church) should, when notified, be 
compelled to depart out of the colony." "^ Again, when Charles 
I. was beheaded (1649) the Assembly declared his executioners 
traitors, and threatened death to those who should defend them.®^ 

But in the end Virginia found it policy to submit to the 
authority of the English Republic. Governor Berkeley retired 
from ofifice, but gave princely receptions to the Cavaliers or 
" King's Men," who had fought for Charles I. and who now 
fled to Virginia. Among those who came were the ancestors 
of the illustrious families of the Washingtons and the Lees.^ 

Great was the rejoicing in the "Old Dominion" when (1660) 
monarchy was restored in England, and " the King came back 
to his own again." Governor Berkeley again put on his silk 
robe of office, and the Assembly begged the pardon of 
Charles II. for having yielded for a time to the "execrable 
power that so bloodily massacred the late King Charles the 
First of blessed and glorious memory." *^ 

48. Navigation laws and other commercial restrictions. — 
Under Cromwell the English Parliament enacted navigation laws 



38 THK STUDENTS AMERICAN HISTORY. [1060-1673. 

which forbade the importation into England of any proilucts or 
goods not brought in British vessels. The object of those laws 
was to strike a blow at the Dutch, who had the control of the 
carrying trade of the world, and to secure a large part of the 
commerce to English shipowners. Charles II. (1660) signed a 
bill which made the navigation laws far more stringent. In 
their revised form they forbade the Virginians exporting their 
tobacco — their only really profitable product — to any country 
except Great Britain and her dependencies. A few years later 
(1663) a new statute prohibited the colonists from purchasing 
manufactured goods from any country but England. Finally, 
this restrictive legislation reached its climax in the enactment 
of a third law (1673) which prohibited the colonies from 
trading with each other in any article of importance. ^"^ 

These laws were intended to protect the interests of the 
mother-country. They made it possible for English merchants 
to fix the price at which the Virginia and other colonial planters 
must sell their produce, and secondly to determine the price 
which the colonists must pay for whatever they imported. The 
Virginians would have been badly off indeed if they had not 
managed to smuggle their tobacco out in Dutch vessels and 
to smuggle European goods in. 

49. Charles II. grants Virginia to two of his favorites. — 
We have seen (§ 47) that the English sovereigns had carved huge 
slices out of A'irginia, both on the north and the south. The 
people were dismayed at the loss, but congratulated themselves 
that the King had not taken all. when by a sudden act (1673) 
Charles did take all. That monarch had two rapacious favor- 
ites, the Earl of Arlington and Lord Culpepper ; both wished to 
fill their pockets at the expense of the New World. Charles took 
pity on them and granted " that entire tract of land and water 
commonly called ^'irginia "' to have and to hold for thirty-one 
years. He empowered these two noblemen to collect all land- 
rents and receive all revenues; and though they could not 
actually dispossess any settler who held his estate by a clear 



I 



1675.1 ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 39 

title, they could compel him to prove his title. These powers 
made Arlington and Culpepper the owners and masters of the 
whole commonwealth of Virginia. 

50. The <* Perpetual Legislature"; the parish commit- 
tees ; taxes ; war with the Indians. — To add to the miseries 
of the colonists, no general election had been held since Gov- 
ernor Berkeley's restoration to office — a period of thirteen 
years. Such a state of things virtually deprived the colo- 
nists of representation in the Assembly. Furthermore, the 
vestries or church committees, which had the control of 
the affairs of each parish, had gradually become self-elective 
bodies or close corporations. This change deprived the 
majority of the parishioners of any voice in the management 
of local interests. Meanwhile the "Perpetual Legislature," as 
it might well be named, demanded heavy taxes to keep up the 
forts, and called on the planters for large levies of tobacco in 
order to raise a fund to buy out the claims of Arlington and 
Culpepper. 

Just at this critical period (1675) the Indians on the frontier 
rose against the settlers. King Philip's war was raging in 
Massachusetts and the planters had good reason to fear that 
the hideous atrocities committed by the savages in New Eng- 
land would soon be repeated in Virginia. Governor Berkeley 
took no decided measures to protect the colonists, and it was 
whispered that the profits he derived from trade with the In- 
dians made him unwilling to act. 

51. Bacon and the Indians; the '< Bacon Rebellion." — 
At this juncture Nathaniel Bacon, a wealthy young planter, and 
a member of the Governor's council, asked for a commission to 
raise volunteers to defend the colony. ■ The Governor refused 
his request. Bacon, whose plantation had been attacked by 
the Indians, raised a body of men on his own responsibility 
and marched against the savages. Berkeley denounced him as 
a traitor. Meanwhile the settlers in the lower counties sym- 
pathized with the young planter's energetic action. They rose 



40 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1676-. 

in arms and compelled the election (1676) of a new Assembly, — 
the first that had been chosen for sixteen years. Bacon was 
elected a member. This Assembly broke up the close parish 
committees, re-granted to the freemen of each parish the 
right to manage its affairs, and repealed the law (§ 43) which 
limited the right of suffrage to freeholders and householders. 

Governor Berkeley, yielding to the pressure brought by the 
people, not only pardoned Bacon, but promised him a commis- 
sion to raise volunteers. The Governor did not keep his word, 
and Bacon, suspecting treachery, secretly left Jamestown and 
soon afterward reappeared at the head of five hundred men. 
Berkeley then gave him the commission he demanded, but 
shortly after proclaimed him a "rebel." This brought on civil 
war. Jamestown was besieged ; the Governor tied, and the 
town was burned to the ground. A crumbling heap of ruins 
shows where the first American settlement stood ; the capital 
of Virginia was removed (1690) to Williamsburg. 

The leader of the rebellion suddenly died, the movement 
collapsed and the reforms with it. The " Bacon Laws," includ- 
ing freedom of suffrage, were repealed, and soon everything was 
back in the old ruts. Berkeley showed so little mercy in dealing 
with the Bacon party that even Charles II. said in disgust : 
" That old fool has hanged more men in that naked country 
than I did (in England) for the murder of my father." '^ 

But Bacon's movement of reform perished only in appearance. 
From Berkeley's time onward we mark a rising spirit of resist- 
ance to arbitrary rule. When Governor Spotswood (17 10-17 22) 
insisted on settling clergymen for life over the parishes, the 
people refused to settle a minister for more than a year. They 
claimed that since they were taxed to pay for preaching they 
had the right to choose the preacher. In the end the people 
gained the day, and the lordly Spotswood retired discomfited 
from the field. 

Governor Dinwiddle (i 752-1 758) found the people just as 
stubborn on another point. He asked for contributions to fight 



1752-1775.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 4I 

the French and Indians on the western frontier, but the As- 
sembly refused to vote them unless he would give up the exac- 
tion of illegal land-fees. Worn out with the long contest, the 
Governor wrote to a friend that the Virginians were " too much 
in a republican way of thinking." " Naturally the aristocratic 
planters of the " Old Dominion " stood squarely by Church and 
King, but none the less they were fully resolved to contest to 
the death any serious infringement of their rights. Edmund 
Burke believed that the ownership of slaves made the Vir- 
ginians "proud and jealous of their liberty." In his famous 
speech on "Conciliation " (1775) he said: "In such a people 
the haughtiness of domination combines with the spirit of 
freedom, fortifies it and renders it invincible." 

52. The spirit of independence in Virginia ; the warrior- 
preacher ; the Continental Congress. — But this spirit of 
freedom was not confined in any way to one class or section 
of Virginia. Late in the colonial period an industrious and 
thrifty population of Germans, Swedes, and Scotch-Irish — or 
emigrants of Scottish origin who came from the north of Ireland 
— settled in the beautiful Shenandoah Valley. They were a 
God-fearing and liberty-loving people, too poor to own slaves, 
and so earning their daily bread by the sweat of their brows. 
From them sprang a class of men who made their influence felt 
in the Revolution and in the Civil War. 

The Reverend John Muhlenberg, a clergyman of that section, 
voiced the feelings of the hardy patriots of the stirring days of 
1775. At the close of a fervent discourse he said : " Brethren, 
there is a time for all things- — a time to preach and a time to 
pray ; but there is also a time to fight, and that time has now 
come ! " Then throwing off his gown, he stood before his 
congregation a girded warrior, and coming down from the pulpit 
commanded the drummers at the church door to beat for 
recruits. Nearly three hundred of the congregation entered 
the ranks. It was the spirit of the " Bacon Rebellion " revived 
and intensified. This time it was not to be quelled. 



42 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [l776. 

The next year — just a hundred years to a day from the time 
the " Bacon Assembly " had met at Jamestown — another 
assembly, the "Continental Congress," met at Philadelphia. 
On motion by a delegate from Virginia they voted the adoption 
of the Declaration of Independence which Jefferson wrote and 
which Washington drew his sword to defend. 

53. Summary. — Jamestown, Virginia (1607), was the first 
permanent English settlement made in the New World. There 
(16 19) the first American legislature was convened ; the same 
year saw the introduction of negro slaves. Tobacco was the 
great staple which built up the commerce of the colony, though 
that commerce was seriously hampered (1660) by the English 
Navigation Laws. Virginia was strongly Royalist, but it was 
also determined to resist oppression. There was a period of 
bad government, and Bacon (1676) began a movement of 
reform which was temporarily successful. Later (1775) the 
spirit of independence made the " Old Dominion " a leading 
colony in the Revolution. 



IL New Netherland or New York (1614). 

54. New Netherland, or New York (1614) ; Henry Hud- 
son's search for a passage to the Indies ; the " River of the 
Mountains."- — In 1609 the Dutch East India Company — 
England's great commercial rival — sent out Captain Henry 
Hudson to discover a passage through America to the Indies. 
While exploring the coast he entered that noble stream which 
he called the " River of the Mountains," but which now bears 
the name of its explorer. Passing up the river, Hudson, first 
of white men who sailed on its waters, reached the point where 
Albany now stands. Shallow water forced him to 'reluctantly 
turn back. He was delighted with the country. " It is as 
beautiful a land," said he, " as the foot of man ever trod 
upon." " After a short stay he returned to Europe. 



1614-1626.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 



43 



55. The Dutch build fur-trading stations (1614) on the 
Hudson River. — The Dutch at once (i6io) sent out an expe- 
dition t6 open fur-traffic with the Indians. Soon afterward 
(1614) they built a few log cabins on the southern portion of 
Manhattan Island, and erected Fort Nassau just below the 
present site of Albany. 

Fort Nassau was practically at the head of ship navigation 
on the Hudson. It also stood at the eastern terminus of the 
great central Indian trail running to Lake Erie. Such a station 
was admirably located for carrying on the fur 
trade with the Iroquois. On the other hand, 
the post on Manhattan Island would control 
the entrance to the river, and thus give the 
Dutch a monopoly of one of the most important 
water-ways on the eastern coast of America. 

56. A trading company formed; coloniza- 
tion; purchase of Manhattan Island (1626). 
— In the autumn of the same year (16 14) the 
Dutch Republic of the United Netherlands 
granted a charter ''* to a commercial corporation 
giving it the exclusive right to trade with the 
country called " New Netherland." The terri- 
tory bearing that name embraced not only the 
valley of the Hudson, but the entire region be- 
tween Virginia and Canada. The object of 
the Company was not to plant colonies, but to 
engage in traffic with the natives. But some 
years later (162 1) a new corporation, the Dutch 
West India Company, obtained a charter giving 
them all the rights originally possessed by the 
first Company and the privilege of sending over w^ New Amsterdam, 
colonists besides. They soon (1623) shipped a number of Wal- 
loons, or Belgian Protestants, to New Netherland. Part of the 
emigrants landed on Manhattan Island, but most of them went 
up the river and helped to build Fort Orange — now Albany. 






W- 



44 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1626-1629. 

In 1626 the Company sent out Peter Minuit as governor; 
before the close of the year he purchased the Island of Man- 
hattan from the Indians for "the value of sixty guilders," or 
about ^24.00. The town of thirty houses on the Island now 
received the name of New Amsterdam. 

57. Establishment of the patroon system. — A few years 
later (1629) the Company established the patroon system, in the 
hope of thereby promoting the rapid settlement of the colony. 
The patroon stood in the place of the old feudal lord ; under 
him the colonist played the part of serf or semi-slave. 

The following were the privileges of the master : Every 
member of the Company who bound himself to take or send 
over at least fifty emigrants over fifteen years of age was to 
receive the honorary title of " Patroon [or Patron] of New 
Netherland." i. He was entitled to hold an estate having 
sixteen miles frontage on "one side of a navigable river, or 
eight miles on each side," and extending as far into the country 
" as the situations of the occupiers will permit." 2. As lord of 
the manor, he was empowered to hold civil and criminal 
courts on his estate, and from his decisions as judge there was 
practically no appeal." 3. He had the right to appoint officers 
and magistrates in all cities and towns founded on his lands. 
This, of course, gave him almost entire control of such places, 
since the inhabitants had no voice in the elections. 4. He held 
his estate " as a perpetual inheritance," and by handing it down 
in the line of the eldest son could keep his vast property undi- 
vided in his family forever. 

On the other hand, all emigrants taken or sent out to New 
Netherland by a patroon were held as follows : i. They bound 
themselves to serve him for a term of years (like the indented 
apprentice of Virginia planters). 2, They agreed to grind 
their grain in his mill and to pay for the grinding. 3. They 
were not to hunt or fish without their master's permission. 
4. They pledged themselves not to weave any cloth for 
themselves or others, but to buy it from the Company, on 



1629-1643.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 45 

pain of being severely punished and banislied from New 
Netherland. 

The master and his laborer were to " find means for support- 
ing a minister and a schoolmaster and a comforter of the sick." 
No patroon was permitted by the Company to engage in the 
fur trade except at certain designated trading posts ; he was also 
to pay an export duty on all skins sent out of the colony. 

58. The Van Rens'^elaer and other estates ; how the 
patroons lived. — Under this cumbrous system the most 
important points on the Delaware and Hudson (Manhattan 
Island excepted) were taken by the patroons. The most noted 
of them was Kiliaen Van Rensselaer. He obtained a grant 
which embraced the greater part of what are now Albany, 
Van Rensselaer, and Columbia counties, on the Hudson. 
This princely estate covered more than a thousand square 
miles, and extended for twenty-four miles along the river. 

He and his brother capitalists on the Hudson lived in the 
midst of their tenants like the feudal barons in their castles on 
the Rhine. They collected their rents, held their courts, and 
at one time levied tolls on all vessels passing their estates. The 
Van Rensselaers, Van Cortlandts, Livingstons, Schuylers and 
other wealthy families built elegant mansions on Manhattan 
Island, or vicinity. In the summer they went to their country 
places, in winter they returned to their homes on the Island. 
Like the Virginia planters they had their retinue of black 
servants in livery (for negro slavery was permitted in New 
Netherland). With the Virginians, these wealthy Dutch proprie- 
tors constituted the chief landed aristocracy of America. 

59. The Dutch on the Connecticut ; New Amsterdam in 
1643 ; free trade and cheap lands. — Not satisfied with hold- 
ing the Delaware and Hudson the Dutch endeavored to estab- 
lish settlements on the Connecticut. They first explored that 
noble river, and opened trade with the Indians on its banks ; 
and on land which they purchased of the Pequots they built 
a small fort (1633) where the city of Hartford now stands. 



46 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1643-1647. 

Ten years later (1643) a French Jesuit priest visited New 
Amsterdam on Manhattan Island. He describes the town as 
having a population of four or five hundred persons composed 
"of different sects and nations."'''' This fact shows that the 
germ of the great city which now stands at the mouth of the 
Hudson was even then assuming that many-sided, cosmopolitan 
character which it has ever since retained. The West India 
Company had been mindful of the demands of education and 
had established (1633) ^ good school in New Amsterdam. It 
still flourishes under the name of the "School of the Col- 
legiate Reformed Church," and is the oldest institution of 
learning in the United States (§ 93), 

But the colony did not grow. The patroon system kept the 
better class of emigrants away, and there was no freedom of 
trade. Most of the early governors were rapacious or inef- 
ficient, and cared nothing for the best interests of New Nether- 
land. At length the government in Holland resolved to throw 
open the trade of the colony, and to grant lands on easy terms 
to all comers. These measures had the desired effect, and emi- 
gration to the Dutch colony on the Hudson began in earnest. '''' 

60, Peter Stuyvesant ; the people demand a share in the 
government; the **Nine Men"; attempted reforms. — A 
few years later (1647) Peter Stuyvesant, the last of the Dutch 
governors, came into power. He found no small political dis^ 
content among the colonists. Most of them had come from 
the Dutch Republic of Holland only to find less liberty in the 
New World than they had enjoyed in the Old. While the 
English colonists east and south of them made their own 
local laws, the settlers on the Hudson were under the control 
of a commercial company,* whose prime object was to pay 
large dividends to its stockholders. Governor Stuyvesant had 
no faith in democracy, but he could not resist the demands of 
the colonists for a share in the government. The people were 
accordingly permitted (1647) to elect eighteen counsellors, 
from whom the Governor chose " Nine Men " to assist him. 



1647-1657.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 47 

The " Nine Men " did excellent work. They protested 
against the heavy taxes and the enormous export duties 
imposed by the West India Company. They also called 
attention to the fact that the port charges were so exorbi- 
tant that trade was kept away. Stuyvesant answered that it 
was no fault of his if he had to serve greedy and tyrannical 
masters. Then the " Nine Men " petitioned the home Govern- 
ment to take the management of the colony out of the Com- 
pany's hands, to take off all restrictions on trade, to send over 
emigrants free, to clearly define the boundaries of New Nether- 
land, so as to avoid disputes with the English colonists, and 
finally to grant to the Dutch settlers a Representative Assembly 
such as their countrymen enjoyed in Holland. To prevent 
trouble the West India Company grudgingly granted a larger 
measure of political liberty than the colonists had yet possessed. 
The better class of citizens in New Amsterdam were permitted 
to elect a body of magistrates " as much as possible according 
to the customs" of the city of Amsterdam in Holland. But 
when the day of election arrived, the imperious Stuyvesant 
quietly appointed all the ofiicers himself. 

6i. Religious intolerance; treatment of Quakers. — In 
matters of religion Stuyvesant was as arbitrary as he was in 
politics. He refused to permit any congregations to worship 
openly except those of the Dutch Reformed Church ■ — the 
established Protestant Church of Holland. He ordered (1656) 
that any one preaching without a license should be condemned 
to pay a fine of one hundred pounds, while each hearer was to 
pay a fine of twenty-five. The Company felt that this was 
pushing matters too far, since private dissenting worship was 
tolerated in Holland. They rebuked the Governor and ordered 
him to grant all citizens " the free exercise of their religion 
within their own homes." ''^ 

The next year (1657) one of that "Society of Friends," 
which the Massachusetts authorities called the "cursed sect 
of Quakers " (§ 96), came to New Amsterdam. The Governor 



48 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1664. 

was furious. After repeated scourgings and solitary imprison- 
ment in the dungeon of the fort, the Quaker was finally driven 
out of the province. Later the Governor issued a proclama- 
tion prohibiting the public exercise of any religion but that of 
the Dutch Reformed Church '-in houses, barns, woods, ships, 
or fields." For a third offence against this law the offender 
was to be flogged. 

The Company again rebuked Stuyvesant's misdirected zeal. 
This time the hot-headed Governor obeyed orders, and persecu- 
tion ceased. 

62. England claims New Netherland, takes it (1664), and 
re-names it New York. — But the end of Stuyvesant's adminis- 
tration and of Dutch rule in New Netherland was at hand. 
England claimed the colony by virtue of Cabot's discovery 
(§ 11). The English had two powerful reasons for insisting 
on this claim. In the first place the British Government lost 
about ;!{J"i 0,000 a year in custom duties through the Dutch 
smugglers who secretly carried Virginia tobacco to Holland. 

But the chief reason why England was determined to possess 
New Netherland was that the King was resolved to have a 
strong, united, and compact line of colonies on the Atlantic 
coast. This was impossible so long as the Dutch held the 
Hudson, since a glance at the map shows that New Netherland 
was a geographical wedge separating New England from the 
English colonies on the south. 

Although England and Holland were then at peace, Charles H., 
assuming that the country on the Hudson was rightfully his, 
quietly made over the whole of it to his brother James, Duke 
of York and Albany. James at once sent over a fleet under 
Colonel NicoUs to seize the prize. Nicolls (1664) demanded 
the surrender of New Amsterdam. Stuyvesant replied : " I 
would rather be carried out dead than give up the fort." But 
the people were weary of the rule of the West India Company 
and were willing to accept the liberal terms promised by the 
English. The high-spirited Governor could not help himself, 



1683-1685.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 49 

and so sorrowfully surrendered. The Dutch flag was hauled 
down and the red cross of England rose triumphantly in its 
place. In honor of its ducal owner, New Netherland was now 
christened New York, Fort Orange became Albany, and New 
Amsterdam took the title of New York City.™ 

63. The Duke's Laws; the Duke grants a ''Charter of 
Liberties" (1683) ; repeals it (1685). — Colonel NicoUs pre- 
pared a code known as the "Duke's Laws," which established : 
(i) equal taxation ; (2) trial by jury ; (3) the obligation of 
military duty ; (4) freedom of religion to all Christians. 

Later (1683) Colonel Thomas Dongan, an Irish Catholic, 
who was then Governor of New York, wrote to the Duke of 
York: "The people generally cry out for an Assembly." 
The Duke reluctantly granted the colony (1683) a Charter 
of Liberties. This provided : i. That every freeholder should 
have the right to vote for representatives to an Assembly, 
whose laws (made by the Governor's Council and Assembly 
jointly) should be subject to the Duke's approval. 2. No taxes 
were to be levied, except by consent of the Assembly. 3. 
Entire freedom of religion was guaranteed to all peaceable 
persons who should profess any recognized form of Christian 
faith.^" 

Two years later (1685) the Duke became King of England 
with the title James IL It was at the time when his friend 
and ally, Louis XIV. of France, was creating "a world-wide 
religious panic " by driving all Protestants out of France. 
Thousands of distressed and destitute Huguenots fled to 
England and to the English colonies in America. Wherever 
they settled they roused the fear and hatred of the colonists 
against the French monarch. James hated free institutions ; 
as for legislatures, he said he "could see no use for them." 
He at once wrote to Governor Dongan : " Our will and pleasure 
is that the charter be forthwith repealed." Thus early in its 
career the New York Assembly found the truth of the Psalmist's 
advice : " Put not your trust in princes." The King's mandate 



50 



THK STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORV 



[los:)- ici'e. 



suppressed the Assembly and reduced the colony to the con- 
dition of a conquered province. To prevent the open expression 
of discontent the people were forbidden to have a printing- 
press. On the other hand, James II., as a Catholic, keenly felt 
the severity of the English laws against members of that Church, 
and he now granted entire liberty throughout the colony "to 
all persons of what religion soever." *^ 

64. Dongan's treaty with the Iroquois ; Sir Edmund 
Andros. — Governor Dongan saw that the Iroquois or " Five 
Nations " formed the real bulwark of New York against the 
hostile designs of the French in Canada. He succeeded in 
securing the friendship of the most important tribes. The 
Iroquois chiefs said to him : " We will fight the French as long 
as we have a man left." Most of the Mohawks kept their 
word, but Louis XIV. entrapped the rest of the "Five Na- 
tions " into a treaty of neutrality. Governor Dongan never 

grew slack in his defence of the 
colony ; after he retired from office 
he mortgaged his farm to raise 
money to equip the expedition 
sent (1690) against Canada. 

In 1686 James consolidated the 
provinces of New York, New Jersey 
and New England under the name 
of the Dominion of New England 
and made. Sir Edmund Andros 
governor-general of the province 
with his headquarters at Boston. The consolidation brought 
these colonies more directly under the King's control and by 
putting Andros in command made it easier to repel the designs 
of the French. Speaking of the new province, James said : " I 
will make it a tower of iron." ^' 

65. Revolution in England; Louis XIV. declares war 
against England and her colonies ; excitement in 'Boston. 
— But the reign of James was near its close. It was quite 




1689.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 5 1 

generally believed in England that the King intended to over- 
throw the Protestant religion and the constitutional rights of 
the nation by force of arms. William, Prince of Orange, James's 
son-in-law and head of the Dutch Republic, was invited by a 
number of leading men of both political parties to come with 
an army to the defence of English liberty. He did so, and 
James fled to France (1689). Louis XIV. then declared war 
against England and her American colonies. When the news 
reached Boston, the citizens rose and threw Andros, James's 
representative, into prison.^ 

In the city of New York a story was started that Nicholson, 
the deputy-governor, was plotting to burn the town and mas- 
sacre all Protestants. What made this report more absurd 
was the fact that there were hardly any Catholics at that time 
in New York, while the Dutch and English Protestant popula- 
tion numbered about three thousand. 

66. Frontenac prepares to attack New York; Jacob Leis- 
ler seizes the fort and is chosen Governor. — The danger of 
invasion from Canada was imminent. Frontenac, the French 
Governor of Quebec, was preparing to attack the colony both 
by land and sea. Louis XIV. had sent him secret orders to 
seize New York, and either drive the people into the wilderness 
to starve, or imprison them at hard labor. This order did not 
except Catholics even, unless they should submit and swear 
allegiance to the King of France.^'* 

William of Orange had now become King of England, but as 
Governor Nicholson of New York had not received official 
notification of the fact, he still considered James II. as the 
true sovereign and declined to proclaim William as his suc- 
cessor. For this reason Jacob Leisler, captain of a company 
of New York militia, denounced the Governor as a " Papist." 
The captain had seen something of the sufferings of the fugi- 
tive Huguenots, and hated the name of Catholic as bitterly 
and blindly as Louis XIV. hated that of Protestant. Suddenly 
the report came that a French fleet was on its way up the 



52 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1689-1690. 

harbor. The city was thrown into a panic, and Leisler, 
heading a band of citizens, seized the fort, declaring that he 
would hold it until King William should send a Protestant to 
demand it.®^ 

Shortly after this Nicholson sailed for England, and an 
Assembly, partially representing the colony, created Leisler 
governor. The property holders and conservative citizens 
were opposed to him, but the masses gave him their hearty 
support. For nearly two years (i 689-1 691) he ruled New 
York as absolutely as Louis XIV. ruled France.**® 

67. The French Canadians burn Schenectady ; Leisler 
calls the first American Congress; execution of Leisler. — 
Frontenac now (1690) secretly sent a force of French and Indians 
from Canada to attack Albany. They did not dare assail that 
place, but burned Schenectady, then the most western town 
in New York, and massacred most of the inhabitants. In 
this emergency Leisler took prompt action. He called a 
Colonial Congress to meet (1690) in the city of New York. 
To this Congress, the first in America, Massachusetts, Ply- 
mouth, and Connecticut sent delegates to confer with those of 
New York. It was resolved to raise an army to invade Canada. 

Meanwhile King William had appointed Colonel Sloughter 
Governor of New York. In the autumn of 1690 an English 
captain arrived who claimed to represent him, and demanded 
the keys of the fort. As the captain failed to produce any 
authority for making the demand, Leisler refused to give up 
the keys. Fighting ensued and several persons were killed on 
each side. The next spring the new Governor came, and the 
fort was promptly given up to him. Sloughter at once arrested 
Leisler and his son-in-law Milbourne, on a charge of murder 
and high treason. They were tried, convicted, and hanged. 
For many years afterward New York was divided into two 
intensely bitter factions, — the Leislerites and the Anti-Leisler- 
ites. The former represented the mass of the people, the latter 
the wealthier and more influential citizens. The Leislerites 



1696-1732.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 53 

looked upon their dead leader as a martyr in the cause of 
liberty ; their opponents denounced him as a demagogue, a 
fanatic, and a usurper,'^'*' 

68. Severe treatment of Catholics. — Governor Sloughter, 
acting under instructions from King William (1689), restored 
the Assembly (§ 63) and granted " liberty of conscience " to 
all persons except Catholics. Some years later (1696) a plot 
was hatched in France for assassinating King William and 
restoring James II. to the English throne. The news of this 
conspiracy excited great alarm in the province of New York. 
The colonists believed that the Canadian French were again 
preparing to attack the settlements on the Hudson River, and 
that the Catholics of New York would take sides with the 
French, since they both held the same faith. In consequence 
of this alarm the Governor of New York commanded that all 
persons not Protestants should be disarmed. The Assembly 
(1700) ordered priests to leave the colony, under penalty of 
imprisonment for life.**^ The next year (1701) the Assembly 
deprived Catholic laymen of the right to vote. Meanwhile 
William had restored the Charter of Liberties (§ 63), but with 
the omission of the toleration clause which had granted freedom 
of worship ; *'•' hence the new form of charter virtually confirmed 
the action of the Assembly against the Catholics.* Six years 
later (1697) William annulled the Charter of Liberties on the 
ground that it gave too much power to the people ; ®^ he also 
greatly extended the authority of the royal Governor. 

69. The Zenger case ; freedom of the press established. 
— In 1732 a case came before the Supreme Court of New 
York which had a most important bearing on the question of 
popular rights. Governor Cosby, an avaricious and unscrupu- 
lous ruler, brought a suit in that court to obtain a sum of money ; 
the court decided the case against him. In his rage the Gov- 
ernor removed the chief-justice and appointed a new judge. 

The colonists generally strongly opposed the change. They 
believed that if a judge could be removed at pleasure there 



54 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1733. 

would be small hope of getting justice from the courts. But 
the people protested in vain, for the Assembly, which was wholly 
under royalist influence, defended Cosby, and the only news- 
paper then printed in the colony did the same. 

At this juncture Peter Zenger, a German printer, boldly came 
out (1733) with the first number of an opposition paper — the 
" New York Weekly Journal " — devoted to the defence of the 
rights of the people. The " Journal " did not hesitate to attack 
the Governor in the most high-handed way. It not only fired 
broadsides of editorials at his administration but assaulted 
him personally with showers of stinging jibes and satirical 
ballads.**^ 

The sheriff seized the offending paper and burned it. Shortly 
afterward the publisher of it was arrested thrown into prison 
and accused of "false, malicious, seditious, and scandalous 
libel." When the case came up for trial the venerable Andrew 
Hamilton of Philadelphia — • the foremost lawyer of his day — 
volunteered to defend Zenger. Hamilton offered to prove the 
truth of the charges which his client had made. The judge 
refused to hear him, on the ground that the English law 
declared "the greater the truth the greater the libel." ^^ 

Hamilton then devoted his whole attention to the jury. He 
insisted that they should decide both the fact and the law of 
the case. His eloquent defence of the freedom of the press, 
and the wit, sarcasm, and skill with which he attacked the 
Governor completely won over the jury. They brought in a 
verdict of "Not Guilty." The verdict was hailed with shouts 
of applause ; the fact that the letter of the law was really 
against Zenger only made his friends shout the louder. 

The decision of this case established the liberty of the press 
in New York to criticise the acts of the Government, and it 
encouraged other colonies to maintain the same liberty. That 
freedom, though liable to gross abuse, has nevertheless in many 
cases proved itself a safeguard of the rights of the people 
against the encroachments of arbitrary power.'^ 



1739-.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 55 

70. The Governor vs. the Assembly ; the Assembly limits 
its money appropriations. — The joy shown at Zenger's 
acquittal revealed the determined spirit of resistance which 
existed against the oppressive use of authority. That spirit 
soon manifested itself in another form. The Governor of New 
York regarded the Assembly mainly as a valuable labor-saving 
machine for collecting taxes — of which he pocketed a goodly 
share as salary for his services. Virtually he said to the repre- 
sentatives of the people : " Your business is to raise whatever 
money I demand ; mine is to spend it as I see fit." The 
Assembly resented this attitude and (1736) refused to grant 
more money annually than should be required to meet the 
necessary expenses of the year. Later (1739), they voted to 
limit all appropriations to specified purposes. They were 
determined to know just how the Governor spent every shilling. 
Naturally he resented this action. The result was that from 
this time an almost incessant battle was waged between the 
titled representatives of royalty on the one hand and the tax- 
payers on the other. The contest was not confined to New 
York, but was carried on in all the colonies in which the 
governors were not chosen by the people. It grew more and 
more bitter and became in considerable measure, one of the 
causes of the Revolution. 

71. Summary. — In 1609 Henry Hudson discovered the 
river which now bears his name. The Dutch took possession 
of the country, named it New Netherland, founded the city of 
New Amsterdam on Manhattan Island, and established the 
patroon system of colonization. In 1664 the English, under 
the Duke of York, seized New Netherland and named it New 
York. The people were given representation, and for a time 
religious liberty prevailed, but later, fear of French invasion 
led to the enactment of severe laws against the Catholics. 
Jacob Leisler seized the fort of New York in order to defend 
the colony against the French; later, Peter Zenger came forward 
as the successful champion of freedom of the press. The con- 



56 



THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1617-1664. 



stant disputes between the people and the royal Governors over 
money appropriations became one cause of the Revolution, 



III. New Jersey (1617). 

72. New Jersey (1617) ; The Dutch claim the country 
between the Hudson and the Delaware ; the English King 
grants the land to the Duke of York ; the name New Jersey. 

— The Dutch, after opening the fur trade with the Indians on 
the Hudson, crossed over from Manhattan Island and built a 
fort at Bergen (16 17) on the west bank of the river. Later 

(1623), they built a fort on the Dela- 
ware nearly opposite the present site 
of Philadelphia, and claimed the terri- 
tory between these two forts as part of 
their province of New Netherland.^^ 

The English denied the validity of 
the Dutch claims and insisted that the 
discovery of the North American con- 
tinent by Cabot gave them the right 
to the mainland as far south as the 
Spanish settlements in Florida."'' In 
accordance with this theory Charles II. 
included this region in a grant which 
he made (1664) to his brother James, Duke of York. The 
Duke sold (1664) the portion between the Hudson and the 
Delaware to Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret.^" 

Carteret had been governor of the island of Jersey, and 
during the English Civil War had made a most determined stand 
for King Charles I., the Duke of York's father. In honor of his 
loyalty the Duke gave the colony the name of New Jersey. 
It was the first English province, except Maryland, which had 
a definite, natural, western boundary — namely the Delaware 
River. 




1665-1677.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 57 

73. Elizabethtown founded (1665); grant of a liberal 
constitution ; dispute about land rents. — Philip Carteret, a 
nephew of Sir George, went out as governor to New Jersey 
(1664) with a company of emigrants. They named their place 
of settlement (1665) Elizabethtown, out of regard for Lady 
Elizabeth, wife of Sir George Carteret. 

The proprietors of New Jersey granted the colonists a con- 
stitution which conferred the power of taxation and of law- 
making on a legislature of which the Assembly, or Lower 
House, was chosen directly by the people.®^ Liberty of con- 
science was granted to all peaceable persons. ^^ 

Berkeley and Carteret later (1670) demanded a land rent of 
a half-penny per acre. The settlers refused to pay it on the 
ground that they had purchased their land from the Indians, 
who were the original and sole owners of it. 

74. The Quakers purchase West Jersey (1673) ; William 
Penn; Government of the colony; religion. — Disappointed 
in his plans of colonization, Berkeley sold his share of the 
territory (1674) to two English Quakers. Shortly after this 
transaction the colony (1676) was divided into the equal por- 
tions of East and West Jersey.^"" Carteret held the eastern and 
the Quaker proprietors the western half of the province. 

William Penn's name now first appears in American history. 
He, with several other English Quakers, obtained (1676) pos- 
session of West Jersey. Their object was to provide a refuge 
in the New World for their persecuted religious brethren. A 
settlement named Salem (1676) was made on the Delaware, and 
the next year (1677) Burlington was founded. Penn, with his 
fellow proprietors, wrote to the settlers in the true spirit of the 
Golden Rule, saying, " We cannot suffer if you prosper, nor 
prosper while you are injured." ^°^ In their instructions to the 
commissioners of West Jersey the proprietors declared: "We 
put the power in the people." '"^ 

In accordance with this principle the new proprietors granted 
the colonists a charter (1676) which gave them a direct voice in 



58 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1676-1688. 

making their own local laws and in levying their own taxes.^"^ 
Unfortunately the charter vested the executive power of the 
colony in a body of ten commissioners appointed by the Legis- 
lature, and in practice it was found that these commissioners 
generally made themselves masters of the commonwealth.^"* 

Entire liberty of worship was established ; for the charter 
declared that no one " on earth hath power to rule over men's 
consciences in religious matters," ^"^ But somewhat more than 
twenty years later (1699), after the two colonies had been united, 
the people of New Jersey — following the example set by 
England, or perhaps in obedience to a mandate of the King — 
refused to tolerate the Catholic faith. That law remained on 
the statute books of the State for nearly a century and a half, 
or until 1S44, but it had long been a dead letter. 

75. The Quakers and the Indians ; the Quakers buy East 
Jersey ; thrift and independence. — The Quakers completely 
gained the confidence of the Indians by their fair dealing. The 
Red Men declared that if they found an Englishman sleeping 
in their path they would not molest him, but would say : " He 
is an Englishman ; he is asleep ; let him alone." '"" 

When Carteret died, Penn and his associates purchased (1682) 
the whole of East Jersey for the sum of ;i^34oo,'"^ a sum which 
would not now buy a first-class business lot in Jersey City. 
The colonists prospered, and the Governor reported (1683) : 
"There is not a poor body in all the province."'"^ 

Their spirit of independence was equal to their thrift. When 
the Duke of York endeavored to collect toll on vessels sroing 
up the Delaware, the people refused to pay it. The King of 
England himself, said they, cannot take his subjects' goods 
without their consent, still less can his brother, the Duke of 
York."'^ In the decided stand the Quakers then took, those 
men of peace anticipated the utterances of the Revolution. 

76. Andros ; New Jersey became a royal province ; Presi- 
dent Witherspoon. — In i6SS New Jersey was united with New 
York and New England under the government of Sir Edmund 



1688-176r).] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 59 

Andros. After he was forced to give up his office (§ 65^ a 
period of great confusion ensued. New Jersey was claimed by 
New York, by the Quakers, and by the heirs of Carteret. So 
hot was the dispute that the people in despair declared that 
there was " no shadow of law or government left," but in the 
towns good order still prevailed."" For the sake of peace the 
province was surrendered (1702) to the Crown. 

When (1765) England finally resolved to tax the American 
colonists without their consent, John Witherspoon, a descendant 
of that stern old Scotch covenanter, John Knox, led the great 
movement of revolt in New Jersey. Later, after he had accepted 
the presidency of Princeton College, he won the reputation of 
being " as high a 'Son of Liberty' as any in America." He 
helped to overthrow the Tory, William Franklin, son of Benja- 
min Franklin, and the last royal Governor of the province. 
Governor Franklin declared that if the colonists were right in 
saying that the British ministry had gone mad, the people of 
New Jersey were in the same predicament."^ But the Ameri- 
cans had this advantage : they at least had method — the 
method of independence — in their madness, and President 
Witherspoon, with other eminent patriots, including Governor 
Franklin's own father, stood ready to risk their fortunes and 
their lives to maintain that independence. 

77. Summary. — In 1664 the Duke of York wrested the 
country between the Hudson and the Delaware from the Dutch, 
and sold it to Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret. The 
colony received the name of New Jersey, and the first settlement 
was made at Elizabethtown (1665). The colonists received a 
constitution which granted them liberty of conscience in matters 
of religion and gave them a voice in making the laws and levying 
the taxes of the colony. About ten years later William Penn 
and other Quakers purchased the western half of New Jersey 
and subsequently the remaining half. Their object was to 
provide a refuge in America for persecuted people of their own 
faith. In 1702 the colony became a royal province. When 



^ 



60 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [N97-. 

(1765) England resolved lo tax the colonists without their 
consent, President Witherspoon, of Princeton College, headed 
the movement of revolt which culminated in the War for 
Independence. 



IV. Massachusetts (Plymouth Colony, 1620). 

78. Religious revolution in England ; the Puritans and the 
Separatists.^ When, under Henry VII., John Cabot (1497) 
claimed the continent of North America for England (§ 11), 
that kingdom, like all Europe, maintained the Catholic religion 
as the only true faith. Had Henry planted colonies in 
America he would have established Catholicism here and would 
have forbidden any other form of worship. 

Under Henry VIII. a revolution took place. He repudiated 
the authority of the Pope in England and established a new 
and independent national Church, which was compelled to 
acknowledge the King as its supreme head. Under Elizabeth 
this new national Church became definitively Protestant, 
although a considerable part of the population continued to 
keep up the Catholic form of worship in private. 

When James I. came to the throne he found England divided 
between the Catholics, the Anglicans (or regular members of 
the established Episcopal Church), the Puritans, and the Sepa- 
ratists (or Independents). The Puritans were members of the 
established Church, who regarded the Protestant revolution in 
England as incomplete. They urged that the English worship 
should be '■'■purified" (as they said) from what Calvin called 
" Popish dregs." They desired the Episcopal clergy to give up 
wearing the surplice, making the sign of the cross in baptism, 
and using the ring in the marriage service. 

The Separatists were a branch of the Puritans who had gone 
a step farther. "Seeing," as they said, that "they could not 
have the word freely preached and the sacraments administered 



Ifi03-.] 



ENGLISH AND KRENCII SETTLEMENTS. 



6i 



without idolatrous gear, they concluded to break off from public 
churches, and separate in private houses," "^ 

James refused to permit any deviation from the forms of 
public vi^orship established by law. He believed that dissent 
would lead to disloyalty, and that if divisions were tolerated in 
religion the Crown itself would be endangered. 

He formulated this conviction of the indispensable unity of 



«.*♦? ORKNEY IS, 




The Pilgrim and the Puri- 
tan Emigration of I 620 

and 1630. 
R T H 



S B 

Scroobj * \ \ 




Groton; 

^Bristol 



,e» 







Southampton^ ^."^ti Eta ^ 

'^rt^ — ^ { -, "If J 



F R A Ji C K 



"I 

4 



Church and State in his favorite saying, " No Bishop, no King." 
His harsh laws drove both loyal Catholics and loyal Puritans 
to despair. He said of the latter class, " I will make them 
conform or I will harry them out of the land." ™ If this was 
to be the King's policy toward the Puritans who still remained 
in the Church, what could the Separatists who had seceded 
from it expect .' 

79. A congregation of Separatists escape to Holland ; 
why they wished to emigrate to America. — A small congre- 
gation of Separatists were in the habit of privately meeting at 



62 THE student's AI^IEKICAN HISTORY. [1608- 

the house of William Brewster, the postmaster of the village 
of Scrooby, in the northeastern corner of Nottinghamshire. 
Finding that they could not safely remain in England, they 
resolved to go to Holland " where they had heard was freedom 
of religion for all men." ^" After much suffering they suc- 
ceeded (1608) in escaping from England and finally settled in 
Leyden. There these plain English farmers learned dilYerent 
trades and managed, by dint of severe toil, to support them- 
selves and their families. After ten years of this life some of 
the exiles began to think of embarking for America. William 
Bradford, one of their most prominent men, gives the following 
reasons for their desire to emigrate: 

1. The hardships of their life were so great that many who 
had come to join them went back, preferring, as they said, 
"prisons in England rather than liberty in Holland." 

2. Some of them felt age creeping upon them, and saw with 
sorrow that exhausting labor was rendering their children 
"decrepit in their early youth." 

3. Furthermore, it was a sore grief to parents to see that 
oftentimes their children, when they grew up, were led astray 
bv the "manifold temptations of the place," while others, 
leaving their homes, went to sea or entered tlie army. 

4. Finally, the Separatists saw that if they should continue 
to remain in Holland their descendants would in time forget 
not only their native customs, but even their native language, 
— in fact, would practically cease to be Englishmen at all. 

By going to America they hoped to build up a strong, pros- 
perous English colon)', enjoying entire liberty of worship, and 
" advancing the gospel in those remote parts of tlie world." 
Lastly, they hoped, as they said, to serve as "stepping-stones 
unto others for performing so good a work." "* 

80. The Separatists and the " merchant adventurers " ; 
the patent; the joint-stock company. — As the Separatists 
were too poor to undertake such an expedition at their own 
expense, they bargained with a body of "merchant adventurers," 



1620.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 63 

or speculators, in London to provide vessels for them to cross 
the Atlantic. A patent granted by the Virginia Company gave 
them the right to settle "about Hudson's River." '""' 

They agreed to take the Oaths of Supremacy and of Alle- 
giance. They thus bound themselves to recognize the King as 
the lawful head of the Church of England and as their rightful 
sovereign."'' James promised not to interfere with the under- 
taking, and when told that the emigrants expected to get their 
living by fishing, replied, with a spice of humor: " 'T is an 
honest trade ; 'twas the Apostles' own calling." 

A joint-stock company was organized, consisting of "mer- 
chant adventurers " and the outgoing settlers. The conditions 
were as follows: 

All the emigrants who could not pay ^10 into the general 
fund were to devote the results of seven years' labor to the 
"common stock.""** Out of that stock they were to receive 
"meat, drink and apparel." " At the end of seven years . . . 
the houses [and] lands [were] to be equally divided " among 
the stockholders ; each person sixteen years old or upward, at 
the time of sailing, to receive one share of the profits."® 

These were hard terms, for they required the colonists to 
pledge their whole time and strength for a long period and for 
a very uncertain result. Some of them indignantly declared 
that such conditions were " fitter for thieves and bond-slaves 
than [for] honest men " ; but they could get no better. 

In 1620 they left Leyden for England, there to embark on 
their voyage across the Atlantic. It was a perilous under- 
taking and the prospect of success was small ; but, as Bradford 
said, " They knew that they were pilgrims, and looked not 
much on those things, but lifted their eyes to heaven, their 
dearest country, and quieted their spirits." '■^'^ In his farewell 
sermon their faithful pastor, John Robinson, spoke words of 
cheer, bidding them go forward in the belief that " the Lord 
had more truth and light yet to break out of his holy 
word." '^' 



64 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1620-1621. 



All told, the actual number of Pilgrims who set sail in the 
" Mayflower " was less than a hundred. Among those who 
went with them was Myles Standish, an English soldier who 
had fought in the wars in Holland. He was not a member of 
the Pilgrim congregation, but simply a true, brave-hearted man, 
who was glad to cast his lot with those who were as brave and 
true-hearted as himself. Of the Pilgrims proper the most pro- 
minent were Bradford, Brewster, Winslow and Carver. 

On reaching Cape Cod the emigrants decided to settle on the 
New England coast, although their patent was " for Virginia " 
only. Knowing this fact, some of the hired men threatened to 
use their liberty as they pleased. It seemed best, therefore, to 
form a plan of union for maintaining order. '-^ To this end the 
Pilgrim Fathers drew up a compact (November 21, 1620) in the 
cabin of the " Mayflower." By that compact, which received 
forty-one signatures, they formed themselves into "a civil body 
politic" and bound themselves as Christians and as loyal 
subjects of King James to enact "such just and equal laws . . . 

. . for the general good of the 
colony." ^^^ They then chose 
John Carver governor. After 
Carver's death William Brad- 
ford was chosen, and he filled 
the office for thirty-one years. 
After carefully exploring the 
coast, the Pilgrims found a 
satisfactory harbor and landed, 
December 21, 1620, on that 
bowlder which has ever since 
been known as Plymouth 
Rock. During the ensuing 
winter death visited them 
daily. When the Mayflower sailed for England in the spring 
(1621) nearly half of the settlers were in their graves. But 
not one of the little band of survivors thought of returning in 



as shall be thought most meet 




Ifi21-16;!6.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 6$ 

the ship, — they had come here resolved to make America their 
home. Their nearest civilized neighbors were a few Dutch on 
the Hudson and the Virginia colonists five hundred miles south 
of them. 

8i . The Pilgrims and the Indians. — Governor Carver made 
a treaty with Massasoit, chief of a small neighboring tribe of 
Indians. The treaty, though not ratified by any oath, was faith- 
fully kept on both sides. Two years later (1623) the Indians 
of a tribe at Weymouth, about thirty miles north of Plymouth, 
conspired to kill off a small independent colony of English who 
had settled at that point (1622) and had provoked the sav- 
ages by their bad conduct. Massasoit warned the Plymouth 
settlers of the plot, and told them that if successful the same 
tribe would next attack them. Captain Myles Standish, small 
of stature but great of heart, with eight followers, marched 
against the savages and soon brought back the head of one of 
the leaders. It was the first and last Indian war in which the 
Pilgrims took part until they rose to put down King Philip 
(1675) more than half a century later. The Indians, in fact, 
were most helpful ; they showed the colonists how to plant 
corn, trap game, and catch fish to the best advantage. 

82. The << Pilgrim Republic"; freedom of worship; 
Government The settlers at Plymouth, though acknowledg- 
ing themselves subjects of King James, practically formed 
themselves into a little republic. Their Church was bound by 
no creed. Its members simply signed a covenant by which 
they pledged themselves " as the Lord's free people ... to 
walk in all his ways made known, or to be made known to 
them." '^^ Politically all were equal. In the outset they 
assembled in town-meeting to make necessary laws, to choose 
officers for the colony, and to act as a court of justice. New- 
comers might vote (1636) if a majority of the original colonists 
admitted them as freemen ; but it was decreed that no one 
should settle within the limits of Plymouth except by permis- 
sion of the Governor or two of his Assistants. ^"^ To-day the 



66 THE student's AMERICAN HIsrORV. [Ui:tt*-lti7l. 

Government of the Ignited States, following that wise precedent, 
determines what emigrants may or may not land on our shores. 

In time the growth of the colony made it inconvenient for 
the whole population to gather in a single town-meeting, and 
each of the different settlements (1638) sent two representa- 
tives to Plymouth to act for them. But even then the body of 
the people expressly retained the right to repeal the laws maile 
by their representatives.^-'^ 

Later (^1644"). the right to vote for a representative was limited 
to those who took the oath of fidelity to the colony, — those who 
refused to do so were ordered to leave the settlement.^-"^ 

After the coming of the Quakers into the neighboring colony 
of Massachusetts Bay, a statute (1658) was enacted declaring 
that persons of that faith and all others who "opposed the 
good and wholesome laws of the colony"' . . . "the true 
worship of God," or who refused to do military service, should 
be denied the right of sutTrage.^'-* Finally (167 i), fifty years 
after the founding of Plymouth, sulYrage, though not limited by 
church membership, was restricted to persons *' of sober and 
peaceable conversation, orthodox in the fundamentals of reli- 
gion, and such as have also ;i{J"2o of ratable [taxable] estate." ^-"■^ 

The sturdy independence of the colonists manifested itself in 
a declaration which the legislature of the " Pilgrim Republic " 
made in 167 1. That body then resolved that "as free-born 
subjects of the State of England ... no act . . . shall be 
. . . imposed upon us at present or to come, but such as 
shall be made ... by consent of the body of freemen . . . 
or their representatives, legally assembled."''""^ 

83. The " merchant adventurers " ; Myles Standish goes 
to England ; the Pilgrims become free men. — Tiio growth of 
the colony was very slow. Lack of capital prevented the settlers 
from engaging in cod-fishing, and the chief exports were furs 
obtained from the Indians. The " merchant adventurers," 
who were grievously disappointed at the small returns received, 
at length refused to do anvthing more to aid the colonists. 



I6a5-1691.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 6/ 

though they insisted on holding them to their labor contract/'' 
(}overnor Bradford wrote that the "adventurers" finally 
threatened in their anger "that if we ever do grow to any 
good estate they will nip us in the head." '^^ 

In these straits the Plymouth people sent Captain Myles 
Standish (1C25J to England to seek help. He could not get 
the contract cancelled, but succeeded at length in borrowing 
;^2oo for the use of the colonists at thirty per cent interest.''* 

The next year (1626) the "merchant adventurers" sold out 
their share to the colonists for ;^i8oo, — equal probably to at 
least ^20,000 no\v, — to be paid in nine annual installments. 
The whole colony went to work with a will, and in six years had 
discharged the debt and were free men. In future all that 
they earned was their own. Meanwhile they tried to obtain a 
royal charter which should give them power to regularly 
organize a government. In this they failed ; but they obtained 
a patent from the Council of New England which granted them 
a certain fixed territory (1629), but nothing more.^^* 

84. The Massachusetts Bay Colony absorbs Plymouth 
Colony (1691). — In 1630 the Massachusetts Bay Company 
settled Ijoston. The growth of the new colony was compara- 
tively rapid, and after a time the people of Massachusetts 
endeavored to secure the annexation of Plymouth. But the 
Plymouth people preferred to stand by themselves ; as one of 
their chief men quaintly said : the best of them had no desire 
"to trot after the i?^;^ horse." Massachusetts, however, suc- 
ceeded in her plans, and in i6gi a royal charter consolidated 
the two colonies. This, of course, ended the history of Ply- 
mouth as a distinct colony. But the little Pilgrim Republic had 
made its record and could afford to merge its political life in 
that of the stronger and richer Puritan commonwealth. 

The Pilgrims were the first settlers who obtained a permanent 
foothold on the New England coast. In religious matters they 
showed remarkable tolerance. They too were the first colonists 
of the New World who established the management of all public 



68 TllF. STUHKNl's AMIKICAX lUSTOKV. [it'.'JS \m9. 

atYairs in town-mooting. Thorobv thov laid tho foundation in 
Amorica of that doniocratic system wliich riponod in timo into 
"govornmont of tho pooplo. by the pooplo. and for tho pooplo." 



IV.7. ^^ASSACH^SETTS F \V CotONV (^lO^oV 

S5. The Puritan emigration to New England ; John Endi- 
cott; charter of Massachusetts Bav Colony. — Thoomimation 
of tho Pilgrims to Amorica i^i^.^o') was tho forerunner of a far 
greater emigration on tlio part of the Puritans ton years 
later. 

Political and religious persecution drove them to seek a 
refuge in New England. John Endicott, a Puritan of the 
Puritans, conducted the first party of emigrants (^iOjS") to a 
point on the shores of >rassachusetts to which thov gave the 
biblical name of Salem. In his tiery zeal Endicott (^103 5^ 
slashed tho rod cross out of tho Ensilish flag, because it seemed 
to him an onU-'lem of popery ; and ho shipped two members of 
his council back to Pngland for insisting on making use of the 
Episcopal prayer-book in public worship. 

The year after Endicott sailed, a number of wealthy and 
intUiontial Puritans obtained a roval diarter ''^^ grantinsr them 
all the territory in Xow England lying between a point three 
miles north of the River Merrimac and a point throe miles south 
of the River Charles. Westward tho grant extended to the 
Pacific.** This charter empowered the Massachusetts Bay 
Company of England <^0 to make laws, provided they should not 
be "contrary to the laws of England"; (^j^ to carry on trade ; 
i^j;") to drive out obnoxious persons and intruders. Nothing 
was said about the establishment of any form of worship or of 
religions liberty. It was practically the charter of a trading 
company, and it seems to have been understood that the 
govornmont of the colony was to remain in the hands of the 
corporation in England.'^' 



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lfi:jO.] ENGLISH AND i'KENCM SETTLEMENTS. 69 

86. John Winthrop ; settlement of Boston (1630; ; large 
emigration; the Puritan church; Puritan government. — 
John Winthrop, a man of wealth and education, was elected 
(iC)2<j) governor of the (Jompany. JJelieving, as he said, that 
the Puritans had "no place left to fly unto but the wilder- 
ness," '** he quietly took the charter with him and led a large 
number of emigrants (idyj) from England to Massachusetts. 
Not liking Salem, Winthrop went to Charlestown ; a little later 
the colonists moved across the river to the three-peaked penin- 
sula of .Shawmut, which they named (1630; Jioston.*^''' 

One of the first acts of the settlers was to form a covenant 
church ''"' similar to that 
of Plymouth, 'i'wo Puri- 
tan ministers were chosen, 
and all the inhabitants 
were to be assessed to 
pay for the "maintenance 
of these ministers." '^' Pefore the end of the year a thousand 
emigrants in all had arrived, and in the course of the next ten 
years (1630-1640) more than twenty thousand had settled in 
New England. They were men who came not from hope of 
gain, but to obtain that religious and political liberty which 
was denied them at home. They represented the flower of 
English J'uritanism. 

Meanwhile, the original colonists (that is, the stockholders of 
the Massachusetts Bay Company) had established a government 
which was practically independent of both King and Parliament. 
V>y the provisions of the charter the freemen were to elect a 
governor, deputy-governor, and a council of eighteen assistants. 
This governing body was to meet in a "general court" and 
make all needful laws, not contrary to the laws of England. '''^ 

87. Alteration in the form of government ; limitation of 
suffrage; the *' freeman's oath." — At the first meeting of 
the Cjeneral Court (1630) the form of government was altered. 
The freemen then agreed to surrender a part of their political 



yO THE student's AMERICAN HISTOKV. [1631-1663. 

power, and to lot tlie Assistants choose the Governor and his 
deputy from out their own number. But less than two years 
later, the freemen (1632) took this power out of the hands of 
the Assistants and resumed their charter right to elect the 
Governor and his deputy. ''''"' 

Meanwhile (U>3i) a large number of men petitioned the 
General Court to be permitted to vote. Their request was 
granted on their taking the "freeman's oath," by which they 
swore allegiance to the King and fidelity to the colony. Shortly 
afterward (1634) tlie clause demanding allegiance to the King 
was dropped and all that was required was fidelity to the colony, 

88. Important laws enacted; suffrage limited to church 
members (^1631'); liberal measures. — In 1631 two very im- 
portant laws were enacted. Following the example set by 
Plymouth (§ 82), the authorities prohibited any person from 
settling within the territory of Massachusetts Bay without leave 
from the Company.'^* 

Secondly, suffrage was limited by the following statute; "To 
the end [that] the body of the commons may be preserved of 
honest and good men . . . no man shall be admitted to the 
freedom of this body politic but such as are members of some 
of the churches within the limits of the same." ^" 

Ten years later (1641) a law was passed to protect the liber- 
ties of all classes. It provided that "every man, whether inhabi- 
tant or foreigner," voter or non-voter, should have the right to 
make any " necessary motion, complaint [or] petition " in any 
" court, council or town-meeting." ^^ 

Following this act the General Court (1647) granted to all 
persons of good character, though they were not church-mem- 
bers, the right to vote in town-meeting on local questions. 
They also had the right to serve on juries and offer themselves 
as candidates for town-offices."' 

The liberal movement did not stop here. The conditions of 
admission to the Church were relaxed by a measure derisively 
called by its opponents the "Half-Way Covenant" (1662). 



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1034.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. /I 

The natural effect of the Half-Way Covenant, in so far as it 
came into use, was to increase the number of church-members, 
and so swell the list of legal voters. ^^* 

Two years later (1664) the General Court, finding it expe- 
dient to conciliate the King, made a further concession. They 
gave to all persons who could show a certificate of orthodoxy, 
signed by an approved minister of the colony, the right to make 
application for the right to vote."" 

89. Establishment of a House of Representatives (1634) ; 
purpose of the Puritans. — Meanwhile an event of no small 
importance had occurred. The General Court had levied a tax 
to build a palisade against the attacks of Indians. The 
leading citizens of Watertown refused to pay the demand, on 
the ground that there should be no taxation without representa- 
tion.^^'' Their refusal led to the establishment of a House of 
Representatives (1634) consisting of two persons chosen by 
each town. The men so chosen met with the Governor and his 
Assistants to advise with them respecting the raising of public 
money, and to take part in making all needful laws.^^^ Thus 
Massachusetts became the second English colony (§ 43) to 
obtain the privilege of representative government ; but in this 
case it was the work of the people themselves, not, as in 
Virginia, the gift of a company resident in England. 

The avowed purpose of the settlers of Massachusetts was to 
establish an independent Puritan State composed of those, and 
those only, who professed their faith. They believed them- 
selves to be a divinely chosen people. "God sifted a whole 
nation," said Governor Stoughton, " that he might send choice 
grain over into this wilderness." ^'''■^ Their intention. Governor 
Winthrop declared, was "to square all their proceedings by the 
rule of God's word " as they understood it.^^'^ They contended 
that their charter gave them the exclusive ownership and con- 
trol of Massachusetts (subject of course to the King), and in 
that charter they believed they found authority to expel any 
one who should attempt " annoyance to said colony." ^^ 



72 THE STUDFNr's AMKRIOAN HISTORY. [1634. 

00. Results of the exclusive policy of Massachusetts ; 
resistance to the King. — But this exclusive policy had very 
importaut political results, i. h moved the King to demand 
the surrender of the Massachusetts charter.''^ 2. It roused the 
colonists to evade or resist that demand ; this they did with 
entire success for more than half a century. 3. On the other 
hand, the restriction of the rii^ht of suffrage to church-mem- 
bers (§ SS) endangered the stability of the colonial govern- 
ment. Only about one-fourth of the adult male inhabitants 
belonged to the church, and the result was that three-quarters 
of the men of Massachusetts had to submit, or preferred to 
submit, to laws which were made and enforced by the remain- 
ing quarter.*"** 

The first demonstration of resistance to the King was unmis- 
takable. When he (^1634) threatened to take away the charter, 
the Massachusetts authorities took decisive action. They 
ordered new forts to be built and an alarm signal to be set up 
on Beacon Hill in Boston. Furthermore they communded that 
citizens should be drilled in the use of arms, and they encour- 
aged the casting of bullets by making them pass current as 
money at the rate of a farthing each.'""" Finally, to prevent 
the King's spies from reporting what they were doing, they 
passed a law (1637) ordering that no stranger or suspicious 
character should be permitted to remain in the colony. *•'''' 

01. Roger Williams attacks the charter and the laws ; he 
flies to Narragansett Bay. — At this critical period, when the 
charter was in peril, a new trouble arose. Roger Williams, an im- 
petuous young Separatist minister ($ 78"). had come over (1631) 
from England to Boston. The Puritan churches had not vet 
openly broken oft" all connection with the Church of England. 
Williams blamed them for not taking this final step. After 
preaching for a time in Salem, he removed to Plymouth and 
labored for the conversion of the Indians. While in the 
" Old Colony " Williams wrote a book, apparently not intended 
for publication, in which he attacked the Massachusetts 



UVM Ki.ic] ENGLISH AND FKKNCH SET'JLKMKNTS, 73 

charter. He declared that since the territory belonged 
originally to the Indians, the King had no power to grant it 
to the colonists.''''^ 

Later, he withdrew this attack, and even offered his book " to 
be burnt"; but he now assailed the authorities on another 
point. "^' The General Court had ordered (1634-1635^ that 
every man, whether a church-member or not, should swear to 
obey the laws and to defend the colony. Those who twice 
refused to take this oath were to be banished.^"' 

Williams, who had returned to Salem, preached against this 
law. He declared that the Puritan authorities had no moral 
right to force an unconverted person to take an oath."'^ He 
also denied their right to punish tho.se who refused to attend 
religious meetings, or for violation of the first four command- 
ments, except "in such cases as did disturb the civil peace." "''^ 

The General Court summoned the preacher to retract, but he 
stood fast in his "rocky strength." The Court then (1635) 
ordered him to leave the colony, but finally allowed him to 
remain until spring, provided he did not " go about to draw 
others to his opinions." "^' Mr. Williams insisted on preaching 
in his own house on the prohibited points, and the authorities 
despatched a constable to arrest him. He fled through winter 
snow.s, and at the peril of his life, to the hospitable hut of 
Massasoit (§81) on Narragansett Bay.^"'^ He remained in that 
chief's smoky wigwam until spring, when he went forth and 
founded (1636) the colony of Providence. 

92. The case of Mrs. Anne Hutchinson. — The Puritan 
authorities had next to deal with a case more aggravating 
even than that of Roger Williams. Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, 
a woman of " ready wit and bold spirit," had formed a kind of 
woman's club to discuss the sermons preached in Boston 
and vicinity. All went well until Mrs. Hutchinson began to 
indulge in sharp criticism. She commended the teaching of 
her friend, the Reverend Mr. Cotton, and of her brother-in- 
law, the Reverend Mr. Wheelwright, but she declared that 



74 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1635-1647. 

the Other ministers made altogether too much of religious 
ceremonies and church attendance and not half enough of 
faith. 

The discussion waxed so hot that Winthrop said the colonists 
were split into two hostile parties, — one of " works " and the 
other of "faith." A company of militia who were about to 
march against the Indians were unwilling to move, because their 
chaplain was accused of being " under a covenant of works," 
— or in other words of being more Jew than Christian. Next 
the dispute got into politics, and there was a Hutchinson and 
an anti-Hutchinson candidate for governor. 

Finally, a meeting of ministers formally accused Mrs. Hutchin- 
son of teaching no less than twenty-nine " cursed opinions." ^'^® 
Her brother-in-law, Mr. Wheelwright, who was said to hold the 
same dangerous views, was convicted of sedition, heresy, and 
contempt, and was banished (1637) from the colony. He went 
with some friends to New Hampshire and founded Exeter. 

When Mrs. Hutchinson was brought to trial, she declared 
that God had revealed himself directly to her. " How ? " 
asked her examiners. " By the voice of his own spirit to my 
soul," she replied. '*'' She was expelled from the Church, "given 
over to Satan," and banished. She, with her husband and some 
friends, made a settlement on Rhode Island. 

93. The Boston Latin School (1635) ; Harvard College 
(1636); establishment of public schools (1647). — Mean- 
while the people of Massachusetts were taking action for 
those who were to succeed them. Some citizens of Boston 
(1635) founded the Boston Latin School, — the oldest educa- 
tional institution established by English settlers in the United 
States (§ 59). Among the early pupils of that justly cele- 
brated school we find the names of Benjamin Franklin and 
Samuel Adams, two of the staunchest patriots America ever 
produced. 

The next autumn the General Court voted ^^"400 — a large 
sum for the colonists of that day — to found a college. 



I6;!8-Ifi47.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 75 

Two years later (1638) Reverend John Harvard left property 
to it valued at ^750, and gave to it his valuable library. 
In honor of these bequests the institution was named Har- 
vard College. This Puritan university was wholly unsec- 
tarian. Its first seal had for its motto the single, expressive, 
Latin word Veritas. '*^ 

The next year (1639) — the same year in which the first 
press in the English colonies was established at Cambridge — 
the citizens of Dorchester ordered " that a free school shall 
be set up in this town." ^^'^ Like the Boston Latin School, it 
was for boys only; girls then, and for many years to come, 
received all their instruction at home. In 1647 the General 
Court took action on a broad scale. It declared : " in order 
that learning may not be buried in the grave of our fathers " 
every township of fifty householders shall hire a schoolmaster 
" to teach all such children as shall resort to him to write and 
read." ^™ The wages of the teacher were to be paid in such 
manner as the people should determine in town-meeting. 

This law of 1647 established public schools that in time were 
to become " cheap enough for all, and good enough for the 
best." It laid the foundation of the free common school 
system of the United States.^" 

94. The New England Confederacy (1643). — In 1643 the 
four colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut and 
New Haven formed a political and religious confederation. 
Its three chief objects were to keep the Dutch out of the 
Connecticut Valley, to put down insurrections of the Indians, 
and to assist masters to recover runaway apprentices and 
slaves."^ 

But more than this, the people of these four colonies felt 
that such a union would help them to maintain their liberties 
in case the King should threaten them.^" The confederacy 
lasted about forty years. It was a prophecy of that union 
of all the colonies which was formed late in the next century 
and which was destined to secure American independence. 



jiS THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1648-1656. 

95. George Fox founds the << Society of Friends" or 
Quakers. — Shortly after the New England Confederacy went 
into operation, George Fox, the founder of the " Society of 
Friends," began to preach in England. He declared that God 
makes himself known directly to the human heart, and that 
whoever follows this divine "inner light" is sure of salvation. 
The Puritans regarded the Bible as the supreme rule of life. 
In their eyes George Fo.\ was a revolutionist, striking at the 
very foundations of both Church and Scripture. But more than 
this, he seemed to most men of that age to threaten to destroy 
the bonds that hold society together. 

I. The Quakers conscientiously refused to take any form of 
oath. They would not give evidence in this way in a court of 
justice or swear allegiance to any form of government. 2. 
Believing that war was wrong they would not bear arms in 
defence of the state or of their own homes. 3. They refused 
to pay taxes for the support of any ministry or church, 4. 
Believing that all men are equal in the sight of God, they 
refused to address any one, no matter what his rank, by any 
other title than that of " Friend," and they would not take 
off their hats to the King himself. They were mercilessly 
treated in England ; and some of them, driven half-crazy by 
brutal punishments, indulged in actions which to-day would 
be regarded as proof of insanity. ^'^ The General Court of 
Massachusetts hearing of these things ordered (1656) that a 
day of fasting and prayer should be kept for fear that the 
teachings of the English Quakers should spread abroad. 

96. Arrival of Quaker missionaries (1656) ; action against 
Quakers ; Episcopalians and Baptists. — Shortly after this day 
of fasting and prayer two Quaker women arrived (1656) at 
Boston. They came to convert the New England colonists. 
The authorities threw them into jail, burned their books, and 
as soon as possible sent them to the West Indies. 

The General Court now enacted (1656) a severe law against 
the "cursed sect of heretics . . . commonly called Quakers." 



1606 lf)77.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 7/ 

The act imposed a fine of £100 on the master of any vessel 
who should bring one of these people into the colony, and it 
ordered that every Quaker who entered Massachusetts should 
be severely flogged and then kept in close confinement until he 
could be sent to distant parts.'" 

JJut neither cruel scourgings, nor the cutting off of ears, nor 
threats of worse punishments could keep out these fervent 
apostles of the "inner light." They believed it to be as much 
their duty to preach to the Puritan Fathers as the Puritans 
believed it theirs to preach to the savages. 

Baffled and exasperated, the General Court finally resolved, 
as they said, " to present the point of the sword toward the 
Quakers," and let them rush on it if they would. ''"^ An act 
was passed (1658) making it death for a banished Quaker to 
return to the colony.'^'' The principle was not new, for a simi- 
lar law respecting Jesuit and other Catholic priests had been on 
the Massachusetts statute books for many years. "^ Under 
this act four Quakers — one of whom was a woman ■ — who had 
come back after having been twice banished were hanged on 
Boston Common (1661). These were the first and also the last 
persons of .this faith who were put to death in Massachusetts. 
But nearly a quarter of a century later the English authorities 
were killing Covenanters by hundreds, and drowning women in 
Scotland for refusing to conform to the established Church. 

The last exciting case of Quaker missionary work was that 
of Margaret Brewster (1677). She entered the Old South 
Meeting-House in Boston during the Sunday service. Mar- 
garet was dressed in sackcloth, her face was smeared with 
lampblack and her head covered with ashes. She had come, 
she said, like the prophet Jonah, to call the people of Boston 
to repent. Judge Sewall, who was present, says her sudden 
appearance " occasioned the greatest and most amazing uproar 
that I ever saw." '" Margaret was condemned to be tied to a 
cart's tail and whipped through the streets. With her the con- 
flict ended, and the Puritans gave up trying to silence these 



yS THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [lfi60-^1675. 

new missionaries. Quaker persistence and Quaker non-resist- 
ance had fairly carried the day. 

Meanwhile the Massachusetts authorities had sent (1660) a 
most humble address to the King."^" They professed their 
entire loyalty. Later (1662), they promised His Majesty not 
to drive out any more Episcopalians (§ 85).^*^ 

Baptists had been forbidden to preach and had been 
repeatedly banished. President Dunster of Harvard College 
had embraced certain Baptist views. He was compelled to 
resign (1654) and to give bonds not to preach. ^*-^ But by 1674 
toleration so far prevailed that a member of that denomina- 
tion wTote : " The church of the baptized [at East Boston] 
do peaceably enjoy their liberty." ^^ 

The Catholics first began public worship in the colony after 
the establishment of our national independence. The Uni- 
tarians and Universalists obtained toleration about the same 
time with the Catholics. 

97. Eliot's work among the Indians ; his Indian Bible. — 
The Reverend John Eliot of Roxbury — "the Apostle to the 
Indians" — had long been engaged (1646-1675) in his noble 
work. He believed that the Red Men were the jiescendants 
of the lost tribes of Israel. He founded a settlement (165 1) 
of " Praying Indians " at Natick, and (1653) he published, after 
many "heart-breakings" and years of toil, his translation of 
the Scriptures into the Indian language. It was the first Bible 
printed by an English colonist on the American continent. In 
the terrible outbreak of "King Philip's War" a number of 
Eliot's " Praying Indians " acted as military guides to the 
whites, while others fought in behalf of the colony. 

98. <' King Philip's" War (1675-1676) ; cause of the 
war ; events ; results. — So long as Massasoit (§81) lived he 
remained friendly to the whites; but his son, " King Philip," 
had no love for them. The colonists had purchased Indian 
territory until they had crowded Philip's tribe into two or three 
narrow necks of land projecting into Narragansett Bay. The 



1675.] 



ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 



79 



savage chief saw that the time was soon coming when the 
English would own all the hunting grounds, and when his 
people must emigrate, starve, or fight. He chose to fight. 

Philip looked upon Eliot's "soft-hearted ' Praying Indians'" 
(§ 97) with suspicion and contempt. One of these Indians 
told (1675) the Governor of Plymouth that " King Philip " was 
preparing to make war. Some of that chief's followers 
murdered the informer. The Plymouth authorities arrested 
and hanged them. Philip retaliated by an attack (1675) 
on Swansea, the town nearest his headquarters at Mount 
Hope. 

For some time the war was confined to southern Massachu- 
setts and vicinity, but gradually the Indian tribes in the western 
part of the colony joined 
Philip. It now became 
evident that the struggle 
was to be a desperate one, 
especially in the Connecti- 
cut Valley, where the white 
settlements were small and 
scattered. The colonists 
had the advantage in num- 
bers and in arms, but the 
Indians knew the forests 
perfectly, they were quick 
and stealthy as wild-cats, 
and they were pretty well 
supplied with muskets. 




•Groton 
Lancaster . „ro«P^. 



'4 g 
Brookficld CWpymoulliV 







'VA ScituateV 
_,.., "^^ ^VU^uih '•^ 

c^vSouth Kingston, .ftKlS^-/^ ' 



^\ 



^'^. 




"t 



'tt 



King Philip's War. 

Brookfield and Deerfield were attacked 
and burned, but Hadley escaped. According to tradition that 
town was saved by the sudden appearance of a venerable 
white-haired man who rallied the inhabitants and drove off the 
savages. The mysterious leader then disappeared. He was 
the regicide Goffe (§ 116), who had long lived concealed in the 
town.^** A few weeks later (1675) the Indians surprised and cut 
to pieces a body of ninety men, — • " the very flower of Essex," — 



So THK STUHKNl's AMKKICAN HISTORY. fHi76. 

at " Bloody Brook," near Deerfiold.'" 'I'hon the New Ensilandcis 
resolved to "root this nest of serpents out of the world." '* 

Tlic next winter a colonial force, a thousand strong, burst 
into the Indian fort of the Narragansetts, on the west shore 
of Narragansett Bay. They set fire to the wigwams in the 
enclosure, and scores of Indians — helpless old men, women 
and children — perished in the llames. On the other hand, 
the savages burned (^1676) Lancaster, Groton. Marlborough, 
Medtield and smaller towns. The temper of the Indians was 
illustrated by Canonchet, chief of the Narragansetts. He 
was captured and when told ho was to be shot, he answered, 
•' I like it well, 1 shall die before my heart becomes soft." ^" 

A little later, Captain Turner of Boston gained a great victory 
over the savages near Turner's Falls on the Connecticut. Then 
the Indians saw that fate was against them, and they began to 
hiy down their arms and beg for peace. 

It was the custom in England to sell prisoners taken in the 
civil wars. Following this example the colonists sold many of 
their rotl captives as slaves to the planters of the West Indies. 
King rhilip's son, a boy of nine, was disposed of in this 
maiuicr. Not long afterward. Captain Church of Plymouth, a 
famous lighter, surprised Philip near Mount Hope. The 
savage " king " was shot by one of his own men who had 
turned against him. At last the colonists " had prayed the 
bullet into his heart." ''^"* The death of the great chief vir- 
tually eniled the contest. This was the last war between the 
whites and the natives in southern New England, — the power 
ot the Indians in that section was broken for ever. 

The losses of the war were very heavy. More than half of 
the towns in Massachusetts had been burned, and a tenth of 
all the tighting men in Now England had either fallen in battle 
or had been carried off captive. Plymouth Colony suffered 
most of all. its war debt exceeded in value the entire per- 
sonal property of the inhabitants, but by years of toil they at 
last paid oil every dollar of it, principal and interest. 



lOC.l Kisi.j ICNcil.ISII AND I'KI'-.NCII SETTLEMKNTS. 8l 

99. Charles II. and the Massachusetts charter ; the 
charter falls (1684). — MassacluiseUs was next called to deal 
with a power more formidable than I'hilip's warriors. When 
Charles 11. conlirmed the Massachusetts charter he did so on 
five conditions : (i) the colonists were to repeal all laws con- 
trary to those of England ; (2) they were to take the Oath of 
Alle,!;iance ; (3) justice was to be administered in the King's 
nanu-; (.|) liberty of worship was to be granted to Episcopa- 
lians ; (5) all persons of respectable character, competent 
estate, and orthodox in religion, were to be allowed to 
vote."*" 

The General Court had partially complied with the order 
respecting the administration of justice in the King's name, 
but not with the other demands. The C'ommonwealth still 
refused to ]KMiuit appeals from the colonial courts to the royal 
courts in iMigland. 

Connnissioners were now (1664) sent over by the King to 
hear complaints. Plymouth Colony, Rhode Island, and Con- 
necticut agreed to comply with the demands of the Crown, but 
Massachusetts refused to permit the Commissioners to sit as a 
court of appeal.''"* 

Later, however, in the hope of saving their charter, tlic Gen- 
eral (!ourt ordered the oath of allegiance to the King to be 
administered.''" This submission, however, made little differ- 
ence in the end ; for Charles was determined to rule absolutely, 
and to leave no chartered rights in England or in the colonies 
to resist his will.'"- 

Massachusctts declared (1681) that she no longer withheld 
liberty of worship from Episcopalians or P>aptists (§ 96) ; but 
it was easy to find other grounds of complaint, and it was 
moved in the King's court in London that the charter be 
annulled ; no time was given to the colonists to plead their 
case, and (1684) the charter fell.''''' IMiis was the end of the 
Puritan commonwealth. Henceforth it was to be ruled by the 
Crown. 



82 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [lR!55-1689. 

100. Sir Edmund Andres ; royal instructions ; his rule ; 
his overthrow. — James II., the successor (16S5) of Charles 
II., sent out Sir Edmund Andros to govern " ihe Dominion of 
New England "' (^§ 64). 

Andros. with his self-appointed council, was authorized: (i) 
to enact laws ("as near as conveniently may be to those of 
England '"» : {2) to organize courts of justice ; (3) to levy taxes ; 
(4) to call out the militia ; (5) to grant liberty of conscience to 
all persons, and to encourage the Episcopal form of worship."^ 

He faithfully carried out his instructions. He opened the 
Old South Meeting-House in Boston on Sunday afternoons for 
tlie Church of England service. He imprisoned the Reverend 
John Wise of Ipswich, and five other leading citizens of tliat 
town, for refusing to pay a tax levied upon them without their 
consent. 

By the fall of the charter every acre of land in jNIassachusetts 
was forfeited to the King. Andros gave the prominent real- 
estate owners of the colony their choice between paying an 
annual ground rent to his royal master, or surrendering their 
houses and fields. In Cambridge, Lynn, and other towns, he 
seized the commons, fenced them in, and leased them to 
private tenants. 

In order to prevent the public discussion of political matters, 
he prohibited all town-meetings except one which might be 
held yearly to choose town-officers. He forbade any person's 
leaving New England without a pass. The press had always 
been under the supervision of a keeper appointed by the Gen- 
eral Court. The Governor now appointed that keeper himself : 
nothing could be printed without a license. "*" Andros was 
naturally arbitrary, but tliere seems to be no evidence that he 
was either "cruel, rapacious, or dishonest."''* It was simply 
inevitable that he should excite the hatred of those who were 
compelled to submit to him and to his royal master. 

When the news of the landing of William, Prince of Orange, 
was received (16S9) in Boston. Andros wrote: "There is a 



I689-J692.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 83 

general buzzing among the people, great with the expectation 
of [regaining] the old charter." '" The " buzzing " had a 
sting in it. It ended in the rising of the citizens. They threw 
the obnoxious ruler into prison, and set up a temporary 
government of their own. Great was the joy of the colonists 
when William and Mary came to the throne in England. The 
new King was known to be in strong sympathy with the prin- 
ciples of the Puritan faith, and the citizens of Massachusetts 
believed that in him they would have a fast friend. 

loi. The new charter of Massachusetts (1691) ; Salem 
witchcraft; Judge Sewall. — King William (1691; granted 
a new charter to Massachusetts which annexed Plymouth and 
Maine to the colony. It provided : (i) that the Crown should 
appoint the Governor of the colony ; (2) that the property- 
holders among the people should elect an Assembly ; (3) that 
the Assembly should choose a council or upper house, subject 
to the approval of the Governor ; (4) the two houses of the 
Legislature were to make all laws, subject to the approval of 
the Governor and of the King ; (5) the Assembly was to levy 
all taxes ; (6) the Legislature established the courts of justice, — 
and the Governor, with the consent of his council, appointed 
the judges ; (7) freedom of worship was granted to all Chris- 
tians except Catholics.""* The colony remained under this 
charter until the War of Independence. 

The King now appointed Sir William Phips, Governor. He 
reached Boston (1692) at a time when Salem and vicinity were 
in a fever of excitement about witchcraft. 

Belief in the reality of witchcraft was then practically univer- 
sal. In Great Britain alone thousands of poor old women 
were tortured, hanged, and burned for that crime. The most 
eminent men " thought that they had Scripture authority for 
that belief, and knew that they had law for it." ^^^ 

Some children in Salem formed a sort of club for reading 
stories about witches. They next began to mimic the actions 
of bewitched persons. At length they worked themselves into 



84 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1692-1696. 

a State of nervous excitement bordering on insanity. In that 
condition they accused several women of having bewitched 
them. One of the accused was a poor Indian servant ; she 
was flogged so cruelly that in her agony she confessed herself 
guilty. Then the whole community was seized with a 
frenzy of terror ; before the fatal delusion ran its course 
nineteen persons were hanged for having sold themselves to 
Satan. 

Then came the inevitable reaction. A day of fasting and 
prayer was held (1696) throughout Massachusetts to bewail 
the "mistakes " of the witchcraft trials. Judge Sewall rose in 
his place in the Old South Meeting-House and read a written 
confession of his error in having taken part in them. He 
ended by humbly begging the congregation to pray "that 
God might not visit his sin upon him, his family," or " upon 
the land." ^°° Later, one of the girls who had begun the terrible 
work signed a written statement, still on record, in which she 
acknowledged the deceit she had employed, and which had 
cost near a score of lives."°^ But though no more witchcraft 
cases came before the courts in Massachusetts, they continued 
to be prosecuted in the Old Country. The English statute 
punishing such offences with death was not repealed until 
forty years later (1736). 

102. The power of the purse; disputes with the Govern- 
ors; Episcopacy; the Forest Laws; the Navigation Laws 
revived. — The new charter (§ loi) gave the Assembly the 
exclusive control of the public purse. The representatives 
chosen by the different towns levied all taxes, and paid all 
salaries. This provision put " the effective whip of the money 
power " into the hands of the colonists, and made them almost 
independent of the Governor and the King. 

One great object of the Governor was to secure a fixed 
permanent salary, so that the people could not put a bridle 
on his authority. The people, on the other hand, were fully 
resolved not to grant a fixed salary ; and not to grant any for 



1691-176.0.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 85 

more than a single year at a time. In this way they made the 
Governor realize that his pay depended on his behavior. This 
battle between the Executive and the people was constantly 
going on, not only in Massachusetts, but in every one of the 
royal colonies in America. ^"^ 

Another lively source of irritation sprang from the fact that 
the Governor, as the King's representative, always attended 
the King's or Episcopal Chapel in Boston. This excited the 
distrust of many of the descendants of the original Puritans. 
They feared that the King intended to appoint a bishop for 
Massachusetts, and to secure to the Episcopal Church the 
controlling influence in religion. No bishop, however, was 
ever appointed by the Crown for any American colony. 

The Forest Laws were another cause of irritation. The 
tall straight pines of New England vere reserved for masts for 
the royal navy. The new charter forbade the colonists to cut 
them down. But as a fine tree would readily sell for ;^ioo, or 
even more, the King's surveyor found it difficult to save the 
pines. His attempts to do so sometimes led to pitched 
battles between his men and the colonists, in which the latter 
generally came off victors. 

Later, the royal authorities made determined efforts to 
enforce the obnoxious Navigation Acts (§ 48), which had 
long been a dead letter in New England. This added fresh 
fuel to the smouldering embers of discontent. Samuel Adams 
and other patriots blew those embers until they suddenly burst 
out in the fierce flame of the Revolution. 

103. Summary. — Plymouth Colony (1620) and the colony 
of Massachusetts (1630) were established by men seeking 
liberty of worship for themselves ; but for themselves only. 
The settlers of the first or " Old Colony " were Separatists ; 
those of the second, Puritans. The Pilgrims organized gov- 
ernment by town-meeting, where all met on terms of political 
equality. Later, they established the representative system 
(except for local affairs) and restricted the right to vote to 



86 



THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1622-1629. 



persons of orthodox faith. After an independent existence of 
seventy years Plymouth Colony was united with Massa- 
chusetts. • 

The Puritan settlers of Massachusetts practically set up an 
independent religious republic, from which they excluded all 
who did not accept their faith ; on the other hand they were 
the first English colonists to establish a college for higher 
education, and a system of public schools which laid the foun- 
dation of free instruction in the United States. In 1684 the 
colony was made a royal province. Later (1691), a new charter 
was received which remained in force until the outbreak of the 
Revolution. 



V. New Hampshire (1623). 

104. Grant of territory; first settlements. — Two years 
after the Pilgrims landed on Plymouth Rock, Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges and Captain John Mason of England obtained a grant 
(1622) of the country between the Merrimac and the Kennebec 

rivers.-"^ Their territory extended " to 
the farthest head of the said rivers " and 
sixty miles inland. The new province 
was to receive the name of Maine. A 
few months later, David Thomson, a 
Scotchman, got possession of a small 
section of land on the Piscataqua, and 
established a fishing-station (1623) near 
the mouth of that river. He soon 
moved to the vicinity of Boston ; but the 
settlement he had formed on the Pisca- 
taqua seems to have been maintained. ^°* 
Several years later (1627) Edward Hilton came over from 
England and set up a second fishing-station at what is now 
Dover. Not long afterward (1629) Gorges and Mason built a 
fort for carrying on the fur trade. The three founded Ports- 




1625-.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 8/ 

mouth on one of the noblest harbors of the New England 
coast. When (1638) the Reverend John Wheelwright was 
banished from Massachusetts for heresy (§ 92) he began the 
settlement of Exeter. 

105. Gorges and Mason divide their territory into Maine 
and New Hampshire. — Gorges and Mason (1629-1634) 
divided their territory.-"^ Gorges took the part east of the 
Piscataqua or Maine, while Mason took that between the 
Piscataqua and the Merrimac. This region he called New 
Hampshire, — from the county of Hampshire, England, where 
he had once held an important office. 

An attempt had been made by Sir George Popham to estab- 
lish a colony of that name at the mouth of the Kennebec in 
1607 ; but it was unsuccessful. Maine was planted by small 
settlements, and hence presented only " scattered beginnings." 
The first permanent one was made (1625) on the rocky prom- 
ontory of Pemaquid, east of Bath. It promised so well that it 
received the name of "the metropolis of New England." ^°^ 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges was a staunch royalist and a zealous 
member of the Church of England. He fixed his capital 
(1640) under the shadow of Mount Agamenticus, at what is 
now York. Massachusetts, under a new interpretation of her 
charter, claimed part of Maine. By a later charter (1691) she 
got the whole of it, and held it under the name of the " District 
of Maine." ^°' In 1820 this '• District " became an independent 
State of that Union which the hardy and patriotic sons of 
Maine had done their full part to establish. 

106. Religious opinions ; land titles. — New Hampshire 
was greatly divided in religious opinions. A considerable 
part of the first settlers were " loyal to the Church of England 
and to the King."^°* But besides these there were Puritans 
and Hutchinsonians (§ 92) at Dover. Again, the Wheel- 
wright party (§ 92), who settled Exeter, felt no very fervent 
love toward the old Bay Colony, which had driven them out to 
find homes in the northern wilderness. 



88 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [lfi:){)-1642. 

Besides religious differences there were serious disputes 
about land-titles, and, between the two, New Hampshire found 
herself in a very unsettled condition. When Mason died 
(1635) his heirs insisted that the settlers on the grant were 
intruders who must either pay for their farms or leave them. 

While this dispute was going on, Massachusetts (1630) laid 
claim to a large part of New Hampshire. Her ground was 
that the Company's charter gave them the right to all lands 
as far north as three miles above the source of the Merrimac 
River (§ 85), and thence easterly in a straight line to the 
Atlantic.'^"'-' 

After many years of litigation, the English courts finally 
(1680) decided against this claim; but the Mason heirs kept 
up the controversy for about half a century longer. The early 
settlers had a trying experience. When they were not fighting 
Indians in the forests, they were fighting in the courts against 
English claimants to their homes ; of the two, they probably 
dreaded the claimants rather more than they did the savages. 

107. << Combinations" ; union with Massachusetts (1642- 
1675) ; New Hampshire becomes a royal province. — After 
Mason's death the citizens of Dover signed a compact by 
which they bound themselves to obey the laws of England, but 
maintained the right of the settlers to supplement those laws 
with regulations of their own. Similar " combinations " were 
formed (either earlier or later) by the people of Portsmouth 
and of Exeter. ^"^ In practice these agreements established 
independent systems of self-government. 

But New Hampshire had too small a population to hold her 
own against the terrors of Indian attacks, of boundary disputes, 
and of private claimants to her lands. A commissioner sent 
from Massachusetts reported that the Piscataqua people were 
ripe for union with the Bay colony.'^" The union took place 
in 1641. The northern colony lost none of its rights or 
privileges by the annexation. The General Court of Mas- 
sachusetts prudently ordered (1642) that the freemen of New 



1642-1759.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 89 

Hampshire should " have liberty ... to manage all their town 
affairs," and that permission should be given to each town to 
" send a deputy to the General Court though [such deputies] 
be not at present church-members." -'" 

This union lasted for more than thirty years (1642-1675), 
when the King ordered that New Hampshire should be restored 
to one of Mason's heirs. A few years later (1680) it became a 
royal province. Governor Cranfield's rapacity made the people 
desperate, and the farmers rose. Armed with clubs, and aided 
by their good wives armed with kettles of boiling water, they 
drove back the Governor's bands of tax-collectors and con- 
stables. 

108. Settlement of Londonderry (1719) ; manufacture of 
linen ; Stark ; Webster ; Dartmouth College. — Early in the 
eighteenth century (17 19) a number of Scotch-Irish (§ 52) immi- 
grants settled in New Hampshire. They founded a frontier 
town which they called Londonderry, in grateful remembrance 
of the famous Protestant city which had been their temporary 
home in Ireland. 

These thrifty settlers soon began a most important industry, 
which they had learned in Ireland ; this was the raising of flax 
and the manufacture of linen. In every log-cabin the music of 
the spinning-wheel was heard, and the cloth sent out from 
those humble homes in the wilderness became so famous all 
over New England that British makers counterfeited the Lon- 
donderry stamp. -'^ 

Another product of which the town had good reason to be 
proud was John Stark, who came to the front in the French 
and Indian wars and in the early battles of the Revolution. 

About forty years after the settlement of Londonderry, a 
farmer of Scottish descent pushed far north into what was 
then the wildest part of New Hampshire. There he made 
himself a dwelling-place under the shadow of Mount Kear- 
sarge. Speaking of that home in the woods, Daniel Webster 
said : " My father lapped on a little beyond any other comer ; 



90 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1759-1760. 

and when he had built his losr-cabin, and ligfhted his fire, his 
smoke ascended nearer to the North Star than that of any 
other of His Majesty's New England subjects ; his nearest 
civilized neighbor on the north was at Montreal."^" 

Something like ten years after that cabin was erected a 
band of about thirty students, mostly Indians, made their way 
on foot through the woods from Connecticut to what is now 
Hanover. There they felled trees in the forest, and erected 
(1769) the first rude buildings of Dartmouth College.-'^ 

109. Dispute between New York and New Hampshire; 
the ** beech seal"; Vermont; Paul Jones, — In 1763 a 
dispute arose between New Hampshire and New York in 
regard to the ownership of the territory lying between the 
latter colony and the Connecticut River. 

Both claimed it under the royal grants. ^^^ The colony of 
Massachusetts had built Fort Dumnier (1724) near what is 
now Brattleboro. This was the first settlement made in that 
region. Governor Benning Wentworth of New Hampshire 
(from whom Bennington was named) had already laid out 
nearly a hundred and forty townships in this disputed territory. 
These townships — popularly called the "New Hampshire 
grants " — were a favorite field for speculators, and lawyers 
grew rich from land sales and the quarrels arising from them. 

The King (1765) confirmed the claim of New York to the 
territory west of the Connecticut River. Thereupon the Gov- 
ernor of New York ordered the settlers on the ''New Hamp- 
shire grants " — later named Vermont — to repurchase their 
lands. 

Ethan Allen and Seth Warner, two " Green Mountain boys," 
headed a party determined to resist these demands. They 
armed themselves with tough "blue-beech" rods, such as were 
used for taming unruly oxen. When the sheriff's ofiicers came 
from New York to eject the settlers, the " boys " gave them a 
very warm reception. This they styled applying the " beech 
seal." A long and bloody contest would probably have ensued. 



1777.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 9I 

had not the breaking out of the Revolution compelled the dis- 
putants to turn their energies to fighting a common enemy. 

In the war for Independence the "Green Mountain boys," 
led by Allen, Warner and other patriots of that section, did the 
cause of American liberty memorable service, in 1777 the 
freemen of the " New Hampshire Grants " declared themselves 
an independent State, under the appropriate name of Vermont. 
Vermont ('791) headed the band of States which, outside of 
the original thirteen, first entered the American Union. 

Early in the Revolution, citizens of Portsmouth, New Hamp- 
shire, built (1777) the famous privateer " Ranger," which sailed 
under the command of Paul Jones. The " Ranger " was the first 
vessel to hoist the "stars and stripes," and the first to force a 
British man-of-war to strike her colors to our national llag.'^'^ 

no. Summary. — Early in the seventeenth century a few 
fishing and fur-trading settlements were planted on the New 
England coast north of the Merrimac. Soon afterward the 
proprietors of the territory divided it ; the eastern part became 
Maine and the western, New Hampshire, Eventually, New 
Hampshire was annexed to Massachusetts, but it retained 
important features of its own more liberal form of government ; 
late in the seventeenth century it became a royal province. 

Scotch-Irish immigrants set up the manufacture of linen at 
Londonderry. Stark and Webster were the sons of New 
Hampshire pioneers. After a lime the settlers in the western 
part of the colony declared themselves an independent State 
under the name of Vermont. Both New Hampshire and Ver- 
mont took active parts in the War of Independence. 



VI. Connecticut (1634). 

III. Connecticut Valley ; the Dutch emigration from Ply- 
mouth Colony and from Massachusetts. — Between Plymouth 
Colony on the east and New Netherland on the west lay the 
beautiful valley of the Connecticut. James I. had granted this 



92 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1633-1636 



region to the Tlymouth Council ; but no proper surveys had 
been made, and " the King might as well have given a bear- 
skin while the bear himself was still at large in the forest." -'* 

The Dutch claimed the country by virtue of exploration and 
settlement. They had sent vessels up the Connecticut (1633) 
and had built a fortified fur-trading house where the city of 
Hartford now stands. But the Puritan and Pilgrim colonists 
on the east refused to recognize the Dutch claim. They looked 
upon the coveted territory as a " No-Man's Land " or "■ Lord's 
Waste," which any Englishman had the right to seize. Acting 
in this spirit. Captain William Holmes of Plymouth sailed 
boldly up the Connecticut, pushed past the Dutch fort (1633), 
and set up a ready-made rival trading-house where Windsor 
now stands. The next year (1634) emigrants from Watertown, 
near Boston, built a few log huts at Wetherstield, — the oldest 
town in Connecticut. Soon afterward (1635) about half the 
inhabitants of Dorchester, Massachusetts, moved to the vicinity 
of Captain Holmes's trading-house. They, too, had a " hanker- 
ing mind " after the rich river meadows of Windsor. 

But the chief emigration took place the following year 
(1636), when the Reverend Thomas Hooker, "the Light of 
the Western Churches," led the greater part of his Cambridge 

conirregation to the 
Connecticut. The 
colonists found their 
way through the 
primeval forests by 
the use of the com- 
pass. After two 
weeks' journeying 
they reached the 
Connecticut, crossed 



Spn^ilfieKTV-^-* lJrvH>k field ^ 




I, 6°>* ^ 










SCALE OF MILES 



100 



it on rafts, and began the settlement of Hartford. 

The same autumn (1636) John Winthrop, junior, built a fort 
for Lords Say and Brooke at the mouth of the Connecticut — 



1636-1644.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 93 

hence the town of Saybrook. This fort shut out the Dutch 
from coming up the river. Eight years later (1644) the 
Connecticut colony (consisting of Wethersfield, Windsor, and 
Hartford; purchased Saybrook, and so got the control of 
the river from its mouth to the Massachusetts line on the 
north. 

112. Opposition of Massachusetts; reasons for emigra- 
tion. — Massachusetts strongly opposed this movement of her 
people into the valley of the Connecticut. She regarded it as 
a secession rather than an emigration. It was in fact the 
secession of the more democratic part of the Puritan popula- 
tion of Massachusetts. But the authorities had other reasons 
foi" opposing this movement : (i^ they did not like to see their 
own slender numbers reduced ; (2) they feared that England 
would hold them responsible for letting the people take posses- 
sion of a region for which they had no patent ; (3) they thought 
the movement would bring on a war with the Dutch and with 
the Indians. ^^^ In regard to trouble with the savages, the 
results showed that their judgment was correct. 

The Cambridge emigrants gave as their reasons for going : 
first, that they needed more room for pasturing their cattle ; 
secondly, that if they did not seize the Connecticut Valley 
there was great danger that the " Dutch, or other English " 
might. Finally, they declared that it was "the strong bent of 
their spirits to remove thither."^" 

The phrase "strong bent" was doubtless a mild way of 
expressing the determination of the leaders of the movement 
to establish a new government, which should more fully repre- 
sent their own ideas. Hooker v^^as opposed, to religious tests 
for suffrage. He advocated broader and more tolerant princi- 
ples in both religion and politics than those held by the 
authorities in Massachusetts.^^' 

After long deoate a reluctant kind of half-assent was given 
to the emigration, but on the condition thcx*- Massachusetts 
should appoint commissioners to control the Connecticut set- 



94 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1637-1638. 

tiers. To this the eniigiaiils agreed, but in less than a year 
they had become self-governing. 

113. War with the Pequots ; the destruction of the Pequot 
fort; results. — The settlers at Wethersfield, Windsor, and 
Hartford had hardly got their log-cabins completed when they 
were obliged to unite in a campaign (1637) against the savages. 
It was the first war with the Indians in New England. The 
ferocious Pequots — a tribe that could muster nearly a thousand 
warriors — were determined to drive the English from the rich 
valley of the Connecticut. 

Captain John Mason of Windsor led (1637) his valiant little 
army of ninety men against the savages. Captain Underhill 
of Massachusetts joined him with a force of about twenty 
more. Several hundred friendly Narragansetts and Mohicans 
went with the expedition. 

Mason and Underhill, with a total attacking force of less 
than four-score men, burst into the Pequot fort (on Pequot 
Hill, near what is now Mystic). They set the wigwams on 
fire, and in a few minutes the whole Indian village was a sheet 
of roaring flame. When the terrified savages rushed madly out 
of their blazing wigwams, Mason and Underhill " entertained 
them," as the latter says, " with the point of the sword." Out of 
six or seven hundred Pequots, only "about seven escaped." -^^ 

The remainder of the tribe, who were entrenched in a second 
fort a few miles distant, fled westward in despair. All summer 
they were hunted down like wild beasts. In the autumn 
(1637) the miserable remnant of this once powerful people 
surrendered. The colonists gave part of the prisoners to the 
Mohicans and Narragansetts ; the rest they sold as slaves to 
the West India planters. The destruction of the Pequots 
secured forty years of peace to the New England settlers, and 
opened the way to the rapid settlement of Connecticut. 

114. Mr. Hooker's sermon; the Connecticut Constitution; 
laws respecting suffrage. — In the spring following the victory 
over the Pequots, the Reverend Mr. Hooker preached a mem- 



\ti-Jti-i6-Ji).] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 95 

orable sermon (1638^ before the General Court of Connecticut. 
He declared that the foundation of every just government must 
be laid " in the free consent of the people," who alone had the 
right not only to choose, but to limit the power of their rulers.^"''' 

The next January (1639) the Court framed a "Body of 
Fundamental Laws " based on the republican principles which 
Hooker had laid down. Such was the origin of the first written, 
and purely republican, constitution made by Americans for 
Americans (§§ 43, 80). It did not mention either King or 
Parliament, but derived its powers solely from the " free con- 
sent " of the governed. 

This constitution required that the Governor of Connecticut 
should be " always a member of some approved congrega- 
tion.""'* That meant that he must be orthodox in religion. 
But the Connecticut authorities, unlike those in Massachusetts, 
did not restrict the right to vote to church-members. 

A number of years later an act was passed (1657) forbidding 
Quakers and other "loathsome heretics" from settling in the 
colony."'^ About the same time the right of suffrage was 
limited to persons who had once held office or who owned 
property to the value of ^^30."'* 

The laws were liberal for that day. Roger Williams was " a 
welcome guest at Hartford," and there " never existed a perse- 
cuting spirit in Connecticut." ^'^'^ 

115. New Haven Colony (1638) a republic founded on 
the Bible ; the Laws of Moses. — Meanwhile a new colony 
had been planted (1638) at New Haven. In many respects it 
differed widely from the Connecticut colony. Its founders 
were Theophilus Eaton, a London merchant, and the Reverend 
John Davenport, a Puritan minister of the " straitest sect."^^** 

In 1639 the settlers held their first town-meeting. They 
voted : (i) "that the Scriptures do hold forth a perfect rule for 
the direction and government of all men " ; (2) "that church- 
members only shall l)e free burgesses." ^"^ These ordinances 
were declared to be unalterable. 



96 TIIK student's AMKKKAX HlSl'OKV. [lii;t8-17(il. 

The settlors llicn chose twelve men, wln^ in turn chose, from 
among themselves, the "Seven Pillars." These seven, by 
mutual agreement, formed the tirst church of New Haven 
Colony, and also the tlrst court of justice. They appointed 
the civil officers of the commonwealth and decided who might 
be permitted to vote. 

A few years later (1644) the General C\nnt ordered that " the 
judicial Laws of Moses," as laitl down in the Old Testament, 
should be tlie rule for dealing with all olTcnders. These laws, 
which resembled those of Massachusetts, intlicted the penalty 
of death not only on tlie murderer, but on the presumptuous 
sabbath-breaker, the wilful blasphemer and the stubborn and 
rebellious son.-^"" All trials were conducted before the se\en 
judges; trial by jury was not allow'ed."'" There is no evidence, 
however, that capital punishment was ever inflicted except for 
wilful nunder, and for the commission of one or two revolting 
crimes. •''■ In England at this date no less than thirty offences 
— of which sheep-stealing was one — were punished by tlie 
hangman's halter. 

116. Establishment of a free school (1642') and of a 
college (1701) ; the regicides. — Meanwhile (,1642) the colony 
of New Haven had ordered a free school to be "set up" 
(§ 93), and to be supported out of the public money of the 
town.-'^^ 

Two generations later (^1701 ; after New Haven and Con- 
necticut had long been united) tradition tells us that ten 
ministers, zealous for the cause of sound knowledge and 
sound orthodoxy, met at Branford, near New Haven. Each 
brought a few books, saying. " I give these books for the 
foundin<^- of a college in this colonv." Such was the humble 
besrinnino; of what is to-dav " Vale ITniversitv." It was the 
second in order of birth of the great New England institutions 
of learn ing.'^^* 

When Charles II. came to the throne, W'halley and Goffe, 
two of the judges who had signed Charles I.'s death warrant. 



1660-1687.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 9/ 

fled to Boston. Thence the "regicide judges" went to New 
Haven.'^'''''' 

The Puritan colonists of New England naturally sympathized 
with men who had given the death-blow to that royal tyranny 
which had driven them to seek homes in the New World. 
The Reverend John Davenport concealed the fugitives in his 
own house. In a sermon full of fervor he bade his congrega- 
tion obey the Scripture command : " Hide the outcasts, betray 
not liim that wandereth." ^* The emissaries of the Crown 
offered large rewards for the capture of the regicides, but no 
one, however poor, would give information respecting them. 
The King never succeeded in laying hand on these two men 
who had helped to send his father to the block. 

117. The Connecticut Charter (1662 j ; New Haven united 
with Connecticut; Andros and the charter. — In 1662 
Charles II. granted a charter to the Connecticut colony, which 
incorporated (1665) the New Haven colony with the other 
settlement. ^^^ The Connecticut charter was a remarkable 
instrument. It made the people of that commonwealth "inde- 
pendent except in name." They could elect their own governor 
and legislature, enact their own laws (provided they should not 
be contrary to the laws of England), and administer justice 
without appeal to the English courts. The charter imposed no 
restrictions in matters of religion or worship. 

It was as liberal in its gift of territory as in its political 
concessions. It secured to this virtual American republic a 
strip of land about seventy miles in width, extending from a 
point a little west of Narragansett Bay in one unbroken line 
across the continent to the Pacific. By these generous terms 
Connecticut embraced, like Virginia and Massachusetts, nearly 
one-eighth the circumference of the globe. 

In 1687 Governor Andros, in pursuance of his instructions 
from James II. (§ 100), demanded the surrender of the Connec- 
ticut charter, and went with a military retinue to Hartford to 
obtain it. The authorities protested, but Andros was unyield- 



gS THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1687-1776. 

ing. He had come for the charter, and he was determined not 
to - go away without it. The discussion extended into the 
evening. Then, according to tradition, the much-coveted doc- 
ument was brought in and hi id on the table. The Governor 
was about to take possession of it, when the candles were 
suddenly blown out ; when they were relighted the charter 
had disappeared. One of the Assemblymen had seized the 
precious document under cover of the darkness, and rushing 
out had hidden it in the hollow trunk of the tree henceforth 
known and venerated as the "Charter Oak." -'"^ 

Andros now took the management of Connecticut (§ loo) 
upon himself. But his triumph was brief. When (1689) he 
fell (§ 100) the colonists brought out the hidden charter and 
reestablished their liberty. From that time the government 
remained substantially unchanged until the adoption of the 
State constitution in 18 18. 

The growth of Connecticut, like that of her noble elms, 
was silent and sure. As she chose her own rulers and made 
her own laws, she was exempt from those quarrels with royal 
Governors which kept most of the colonies in a constant tur- 
moil. In the French wars Israel Putnam, one of Connecticut's 
adopted sons — "the man who dared to lead where any man 
dared to follow " — showed how her people were being trained 
for the coming struggle for independence. That struggle 
brought such patriots as Putnam. Roger Sherman, and Gov- 
ernor Jonathan Trumbull — the original " Brother Jonathan," 
the friend and adviser of Washington — directly to the front.^^'' 

118. Summary. — The Connecticut Valley was settled by 
emigrants from Massachusetts who desired to establish a 
colony on a broader basis of citizenship. Connecticut framed 
the first written and purely republican form of constitution 
made by Americans for Americans. Later, a colony of the 
strictest class of Puritans was established at New Haven. 
They limited the government to church-members. In 1662 
Charles II. united the two colonies under a very liberal charter. 



1629-1636.] ENGLISH AND FREN'CH SETTLEMENTS. 99 

Henceforth Connecticut became an independent republic in 
everything but name. Israel Putnam led Connecticut men in 
the "French and Indian War"; and at the beginning of the 
Revolution, Putnam, Sherman, and Trumbull took a conspic- 
uous part in behalf of independence. 

VII. Maryland (1634). 

119. George Calvert, Baron of Baltimore ; the Maryland 
Charter; laws; religion. — In 1629 George Calvert, Baron 
of Baltimore, visited Jamestown, Virginia, with the view of 
settling in that province. The authorities, knowing that he 
was a Catholic, demanded that he should take the Oath of 
Supremacy (§ 40), and thus compelled him to leave the colony.^*" 

Two years later (163 1) Charles I. granted Lord Baltimore a 
large tract of wild land in Virginia, north and east of the 
Potomac ; but before the charter was signed Lord Baltimore 
died, and his son, Cecil Calvert, the second Lord Baltimore, 
received the charter.'"*^ It created Calvert and his heirs 
"Proprietaries" or "true and absolute lords" of Maryland — 
a name given by the King in honor of his wife. Queen Mary, 
who held the same faith as the Calverts. By this act Charles 
I. granted " the most ample rights and privileges ever con- 
ferred by a sovereign of England." He gave Lord Baltimore 
power to set up " a government almost independent of the 
parent country." -*^ 

By the charter the " Proprietary " could erect manors, create 
a titled aristocracy, wage war, call out the entire fighting popu- 
lation to defend his province, establish courts of justice, 
impose custom duties, levy taxes, and, with the assent of the 
freemen, could enact all needful laws — provided, however, 
that they should agree " as far as conveniently might be " with 
the laws of England. 

in pursuance of this plan, Lord Baltimore ordered (1636) 
that land-grants of a thousand acres and upwards should be 



lOO 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



[1634- 



erected into manors. The lord of such an estate was em- 
powered to hold civil and criminal courts. His tenants usually 
enjoyed a share in the management or government of the 
estate. One of the most famous of these manors, on which 
the ancient mansion, chapel, and outbuildings are still to be 
seen, was the beautiful domain of the Revolutionary patriot, 
Charles Carroll of CarroUton, which is still held by one of his 
descendants. 

Nothing in the charter forbade the Proprietary from opening 
such places of worship as he saw fit."*^ Lord Baltimore's 
intention was to found an aristocratic province of wealthy 
landholders which should also be a place of refuge for English 
Catholics.-^* In doing this he had no intention of compelling 
all colonists to contribute toward the support of the Catholic 
Church, or of excluding any other class of Christians ; in fact, 
under English law he could not have shut out Protestants had 
he been so disposed. But he was not so disposed ; on the 
contrary, he invited them to take part in planting the first 
settlement in the American wilderness vv'hich was open to all 
believers in Christianity.^"*^ 

120. Emigration to Maryland; St. Mary's (1634) first 
English Catholic Church ; Puritans ; toleration ; Quakers. 

— Leonard Calvert, a brother of Lord 
Baltimore, sailed (1633) ^^^ Maryland 
with nearly two hundred colonists. About 
twenty of them were Catholic gentlemen 
who went out to take up lands ; most 
of the remainder appear to have been 
Protestant laborers. A settlement was 
made at St. Mary's in 1634. Here an 
Indian wigwam was consecrated as a 
place of worship. It was the first English Catholic church 
opened in America. No other colony would have allowed it 
to stand even for a day. Under English law no colony could 
have rightfully permitted it to do so (§ 40). Nothing in Lord 




1634-1649.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. lOI 

Baltimore's charter granted him permission to open such a 
church ; but it seems to have been implied or understood. 

From the outset, Protestants and Catholics enjoyed equal 
and entire freedom. Puritans from New England were invited 
to settle in the new colony. Governor Winthrop of Massachu- 
setts wrote (1643), that Lord Baltimore, "being himself a 
Papist," offered "land in Maryland to any of ours that would 
transport themselves thither, with free liberty of religion."-''^ 

When Governor Berkeley of Virginia drove out the Puritans 
from the "Old Dominion," a number fled to Maryland (1648- 
1649) and, like Roger Williams, founded a town which they 
named Providence — now Annapolis. In 1649 the Maryland 
Assembly, a majority of whom were Catholics, enacted a 
statute which confirmed and fully established Lord Baltimore's 
policy of religious toleration. That act punished denial of the 
Trinity with death ; but it declared that " no person . . . pro- 
fessing to believe in Jesus Christ shall from henceforth be any 
ways troubled ... in respect of his or her religion ... so as 
they be not unfaithful to the Lord Proprietary." ^" 

Certain Quakers were banished for refusing to take the oath 
of allegiance to Lord Baltimore ; but even they were not very 
rigidly excluded, for George Fox later (1672) declared that he 
held " a large and heavenly meeting " in Maryland. ^^^ 

121. The Virginians; Clayborne ; Captain Ingle; the 
Puritan commissioners ; Cromwell ; William and Mary. — - 
Meanwhile the Virginia colonists, angry at the dismemberment 
of their territory, showed decided hostility to their new neigh- 
bors. William Clayborne, a. Virginian, held a trading station 
on Kent Island, under a royal license, granted before Lord 
Baltimore received his charter. He refused to vacate ; fighting 
ensued. Finally the case was brought before the English 
courts and was decided in Lord Baltimore's favor. When the 
Civil War broke out in England between the Puritans and the 
Royalists, Clayborne made an attempt to repossess himself of 
Kent Island. 



I02 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [l64-l-lfif*!). 

At the same time Captain Richard Ingle, an English piratical 
adventurer, who professed to be a staunch Puritan, seized St. 
Mary's, and compelled Governor Calvert to fly to Virginia. 
Under the plea that he had come to help " the distressed 
Protestants " of the colony, Clayborne plundered the Catholics 
and the Royalists, broke up the Catholic missions, and arrest- 
ing Father White and the other priests, sent them to England 
in irons to answer to a false charge of treason. 

After a time Governor Calvert returned to Maryland, but 
there was a great outcry in England against what was called 
the " Papist province." To take away all cause for this 
clamor, Lord Baltimore removed the Catholic Governor, put a 
Protestant in his place, and gave the control to that party.-^'' 

After Charles I. was beheaded, Parliament appointed three 
commissioners, one of whom was Clayborne, to reorganize the 
government of Maryland. Three-fourths of the colonists were 
Puritans. They supported Clayborne in his avowed determi- 
nation to " root out the Papists." An Assembly was summoned 
from which all Catholics were expressly excluded. That body 
enacted a law (1654) declaring : "that none who profess and 
exercise the Popish religion . . . can be protected in this 
province by the laws of England.""'" The extreme Puritans in 
England said that at last "Babylon in Maryland" had fallen."^' 
The same law that refused liberty of worship to Catholics, 
denied it to Episcopalians, Quakers, and Baptists.-^"- 

Cromwell, Puritan though he was, sternly rebuked this 
action. He declared that " Liberty of conscience is a natural 
rio-ht." He eave orders that Lord Baltimore's authority should 
be respected, and that freedom of worship should be restored, 
to all Christians.-'^ 

When William and Mary came to the throne (1689), they 
were not at once proclaimed sovereigns in Maryland. John 
Coode spread the report that the delay was the result of a plot 
on the part of the Catholics and the Indians to " cut off the 
Protestants " of the colony. The story was absurd on its face. 



1689-1775.] KNGI.ISir AM) FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. IO3 

for tlic Protestants greatly outnumbered the Catholics, and 
could easily have crushed any attack. Ikit the report led to 
an insurrection, and Maryland was split into two hostile par- 
ties, one crying out against the " villainous practices " of "the 
late Popish governors "' ; the other denouncing " the wicked 
instigation of John Coode.""^* 

122. Maryland becomes a royal province ; the Church 
of England ; the Catholics ; Lord Baltimore ; the Revolu- 
tion ; Articles of Confederation. — In consequence of this 
turmoil the King decided (1692) to take the government of 
Maryland into his own hands, and the Assembly established 
the Church of England in the colony. Puritans and Catholics 
were now alike forced to contribute money for its support, and 
Catholics were forbidden to hold public worship. '''^^ Later 
(1716), the introduction of the "test oath" (§ 174) had the 
effect of prohibiting Catholics from holding any office under 
the Government. Henceforth until the Revolution, despite 
the sturdy protest of such patriots as Charles Carroll, citizens 
of that faith " were taxed to sustain a religion which they 
believed heretical, and a Government in which they had no 
share." 2''« 

Meanwhile the Baltimores had become Protestants, and 
Maryland was restored (17 15) to Charles Calvert, the fifth Lord 
Baltimore. He was a member of the Church of England, and 
he and his descendants held the province until the War of 
Independence. In 1729 the great tobacco planters on the 
Patapsco founded the city of Baltimore, as a port from which 
to ship that staple. In the outset of the Revolution the Mary- 
land colonists burned the taxed tea that was shipped to Anna- 
polis, and sent sharp-shooters to aid the Continental army in 
besieging the British force shut up in Boston. 

123. Summary. — The colony of Maryland was established 
by Lord Baltimore (1634) mainly as a refuge for English 
Catholics. Liberty of worship was guaranteed to all Chris- 
tians. Maryland became involved in a dispute with Virginia 



104 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY 



[I636-. 



in regard to the possession of Kent Island. The republican 
party in England appointed Clayborne with other commis- 
sioners to reorganize the government of Maryland. The 
commissioners summoned an Assembly made up of Puritan 
settlers, who refused to protect Catholics, and prohibited free- 
dom of worship to any but those of their own faith. In 1692 
Maryland became a royal province, and the Church of England 
was made the established form of worship. 

Later, when the Baltimores had become Protestants, the 
government was restored to them, and remained in their hands 
until the outbreak of the Revolution. 



VIII. Rhode Island (1636). 

124. Roger Williams founds Providence.; the << lively 
experiment." — In the spring of 1636. Roger Williams (§ 91), 
with a few friends, formed a settlement at the head of Narra- 

gansett Bay. In commemoration 
of the many mercies he had re- 
ceived from the Most High, he 
called the place " Providence." "I 
desired," he says, "it might be for 
a shelter for persons distressed for 
conscience." ^^ 

In the colony of Providence 
absolute religious liberty was 
guaranteed to all. It was, as 
Roger Williams said, " a lively 
experiment " — one that had never been made before. More 
than a century earlier (15 15) Sir Thomas More in his romance 
of Utopia had dared to hint at such toleration in England. The 
idea was regarded as an excellent jest. Well-nigh half a cen- 
tury later (1561) L'Hopital, Chancellor of France, likewise 
pleaded, but without success, for freedom of worship. -^^ Lord 
Baltimore (1634) granted it in Maryland, but confined it to 




1636-.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. I05 

trinitarian Christians (§ 120). In Rhode Island (1636) Roger 
WilHams, casting all limitations aside, welcomed men not only 
of every faith, — Jew, Christian, or Pagan, — but men of no faith, 
to the enjoyment of what he called "soul liberty. ""^^ Complete 
religious toleration had its origin in America. Later, Williams 
(1654) explained how this "soul liberty" was to be made 
consistent with the maintenance of order. He compared the 
colony to the passengers in a ship. No one, said he, must 
" be forced to come to the ship's prayers " ; but on the other 
hand no mutiny can be permitted, and no man's religious belief 
can be allowed to " disturb the civil peace." ^®° 

A striking illustration of the practical working of such broad 
toleration occurred a few years later. The commissioners of 
the New England Confederacy (1657) requested Governor 
Arnold of Rhode Island to exclude Quakers as a " common 
pest." The Governor replied that they had no law to punish 
them. He added ironically that the Rhode Island colonists 
had found by experience that where Quakers were " suffered 
to declare themselves freely . . . [there] they least of all 
desire to come." ^" 

Meanwhile several Baptists had emigrated from Massa- 
chusetts to Providence. Williams gave them a hearty welcome, 
and united with them in forming (1639) the first Baptist 
Church in America. He soon after withdrew from it, and 
became what was then called a " Seeker," or independent 
inquirer. 

125. Government of the colony; charter of the colony. — 
The government of the colony was a democracy limited to the 
heads of families. Unmarried men could not vote, but must 
bind themselves to obey the laws. Later (1640), five men called 
"Disposers" were chosen to manage affairs, but their action 
might be modified or set aside in town-meeting.-"- 

Subsequently, suffrage was restricted to owners of real estate, 
and no one could become a citizen until he had resided in the 
colony for some time.^''^ 



~y^ 



1 06 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1643-1654. 

Meanwhile, Williams had gone to England to secure a charter 
for Rhode Island. He procured one from the Parliamentary 
Commissioners (1644), which gave the colonists full power to 
govern themselves provided they enacted no laws contrary to 
those of England.^"* 

Twenty years later (1663) a royal charter was obtained which 
confirmed all the privileges granted by the first instrument, and 
which expressly provided that no one should be " in any wise 
molested . . . for any difference in opinion in matters of 
religion." -^^ This charter was so broad and liberal that it 
virtually made Rhode Island a " little republic." When the 
colony threw off the power of the Crown in 1776, the clause 
in the charter requiring allegiance to the King was struck out,- 
and one was substituted requiring allegiance to the Colony; 
with this single change it then stood until 1842.^''^ 

126. Limitation of suffrage versus religious toleration; 
Brown University. — Meanwhile, on paper at least, a very 
decided limitation of suffrage had taken place. In the statutes 
of Rhode Island of 1719a law which claims to have dated from 
1664 provided that "all men professing Christianity," Roman 
Catholics excepted, should be admitted to vote. There appears 
to be no evidence that this law was ever enforced ; ^^'^ but 
it was five times formally reenacted, and it remained on the 
statute-book until the close of the Revolution (1783).^''^ 

Unquestionably this act was a departure from the privileges 
guaranteed by Roger Williams. It restricted political liberty 
for a religious reason. It imposed a serious political disability 
on both Catholics and Jews, nevertheless it did not directly 
assail the great principle of freedom of worship. 

Under this law any one might settle in the colony, but not 
every one could legally obtain the full rights of citizenship. 
Rhode Island still continued to be a refuge for men of all 
creeds and of no creed ; and it was humorously said that if 
any man had lost his religion he would be sure to find it some- 
where in the " Providence Plantations." Perhaps after all it 
was a good thing that there was one place in America where a 



1764-.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. IO7 

man could tind the religion he sought, and having found it 
could practice it in his own way without molestation. 

This principle found expression in the establishment by 
the Baptists (1764) of Rhode Island College, now Brown Uni- 
versity. The charter of that noble institution of learning 
expressly forbids the use of religious tests, and requires that 
not only Baptists, but Quakers, Episcopalians, and Congrega- 
tionalists shall be included in the board of trustees.-*''' 

Eventually this broad principle of toleration obtained national 
expression in the first amendment to the Constitution of the 
United States, Whether the "soul liberty" enjoyed in Rhode 
Island suggested that amendment or not, it at least established 
a precedent for it. 

127. Independent spirit of Rhode Island ; resistance to 
Great Britain. — It was inevitable that a colony which excluded 
no one should be at times tumultuous in its exercise of indi- 
vidual liberty. It was natural too that Massachusetts should 
be strongly prejudiced against a commonwealth established on 
principles of religious toleration by a man she had driven 
out. 

This feeling of personal independence, though at times 
pushed to extremes, did good service in the end. Governor 
Shirley of Massachusetts (1754) denounced it as the "spirit 
of mobbism." But later that spirit struck the keynote of the 
highest patriotism in its resistance to arbitrary rule. 

When (1764) England by her revival of restrictions on trade 
with the West Indies threatened the commercial ruin of both 
Rhode Island and Massachusetts, Stephen Hopkins, the Quaker 
Governor of Rhode Island, came out in vigorous defence of 
the American colonies. With unmistakable emphasis he declared 
that "the Parliament of Great Britain had no more right to make 
laws for the Rhode Islanders than they had to make them for 
the Mohawks.'"^™ In that spirit the sons of Rhode Island, led 
by General Greene, fought in the Revolution which established 
our national independence. 



loS 



THE STUDENT S AMKRICAX HISTORY. [163S-1655. 



128. Summary. — Roger Williams planted tlie colony of 
Rhode Island on the basis of absolute religious freedom for all 
men. He obtained a charter which virtually gave tlie colony 
the power of self-government. After a time the right of suf- 
frage was legally restricted to Protestants, but tliere was no 
interference with liberty of worship. From the outset the 
spirit of the colonists was vigorously independent, and mani- 
fested itself most effectively in the War of tlie Revolution. 



IX. Xew Sweden or Delaware (1638). 

129. First settlement on the Delaware ; Christina. — The 
Dutch made a settlement on the Delaware (^1631), but it was 
soon destroyed by the Indians. A number of years later 
Sweden resolved to get a share of the American continent, 
and to build up a " New Sweden," which should rival Holland's 
"New Netherland" and Britain's "New England." 

The Swedish Government engaged Kx-Governor Peter Minuit 
(§ 56) to take over a party of emigrants. They made a settlement 

(^1638) on the western bank of the Dela- 
ware within what are now the city limits 
of Wilmington. The emigrants named 
this settlement Christina, in honor of 
the young Queen of Sweden. It was 
the first permanent colony established 
in the Delaware Valley. The Dutch, 
however, had no idea of permitting the 
Swedes to get a foothold on territory 
which they claimed as their own. Gover- 
nor Stuyvesant sailed with an expedition 
from New Amsterdam and compelled 
(1655) the fort at Christina to surrender. 
The Dutch gave the Swedish colonists permission to remain in 
the country, and pledged themselves not to interfere with 
their freedom of worship.-"^ When the English captured 




1664-1776.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. IO9 

(§62) New Netherland (1664) this southern territory on the 
Delaware became part of the possessions of James, Duke of 
York. 

130. William Penn purchases Delaware ; its government; 
Delaware becomes independent ; enters the Union. — After 
William Penn obtained (16S0) his grant of Pennsylvania he 
was anxious to secure a frontage on the Atlantic. In order to 
accomplish this he purchased (1682) the region then called the 
" Three Counties upon the Delaware " from the Duke of 
York. 

Penn annexed these three counties to his province and 
named them the "Territories of Pennsylvania"; they were 
governed as part of that province until 1701. The people 
of the " Territories " then succeeded in getting a charter from 
Penn under which they established a Legislature of their own.-^- 

That charter followed the " Frame of Government "' of Penn- 
sylvania and was equally liberal in its terms. It granted: (i) 
Freedom of worship to all who believed in *' One Almighty 
God " ; (2) No one could be required to contribute toward the 
support of any form of religion to which he conscientiously 
objected ; (3) All persons who professed belief in Jesus Christ, 
and who solemnly promised allegiance to the King, and fidelity 
to the Proprietor and to the Governor of Pennsylvania were 
eligible to office. 

In 1776 the inhabitants of the " Territories of Pennsylvania " 
declared themselves an independent State. They took the name 
of Delaware from that of the river forming their northeast 
boundarv. In the battles of the Revolution no resfiment fou2;ht 
more bravely than that popularly known as the " Blue Hen's 
Chickens,"' or the " Gamecocks of Delaware." The State, by 
a prompt, unanimous, and enthusiastic vote was the first in order 
of time to accept the Constitution, and to enter the new American 
Union so established.-'^ 

131. Summary. — Delaware was originally settled (163S) 
by the Swedes at Christina (now Wilmington), but the Dutch 



I lO 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTOKV 



[1663-. 



from New Netherland soon got possession of the province. 
After the conquest of New Netherland by the English, Dela- 
ware was purchased from the Duke of York by William Penn, 
who annexed it to his province of Pennsylvania. Eventually, 
the people of Delaware obtained a charter from Penn, and 
established a Legislature of their own. In 1776 they declared 
themselves independent of Great Britain, and took an active 
part in the Revolution. Delaware was the first State to accept 
the Constitution and to enter the American Union. 



X.-XI. North and South Carolina (1663). 

132. Charles II. grants <' Carolina " ; settlements in that 
region. — Charles I. by his grant of Maryland (1632) had 
greatly reduced the area of Virginia on the north; his son 
Charles II. cut off a still larger slice from the original territory 

^^^ of the "Old Dominion." 

VIRGINIA ^^J In 1663 that lavish mon- 
arch issued a charter to 
Lord Clarendon and seven 
other court favorites, giv- 
ing them all the region 
alons: the coast between 
Albemarle Sound and the 
St. John's river of Flo- 
rida.-'^* Westward the 
tract extended to the Pa- 
cific. The King named 
the province Carolina, in 
honor of himself. Two 
years later (1665) Charles extended this grant half a degree 
further north, and, in open defiance of the claims of Spain, 
pushed the boundary on the south until it not only included 
the ancient Spanish city of St. Augustine (§ 23) but overlapped 
it by nearly seventy miles.^'" 




e tSSS 



ItitW .J I'.NGLlSll AND I'KMNCU SKTTLEMENTS. Ill 

The Proprietors of this vast province might make all needful 
laws, provided they received "the approbation" of a majority 
of the freemen of the colony/'"' They might also grant such 
religious liberty as they thought "lit and reasonable.""" 

Kmigrants from Virginia had already moved into this country 
and settled (1653) on the Chowan River, or Albemarle district. 
Later (1665), Englishmen coming from the Barbadoes formed 
a settlement at Cape Fear, or the Clarendon district. When 
George Fox (§ 95) pushed his way south across the Great 
Dismal Swamp (1672) and entered Carolina he received a wafm 
welcome from certain Quakers who had fled there, and had built 
colonies on the Chowan River.-'"'* 

133. << The Grand Model " ; provisions respecting society, 
laws, religion. The proprietors of Carolina adopted (1669) 
a cumbrous and complex constitution, popularly known as the 
"Grand Model." •^''' It was to stand forever, and could not be 
amended or altered. The "Grand Model " was mainly the work 
of the eminent English philosopher, John Locke. Feudalism 
Iiad dieil a natural death in England, but Locke proposed to 
resurrect it, and transplant it in a modified form to the pine 
forests of the New World. 

The avowed object of the "Grand Model" was to "avoid 
erecting a lumerous democracy," — or to grant as little power 
to the people as possible. It aimed to build up a political and 
social pyramid. The base was formed of negro slaves, subject 
in all respects to the " absolute power " of their masters.'^ Next 
above the negroes came the white agricultural laborers. They 
were serfs of the soil ; 4;hey had no right to vote, or even to 
leave the estate on which they worked, without permission of 
the owners. In that condition they and their children were to 
remain "to all generations."-'^^ Above these serfs came a 
class of well-to-do but untitled landholders who had the right 
to vote, and a voice in legislation.-'*'- 

Above this class was the nobility, holding vast estates, 
descending from father to son forever.-*^ Finally a corpora- 



112 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1669-1729. 

tion of eight wealthy and titled Proprietors crowned all. The 
eldest Proprietor represented the King ; the whole proprietary 
body was " self-renewing and immortal.'" -'^* 

134. Mode of legislation ; religious toleration ; the colony 
becomes a royal province. — All laws were to be made by a 
Parliament, consisting of the •• Proprietors (or their deputies), 
together with the nobility and a small proportion of the untitled 
landholders." -*'' The Proprietors could veto the laws enacted 
by this Parliament, and so control the government. 

With respect to religion the " Grand Model "' provided that 
all persons who acknowledged "that there is a God," and 
admitted the rightfulness of taking oaths, should have freedom 
of worship.-"* Those who denied the existence of God could 
neither vote nor hold real estate."*' Persons above the age of 
seventeen, not members of some religious society, could not 
claim the protection of the laws.-*^ Finally, the Church of 
England and " it alone " was to be maintained in Carolina by 
public taxation — other churches must support themselves.-^ 
The above provisions excluded Quakers, since they refused to 
take an oath, but did not shut out Jews or Catholics. 

The Proprietors, after more than twenty years of vain strug- 
gle, gave up the attempt (1698) to enforce this peculiar con- 
stitution. In 1720 the colon)' became a royal province, and 
the Crown divided it (1729) into North and South Carolina.-'"^ 
Under the royal government religious liberty was granted to all 
Christians except Catholics.-''' 

135. Settlement of Charleston ; Huguenot emigrants ; 
cultivation of rice and indigo. — In 1670 British emigrants 
settled on the w-est bank of the Ashley River. Two years 
later (1672) they founded the city of Charleston. The same 
year slaves were brought into the colony from the Barbadoes.^- 
They increased until they outnumbered the white population. 

In order to escape the merciless persecution of Louis XIV. 
numbers of Huguenots (§ 22) fled to America, and many 
came to Charleston. These religious refugees represented in 



1694-1713.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. II3 

large degree not only the bone and sinew, but the brain and 
conscience of France. From them sprang such patriots as 
Henry Laurens and Francis Marion, while from Huguenot 
settlers in other colonies came John Sevier, Peter Faneuil, John 
Bayard, James Bowdoin, Paul Revere, Elias Boudinot, and 
John Jay.-^ 

For many years the chief exports from the Carolinas were 
derived mainly from the pine forests or from traffic with the 
Indians. These exports consisted largely of turpentine, tar, 
pitch, and rosin, or of furs and deer-skins. A bag of seed-rice, 
obtained (1694) by chance from the captain of a vessel who put 
in at Charleston, led to the cultivation of that valuable grain. 
In time it became the principal article of export from South 
Carolina. Its production created a great demand for negroes, 
and planters reaped rich harvests from the swamp-lands along 
the coast.""-'* Had the white settlers attempted the cultivation 
of those lands under the fierce rays of a southern sun, they 
would have simply "dug their own graves." ^^^ 

Nearly half a century after the introduction of rice culture, 
the daughter of a planter near Charleston obtained (1742) 
some indigo-seed from the West Indies, and succeeded in 
making it grow. Indigo-raising rapidly extended. Before the 
outbreak of the War of Independence the yearly export of 
this product exceeded a million of pounds,"* and it often 
proved immensely profitable. 

136. Indian wars ; Governor Tryon. — The progress of 
North Carolina was greatly retarded by wars (1711-13) with 
the formidable Tuscarora Indians, who, according to tradi- 
tion, were an offshoot of the ferocious Iroquois of New York. 
By the help of South Carolina and Virginia the power of the 
Tuscaroras was (17 13) completely broken. The greater part 
of the tribe emigrated north, and joined the Iroquois con- 
federacy — hereafter known as the "Six Nations."-^' 

But, though small in numbers, the North Carolinians were 
made of resolute stuff' ; as they fought the savages, so in a 



114 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



[1-1-. 



ditlerent wav thev foucrht aijainst the exactions of the loval 
Governors. When they demanded taxes, tlie people replied by 
demanding better government. The watchword of these sturdy 
backwoodsmen was. " No reforms, no money."' 

Finally, the extortions of Governor Tryon — nicknamed the 
" Great Wolf of Xorth Carolina " — drove the back-country- 
colonists into open revolt. They organized bands of " Regula- 
tors." who not only refused to pay oppressive fees and taxes, 
but flogged the lawyers and shut up the courts. 

137. Battle of Alamance ; Robertson and Sevier ; the 
Stamp-Act Congress. — Tryon attacked a body of the patriots 
who had gathered near the Alamance River (1771). The 
Governor had a much superior force, and so gained the day. 



>C^ 




V^ Boonesbbro ,*> 






■'■U^ 



EaiiSfl^i 




CAR 



Settlement of Tennessee and Kentucky. 



He hanged seven prisoners as " rebels " and " traitors." They 
died as bravely as they had fought. The battle of Alamance 
struck a blow at unjust taxation, and spilt blood that proph- 
esied the Revolution. 

More than half a century before (1716^ Governor Spots- 
wood of Viri;inia climbed the Blue Ridi^e. and. looking 
down into the great valley of the West, drank the health of 



1771-1775.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. I I 5 

George I. in brimming tumblers of punch. The Virginia Gov- 
ernor, however, did not venture beyond the Shenandoah Valley 
(§ 52) ; but after the battle of Alamance, James Robertson of 
North Carolina led (177 1) a band of emigrants into that 
western countrv. Thev resolved to move into the remote 
wilderness out of Tryon's reach. After a long and difficult 
journey over the mountains they settled on the \\'autauga 
River. There John Sevier of Virginia joined Robertson 
(1772) ; these two pioneers, one of Scotch, the other of 
Huguenot descent (§ 135). laid the foundation of the State 
of Tennessee.^® 

James Harrod (1774) led a band of pioneers into the valley 
of the Kentucky. Soon afterward, Daniel Boone, the famous 
hunter, who had long been exploring " the land of promise " 
west of the mountains, settled Boonesboro' (1775) ^" ^he 
same valley. Such was the beginning of the State of Ken- 
tucky.-'^ 

Meanwhile the citizens of Charleston (1765) had publicly 
burned the obnoxious Stamp Act. A little later Christopher 
Gadsden, a '■ born republican," with his brother-patriot John 
Rutledge. met the delegates from the united colonies in New 
York at that memorable Stamp- Act Congress (1765), which has 
been called the " Day Star of American liberty."' ^'■^'^ 

138. Summary. — By a sea-to-sea charter Charles II. granted 
Carolina (1663) to Lord Clarendon and a number of associates. 
An attempt was made to govern the colony under a constitu- 
tion called the " Grand Model," but the people demanded a 
voice in the government ; the constitution was cast aside, and 
the colony became a royal province, which was soon afterward 
divided into North and South Carolina. Meanwhile a settle- 
ment had been made at Charleston which attracted manv 
Huguenot emigrants. The introduction of slaverv made the 
cultivation of rice and indigo very profitable in South Carolina, 
while the northern province engaged largely in the export of 
the productions of the pine forests and of furs. 



ii6 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



[1681-. 



The resistance of the settlers of North Carolina to the 
oppressive measures of Governor Tryon led to the battle of 
Alamance, — a forerunner of the Revolution. Shortly after- 
ward emigrants from the Carolinas settled the Kentucky and 
the Tennessee country. 

Gadsden and Rutledge of South Carolina took a prominent 
part in the Stamp- Act Congress, which asserted the principles 
of American liberty. 



XII. Pennsylvania (i68i). 

139. Grant of Pennsylvania to William Penn ; Penn's 
object ; provisions of the charter. — William Penn, one of 
the most influential of the English Quakers, inherited from his 

father. Admiral Penn, a claim against 
the Crown for ^16,000. Charles II. 
discharged the debt by issuing (1681) 
a charter granting his creditor an im- 
mense tract of land bordering on the 
western bank of the Delaware, and ex- 
tending five degrees into the interior.^^ 
Out of respect to the memory of Penn's 
father, the King named the new prov- 
ince Pennsylvania. ^^^- 

Penn's object was to make what he 
called a " Holy Experiment "; in other 
words, to found a commonwealth in 
America where all Christians might dwell together on the broad 
basis of the Golden Rule.^^ Such toleration did not exist in 
the old country. Those who did not uphold the established 
form of worship were regarded as virtually disloyal. Penn 
declared that according to the current of thought then 
prevailing in Great Britain, '' No Churchman meant no Eng- 
lishman, and no conformist meant no subject."^'** In despair 




1681-.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. I I / 

of obtaining religious liberty at home, he now turned to the 
New World. 

The charter made him (i) the " true and absolute Proprietary 
of the country" ; (2) acting with the freemen of the colony he 
had power to make all needful laws, provided they were not 
repugnant to the laws of England ; all legislation was subject 
to the King's veto ; (3) the Church of England might be estab- 
lished in the colony, but no restrictions were to be imposed on 
other forms of Christian worship ; (4) the Proprietary had the 
sole power to erect courts and appoint judges for the colony ; 
(5) it was expressly provided that the English Parliament should 
have the right to levy not only custom duties, but taxes on the 
people of Pennsylvania. This last provision had never before 
been inserted in any colonial charter.''*'^ For nearly a hundred 
years it remained as harmless as a sheathed sword, then out of 
it suddenly sprang the War of Independence. 

140. Emigration to Pennsylvania (1681) ; Penn's << Frame 
of Government." — Penn at once (1681) sent over several 
hundred emigrants to Pennsylvania. They formed, he declared, 
"the seed of a nation." He said to them, "You shall be 
governed by laws of your own making."^"*' All settlers could 
buy land at the rate of forty shillings a hundred acres, but on 
each lot they were required to pay to the Proprietary of Penn- 
sylvania a perpetual annual rent of one shilling. This trifling 
rent became the cause of most vexatious disputes. 

Penn drew up a " Frame of Government " in which he care- 
fully limited his own power and that of the Proprietaries who 
should succeed him.^"^ He imposed these checks in order 
" that the will of one man " might " not hinder the good of 
a whole country." ^'^^ " Liberty without obedience," said 
he, " is confusion, " but " obedience without liberty is 
slavery." ^"^ 

One of the most important provisions of Penn's constitution 
was that no child should be brought up in idleness, but that 
all should learn some useful trade. 



Il8 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1682-. 

In 1682 Penn himself sailed for Pennsylvania, taking with 
him about a hundred emigrants, " mostly English Quakers." ^"^ 
He landed at Chester, on the Delaware, and there took formal 
possession of his province.^" 

141. The '< Great Law" ; Philadelphia founded (1682) ; 
treaty with the Indians. ^ At Chester, Penn summoned an 
Assembly of the people. Together the Proprietary and the 
Assembly enacted (1682) the "Great Law," which provided 
that "God" might "have his due, Caesar his due, and the 
people their due." ^'^ 

The most important points in this code were : i. The right 
to vote for members of the Assembly was restricted to men of 
good character who held the Christian faith and were tax- 
payers.^^^ 2. Only those who professed Christianity could 
hold office or sit in the Legislature.^'* 3. Every colonist might 
demand trial by jury ; murder, but murder only, was punishable 
by death ; the prisons were not to be places of punishment 
only, but schools of industry and of reformation. The laws of 
the colony were to be printed and taught to all children. 4. 
" No person " who should confess " Almighty God to be the 
creator and ruler of the world " should in any way be molested 
or " compelled to frequent or maintain any religious worship." ^'^ 

Later in that year (1682) Philadelphia was founded. Its 
scriptural name gave fit expression to Penn's spirit of brotherly 
love. Shortly afterward he met the Indians in solemn council, 
under the spreading branches of a huge elm. The ferocious 
Iroquois despised the less warlike Delawares whom they had 
conquered. With these Delawares the Proprietors of Penn- 
sylvania concluded that famous treaty which secured the un- 
broken friendship of that peaceable tribe of Red Men for 
more than sixty years, or as long as the Quakers held control 
of the province. ■''"' So completely did the founder of the 
colony gain the confidence of the natives by his fair dealing, 
that the highest praise a Delaware Indian could give a white 
man was to say : " He is like William Penn." ^" 



1684-1688.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. II9 

142. Disputes in the colony; growth of Philadelphia; 
first printing-press. — Penn had no sooner returned to Eng- 
land (1684) than quarrels broke out between the settlers and 
the Deputy-Governor. From that time forward there was little 
peace in the colony. One chief ground of dispute was the 
claim of the Assembly to limit the Governor's expenditure of 
money to certain objects.^^* 

But notwithstanding these stormy political discussions, the 
new colony prospered in a very remarkable degree. In the 
short space of fourteen years from its foundation, Philadelphia 
was described as a " noble and beautiful city " of " above two 
thousand houses," and the capital of a province having more 
than twenty thousand inhabitants.^^^ 

It could also boast of the first permanent printing-press set up 
south of New England (1686).'^-'^ On that press, which Benjamin 
Franklin may have worked later, William Bradford printed the 
attacks of the political disputants of his day. It was a war of 
pamphlets, making up in vehemence what they lacked in size. 

143. Quaker remonstrance against slavery (1688); iron 
and coal mines opened. — Nothing, however, issued from 
Bradford's press had such deep meaning as a paper drawn up 
(1688) by the Quakers of Germantown. That paper, which 
seems never to have been printed, voiced the first organized 
movement in the colonies against slavery, for negro bondage 
had already been introduced into Pennsylvania.^"^^ This anti- 
slavery protest was the forerunner of a movement which, three 
generations later (1776), had a practical issue. On the eve of 
the Declaration of Independence the Quakers of Pennsylvania 
commanded all members of the Society of Friends in that State 
to free their slaves. A few years later (1780) the State passed 
an act — the first on record — which provided for the gradual 
emancipation of that species of human property which Penn 
himself had once seen no harm in holding.'^" 

Meanwhile the people of Pennsylvania had discovered one 
of the greatest sources of their future wealth. They had 



I20 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [J755-1757. 

opened iron mines (1720), had set up an iron furnace, and 
later (1755) had exported a considerable quantity of that metal 
to England.''-^ Toward the close of the eighteenth century 
(1791) anthracite coal was accidentally discovered at Mauch 
Chunk mountain. The use of this coal for fuel and for iron 
manufacturing led to the development of the two leading indus- 
tries of the State. '^'-^ 

144. The Quakers and the French and Indian wars ; a 
struggle for life ; dispute with the English Proprietaries of 
the colony. — Until the outbreak of the French and Indian 
wars (1750) the history of Pennsylvania was comparatively 
uneventful. The Quakers were non-resistants, and though a 
part of them justified purely defensive war, others felt that 
they could not conscientiously aid in equipping troops to fight 
the invaders.^"^ This reluctance led a few years later (1756) 
to their ceasing to exercise political power in the colony.^-^ 

After Braddock's defeat (1755) (§ 168) the Pennsylvanians 
found themselves engaged in a fierce struggle for life. The 
knife of the savage was at their throats, and the settlers on the 
western frontier were flying in despair. Then the people girded 
themselves for battle, and volunteers rushed forward. The 
war spirit was stimulated to the highest degree by the offer of 
a bounty of $130 for every Indian scalp brought in.^^' 

But the English Proprietors of Pennsylvania who had suc- 
ceeded Penn showed little interest in the welfare or safety of 
the colony. Their object was to get all the revenue they could 
out of it, and to spend nothing for it. They owned tracts of 
land in the province valued at ;^i 0,000,000, but they refused 
to pay a single penny in taxes on this vast property. On the 
other hand, they insisted that the colonists should raise troops 
at their own expense to defend the interests of the province, 
and at the same time to protect the untaxed real estate of the 
Proprietors residing three thousand miles away.^^^ 

The Assembly indignantly refused to shed the blood of the 
people of Pennsylvania for the sake of the English owners. 



1757-1767.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 121 

They sent Benjamin Franklin (1757) to London to protest 
against the selfish greed of the Proprietors, and to demand 
that they should bear their share of the burdens of the colonial 
government. Franklin succeeded, after a long and vexatious 
contest, in getting an order from the authorities in England, 
commanding that the surveyed lands belonging to the Pro- 
prietors should be taxed in future. ^^^ Henceforth the suc- 
cessors of the illustrious founder of Pennsylvania could no 
longer boast that their possessions in America were exempt 
from public charges, yet were protected at public cost. 

145. Settlement of the boundary question ; Mason and 
Dixon's line; services of Dickinson, Franklin, and Morris. 
— Later, another serious controversy was satisfactorily con- 
cluded. Ever since the settlement of Philadelphia, the ques- 
tion of the southern boundary line of the colony had been a 
matter of dispute between Penn and Lord Baltimore, or their 
successors. Penn's charter fixed that boundary at the fortieth 
degree of north latitude, but it was found that this parallel 
not only ran north of Philadelphia, but that it wholly shut 
out Pennsylvania and Delaware from any part of Delaware 
Bay. The intent of the charter was clearly to secure to 
Penn a certain amount of sea-coast, hence a new survey was 
demanded. This was finally made (i 763-1 767) by Mason and 
Dixon, two skilled English surveyors. They fixed the southern 
boundary at 39° 43'. Stones were set up along this parallel at 
intervals of a mile for the whole distance of 280 miles. ^^^ On 
every fifth stone the arms of the Penn family were carved on the 
northern side, and those of the Baltimores on the southern side. 
" Mason and Dixon's Line " was destined to have political sig- 
nificance, for it came to be regarded as the dividing mark, east 
of the Ohio River, between the free and the slave States.^^^ 

But a far greater struggle was now at hand. George IIL 
asserted the right of the Crown to tax the colonists without 
asking their consent. John Dickinson protested in his "Farm- 
er's Letters." ^^ The progress of the Revolution soon kindled 



122 THE STUDENTS AMERICAN HISTORY. [1776-. 

the whole thirteen colonies into a blaze. The three most 
eminent citizens of Pennsylvania — Franklin, Dickinson, and 
Robert Morris — met on the floor of the first Continental Con- 
gress assembled at Philadelphia (1776). Franklin served on 
the committee which drafted the Declaration of Independence. 
At the same time Dickinson drew up the Articles of Con- 
federation, — the first Constitution of the United States. 
Morris later devised methods for finding means to carry on the 
war. Thus, in a high political and financial, as well as in a 
purely geographical sense, Pennsylvania proved herself the 
" Key-stone State " of the Union. 

146. Summary. — The colony of Pennsylvania was founded 
by William Penn as a refuge for the persecuted brethren of his 
faith. The corner-stone of his new American commonwealth 
was the ''Golden Rule." Religious toleration was granted to 
all who believed in God as the creator and ruler of the world. 
The right to vote and to hold office was granted to those who 
professed the Christian faith. The Pennsylvanians, notwith- 
standing their disputes with the Governors of the colony, pros- 
pered in a remarkable degree. The Quakers organized the first 
general movement against slavery, and the " Key-Stone State " 
was the first to pass an act of emancipation. Three of its 
leading citizens, Franklin, Morris, and Dickinson, took a very 
prominent part in the movement which secured our national 
independence. 

XIII. Georgia (1733). 

147. Oglethorpe and associates found Georgia ; their 
objects ; the charter. — Of the thirteen colonies, none had 
a nobler origin than Georgia, the last of the series. In answer 
to a petition made by the soldier and philanthropist Jt'^mes 
Oglethorpe and others, George II. granted (1732) to him and 
his associates a tract of land for twenty-one years, in the 
southern part of South Carolina (§ 132).^ The tract embraced 



1732-1733.] ENcI.ISII AM) I'Ut'.NCII SI-.TIlJiMENTS. 



123 



the country bordering on the Atlantic between "the most north- 
ern part " of the Savannah and " the most southern stream " of 
the Altamaha Rivers; "westerly" it extended "from the heads 
of the said rivers" to the "South Seas" or the Pacific.""^ 

Oglethorpe had three chief objects in view : i. To give the 
worthy and honest poor 
of England — especially 
those confined in debtors' 
prisons — an opportunity 
to begin life anew under 
more favorable circum- 
stances than the Old 
World could offer them. 

2. To furnish a refuge 
to the persecuted Protes- 
tants of southern Europe. 

3. To protect the Caro- 
linians against the attacks 
of the Spaniards of Flor- 
ida by building up a settlement on the southern frontier. ^"^ 

The new colony was named Georgia, in honor of the King. 
The Company, with Oglethorpe as their head, were to hold the 
region "in trust for the poor." They had full power to make 
needful laws, subject of course to the King's approval. The 
charter granted freedom of worship to all persons except 
Catholics.''^'' For ten years every settler was to have an allot- 
ment of land free of rent ; after that time he was to pay four 
pence annually for every hundred acres. All estates were to 
descend in the male line from father to son. This provision 
caused much dissatisfaction to those who had no children but 
daughters, and the law was soon modified (1739), so that 
women could inherit land. 

148. Vexatious regulations ; slavery excluded ; the pro- 
duction of silk. — The weak part of Oglethorpe's philan- 
thropic scheme was that it treated the settlers of Georgia not 




124 ''"'"'" siuoent's ai\ii-:ku-an iiisiokv. [it:)'J it.ti. 

as men hul .is children. The enlonisls had no voles ami no 
voice in the Government. Fnrtiiermore. for nearly twenty years 
they could obtain no clear title to land.'''''' lUit these were not 
the only regulations which initatcd the emigrants. In Kngland 
distilled liquors had recently supplanteil beer to a great extent, 
and had caused a decided increase in drunkenness. 'I'he trustees 
of Georgia determined to banish intemperance from their 
model commonwealth in the wilderness. For this reason they 
"absolutely prohibited " the importation of alcoholic spirits into 
the province."'"'** This prohibition cut olT the people from trading 
with the West Indies, one of whose chief exports was rum, ami 
so retarded the growth of Georgia. 

The trustees also forbade the colonists holding slaves, — 
though everv other .Vnurican colony held them. Oglethorpe 
declared that slavcrv was "a horrid crime" contrary to "the 
gospel'' and to "the fundamental law cif England." "^''•' Political 
and prudential reasons also inllucncetl the trustees. They 
wished to make the colonists self-supporting ; they believed 
that slave labor would create habits of idleness on the part of 
the large planters, while the poor whites would starve because 
unable to compete with the blacks."'^'' I'luthcrniore. the trustees 
thought that nothing but a compact white population could 
serve as a barrier against the in\asions of the savages and the 
.Spaniards ;""'■" hence thev did not object to the importation of 
white apprentices, whose .services were sold for a term of years. 

It was confidently expected that by white labor alone the 
colony would become a great silk-producing settlement. Mul- 
berry trees, the leaves of which are the natural food of the 
silkworm, grew wild in that region. The work of raising and 
caring for the worms was so easy that much of it could be loft 
to the women and children. Oglethorpe thought that "forty 
or lifty thousand persons" might be emplc)yed in this way. 

The colonial seal adopted by the trustees was symbolical 
not only of this industry, but of the unselfish motives of the 
founders of the province. On it was represented a group of 



I7:t:i-i;:iti. I icNfiiJSii and iki.mii si. iti.i-.mkn'J'S. 125 

silkworms spinning their cocoons, while underneath was the 
appropriate motto: " Non silji, sed aliis," — "Not for them- 
selves, hut for otliers." 

149. Settlement of Savannah (1733; ; the Salzburgers ; 
Scotch Highlanders. -- With liiese shining prospects l^efore 
him, Oglethorpe set sail in 1733 with a company of "sober, 
industrious, and moral persons," to take possession of the 
"Promised Land." A settlement was made on a high l^luff 
on the Savannah River. There a city named from the river 
was laid out. The site was admirably chosen, and Savannah 
is to-day the largest cotton-exporting port in the United States, 
New Orleans alone excepted. 

The year following the settlement, a band of German Prot- 
estants, who had been driven out of Salzburg, Austria, by 
religious persecution, arrived (1734) at Savannah. They estab- 
lished themselves about thirty miles north of that town, at a 
place which they, like the Israelites of fjld, named " Ebenezer," 
or "Stone of llelp."'""^ More such refugees soon followed. 

Later (1736J, the trustees sent over a number of Scotch 
Highlanders to protect the southern frontier. The Scotch- 
men erected a fort on the Altamaha and anotiier at I'rederica 
at the mouth of the river, to repel Spanish invasion. 

The next year the fur-trading po.st of Augusta was established 
on the upper waters of the Savannah River. It became an 
important and highly profitable center of traffic with the Indian 
tribes west of the mountains. From this point at a later period 
two thousand pack-horse loads of valuable skins worth about 
^"50,000 were annually sent to Europe.'"" 

150. The Wesleys ; Whitefield and slavery. — Among 
those who early came to Savannali were John and Charles 
Wesley. John came to do missionary work ; his brother Charles 
acted, as secretary to Oglethorpe. John Wesley, though just be- 
ginning his career, was a preacher of great power. " I went to 
America," said he, "to convert the Indians; but oh !" he added, 
"who shall convert me ? " ''"** C)ut of that strong religious con- 



126 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1747-1749. 

viction sprang the Methodist Church, which he organized in 
England, — a Church destined to do much toward shaping the 
history of that country and of our own. 

The Wesleys were followed by that noted Methodist revivalist, 
the Reverend George Whitefield, whose impassioned appeals 
not even the imperturbable Franklin could entirely withstand. 
Whitefield came to Georgia to found an orphan asylum near 
Savannah. In order to get more money for its support, he 
purchased a plantation (1747) in South Carolina, stocked it 
with slaves, and gave the products and profits to his " House 
of Mercy." 

John Wesley, who later (1772) denounced slavery as the 
"sum of all villanies," had not then taken any open stand 
against it. Whitefield was outspoken in its favor. He declared 
that Georgia would never flourish " without negroes are al- 
lowed." **^ To grant the settlers land, said he, yet refuse 
them slaves to work it, is like tying the colonists' legs, and 
then ordering them to walk.^**^ Whitefield had a large number 
of the people on his side. The attempts to produce silk had 
ended in failure, and the settlers implored the trustees to permit 
them to buy negroes.''^^ 

151. The introduction of negroes and the importation of 
rum. — Meanwhile some of the colonists succeeded in hiring 
negroes from the planters in South Carolina. They got them 
at first for short periods, but later hired them for life. The 
trustees saw that slavery in one form or another was certain to 
creep in, and they at length (1749) reluctantly gave their consent 
to its open and legal introduction. 

They also conceded the importation and sale of rum, a liquor 
which had long been smuggled into the colony. The establish- 
ment of slavery led to the formation of large plantations for rais- 
ing rice and other products suited to the soil. This change in 
the labor system placed Georgia on an industrial equality with 
South Carolina, and the free importation of rum from the West 
Indies gradually gave rise to a prosperous trade with those islands. 



1740-1752.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 12/ 

152. Oglethorpe and the Spaniards. — Meanwhile the col- 
ony, feeble as it was in numbers, served as an effectual barrier 
against the encroachments of the Spaniards. Oglethorpe had 
strengthened the southern frontier with forts, and had secured 
the friendship of several Indian tribes. In 1740 he led an 
expedition against the Spanish settlement at St. Augustine 
(§ 23). In retaliation the Spaniards (1742) besieged Fred- 
erica (§ 149) ; but the fort held out against the attack. 

General Oglethorpe had valiantly defended the colony, but the 
colonists were greatly dissatisfied with the government by the 
trustees, and were constantly sending complaints to London. 
The General went to England, and refuted these charges. He 
never returned to the colony, and the trustees appointed a 
President and council of four to administer the affairs of the 
province, but the discontent remained unabated. The people 
of Georgia felt able to take care of their own interests, and 
were weary of the paternal government by which those in 
authority kept them in leading-strings. 

In 1 75 1 the trustees surrendered their charter to the Crown. 
They had found that the profit did not equal the expense, and 
they gladly gave up their well-meant but badly managed 
experiment. 

153. Georgia becomes a royal province ; American rights. — 
By the surrender of the charter, Georgia now (1752) became a 
royal province, and so continued until the Revolution. This 
was a decided change for the better, since, as in the other royal 
provinces, an Assembly was created, and the people thus obtained 
a voice in the Government.'^'^ Even then — after twenty years' 
existence — the colony had gained so little in numbers that the 
entire population, including slaves, was estimated at less than 
five thousand.'*^ 

At the opening of the War for Independence, the patriot 
party in Georgia took a firm stand for " American rights." 
When the port of Boston was closed as a punishment for the 
destruction of the taxed lea, the people of Georgia generously 



128 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1775-. 

sent nearly six hundred barrels of rice to feed the suffering 
poor of the Massachusetts capital. ^^^ After the battles of Lex- 
ington and Concord, the citizens of Savannah seized a quantity 
of the King's powder which was stored there. Part of it they 
retained for themselves ; tradition says that they sent the 
remainder to the Continental Army at Cambridge. It arrived 
in season for effectual use at the battle of Bunker Hill.^^^ 

General Oglethorpe must have heard of these proceedings 
with no small interest. He lived to see Georgia take its place 
among the United States, and to see England sign a treaty of 
peace, recognizing the independence of the American nation.'^- 

154. Summary. — Georgia, the last of the thirteen colonies, 
was founded (1733) for purposes of charity, and as a refuge for 
the oppressed Protestants of Germany. For a time its growth 
was hampered by vexatious regulations, and by laws restricting 
trade and excluding slavery. In 175 1 Georgia became a royal 
province, and the people through their Assembly obtained a 
voice in the Government. At the beginning of the Revolution, 
the patriot party in Georgia took an active part in aiding Massa- 
chusetts, and in furnishing powder for the Continental Army. 

Exploration of the Mississippi Valley. 

155. The French in the West ; the French and the Indians ; 
Catholic missions. — While the English colonists were getting 
possession of the strip of Atlantic coast east of the Alleghanies, 
the French in Canada were rapidly pushing westward. 

The fact that powerful Indian tribes held that unknown 
region greatly facilitated the progress of the French. Cham- 
plain, the "Father of New France," first conceived the idea of 
acquiring possession of the western country by conciliating the 
natives. With the exception of his fatal mistake of entering into 
an alliance with the Canadian Indians against the Iroquois of 
New York, he was successful in his plans. The English did not 
understand the Indian character ; the French endeavored to 



inir.-l67;i.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 1 29 

adapt themselves to the Red Man's ways, and so won his last- 
ing friendship; This they could do the more readily as their 
purpose at the outset was not, like the English, to plant colonies, 
but to establish fur-trading posts, which, of course, did not 
interfere with the Indian's control of the forest.^^^ 

Champlain induced a number of Franciscan friars to come 
over as missionaries (16 15), and begin the work of converting 
the savages. He meant to save the heathen, and at the same 
time save the cause of France in the New World. 

Taking his life in his hands, one of these gray-robed friars 
leaving Quebec (16 15) resolutely turned his face toward the 
west, and struck out into the pathless wilderness. He reached 
Lake Huron, and there set up his altar in an Indian wigwam 
on the shore of Thunder Bay.^'* 

Ten years later (1625) the Jesuit Fathers in France came 
over to help the Franciscans. The Jesuits infused new life 
into the undertaking. Cardinal Richelieu, then the power 
behind the throne, was determined that no emigrants but 
French Catholics should land in Canada. The Jesuits, on 
their side, resolved to win over the entire native population of 
New France to the faith they preached. 

These " peaceful soldiers of the cross " braved hunger, cold, 
torture, and death. ^^'^ Long before William Penn's band of 
colonists had built the first log-cabin on the banks of the 
Delaware, the French priests — or "Black Gowns," as the 
Indians called them ^ had planted missions at Mackinaw, 
Sault Ste. Marie, Green Bay, and at Kaskaskia on the 
Illinois. They were the first white men to discover the salt 
springs of Onondaga, New York, and the copper mines of 
Lake Superior. They, too, first described and mapped out the 
upper Great Lakes and the streams flowing into them. 

156. Marquette and Joliet discover the Mississippi (1673). 
• — The Indians told the Jesuits that there was an immense river 
in the west which flowed southward to an unknown distance. 
When Count Frontenac (§66) became Governor of Canada 



130 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1673-. 

(1672), he sent Joliet, a noted fur-trader, accompanied by Father 
Marquette, to discover the river. The French hoped that it 
emptied into the Gulf of California, and that it would open the 
long-sought way across the continent to the Pacific. 

Starting from the Straits of Mackinaw (1673) Marquette 
and Joliet paddled their birch-bark canoes to Green Bay. 
From that point they laboriously pushed their way up the 
rapids of the Fox River, — "a way," said the good Father, "as 
hard as the path to Heaven." Leaving the head-waters of the 
Fox, they carried their canoes across the country a short distance, 
and embarked on the Wisconsin. For a week they floated down 
with the current, until on a beautiful day in June, says Mar- 
quette, " we safely entered the Mississippi with a joy that I 
cannot express." 

157. Voyage down the Mississippi, and return. — Down 
that great river they glided day after day. They passed the 
mouth of the Illinois, the castellated rocks, the painted lime- 
stone cliffs, and the roaring flood of the muddy Missouri. 

Still keeping on, Marquette and Joliet reached the mouth of 
the placid Ohio, and two days later passed the point where De 
* Soto (§ 20) had crossed the Mississippi more than a hundred 
and thirty years before. Thence moving southward in the 
shadow of forests of Cottonwood, magnolia, and cypress, they 
came to the mouth of the Arkansas. There the natives 
warned them that they would encounter hostile tribes, and per- 
haps Spaniards, if they ventured farther down the stream. 

The explorers resolved to go back and report what they had 
seen. Under the fierce rays of a July sun they began the exhaust- 
ing toil of pushing their canoes northward against the powerful 
current. In time they reached the Illinois, and, crossing over 
from a tributary of that stream to the Chicago River, they 
entered the waters of Lake Michigan, where the greatest city 
of the Northwest now stands.^'^" 

158. La Salle's expedition to the Illinois country (1679- 
80). — Six years later (1679) La Salle, the commander of Fort 
Frontenac (now Kingston), set out to secure the possession of 




THE FRENCH IN THE WEST. 



1679-1680.J ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. I3I 

the Mississippi to France, and to open up trade with Mexico.'" 
He made his way to the Niagara River. There, a short dis- 
tance above the Falls, he built the "Griffin," the first vessel 
ever launched on the waters of the upper Great Lakes. 

La Salle with his little party, among whom was Father 
Hennepin, a Franciscan friar, sailed (1C79) to Green Bay. 
At Green Bay he loaded the "Griffin " with furs, and sent the 
vessel back to Niagara with orders to obtain a cargo of sup- 
plies, and return to him at the Chicago River or vicinity. 
The vessel was never again heard of. La Salle then embarked 
with his men in a fleet of canoes for the St. Joseph River 
on the east side of the lake. At that point (1679) the 
commander constructed Fort Miami. He then ascended the 
St. Joseph, and crossing over the portage to the head waters 
of the Kankakee River, descended that stream, entered the 
Illinois, and kept on until (1G80) he reached Peoria Lake. 
There he constructed Fort Crevecoeur. This fort marks the 
first attempt made by white men to take permanent possession 
of what is now the State of Illinois.'^^** 

La Salle spent the winter (iGjr^-Sm) at the fort, anxiously 
hoping for news of the arrival of the " Griffin " with provisions 
and supplies, which would enable him to complete a small 
vessel, in which he purposed descending the Mississippi. 
Weary of waiting, La Salle at length resolved to go back to 
Fort Frontenac and get the things he needed. Leaving a 
small garrison to hold Fort Crbvecoeur, he set out on the first 
of March (1680), accompanied by five of his followers, on his 
perilous journey of a thousand miles. 

159. Father Hennepin's journey; La Salle explores the 
lower Mississippi and takes possession of << Louisiana" 
(1682) ; his death.— Shortly before La Salle left Fort Creve- 
coeur he sent Father Hennepin (§ 158) to explore the lower 
Illinois. Hennepin went down that river to its mouth and 
then turned northward up the Mississippi. After many adven- 
tures among the Indians he passed the site where the flourish- 



132 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1680-1682. 

ing city of St. Paul now stands, and reached (1680) a cataract, 
which he named the Falls of St. Anthony ; to-day those falls 
furnish the magnificent water-power of Minneapolis, the largest 
flour-manufacturing center in the world. ( 

When the French commander returned to the Illinois he 
found Fort Crevecoeur deserted. A band of Iroquois warriors 
had destroyed it. He was forced to turn back and seek shelter 
(1680) in Fort Miami (§ 158). 

Subsequently La Salle, with a strong party, started (1681) 
for the third time to explore the Mississippi. Late in the 
season they left Fort Miami and crossed Lake Michigan to the 
Chicago River. Following the frozen Illinois they reached 
open water just below Lake Peoria. There they embarked in 
their canoes, and in February (1682) entered the Mississippi. 
Early in April the French came in sight of the gleaming 
waves of the Gulf of Mexico. 

There, amid volleys of musketry and shouts of " Long 
live the King! " La Salle planted a wooden column bearing 
the arms of France at one of the mouths of the " Great 
River of the West." Then, in the name of Louis XIV. of 
France, he took formal possession of the Mississippi from 
its source to the sea, and of all the country watered by it and 
by its tributaries. This immense territory, stretching from 
Lake Itasca to the Gulf of Mexico, and from the Alleghanies 
to the Rocky Mountains, La Salle named Louisiana, in 
honor of the reigning French sovereign.^^ France gained 
all this magnificent empire more than thirty years before 
the English had ventured as far west as the Blue Ridge 

(§ 137)- 

But the Mississippi empties into a sea which Spain claimed 
as her own, and she threatened death to all foreigners who 
should enter it. La Salle resolved to brave that decree, to 
fortify the mouth of the river, and to hold the great valley of 
the West against the world. The hand of an assassin (1687) 
put a stop to the execution of his plan. ^^- 



^1 

J699-171»^.J ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 1 33 




160. Iberville's settlement ; Mobile founded (1702) ; the 
'< Mississippi Company"; New Orleans founded (1718). — 
A number of years later, Iberville, a French Canadian explorer, 
built a fort at Eiloxi, on the Gulf of Mexico (1699); he thus 
began the first European occupation of what is now the State 
of Mississippi. 

A company of French Protestants begged Louis XIV. to 
grant them permission to emigrate to Louisiana. They 
received this answer : " The King has not driven Protestants 
from France to make a republic of them in America." ^'^'^ The 
Biloxi colonists did not succeed, and were transferred (1702) 
to Mobile ; there they laid the foundation of a settlement which 
eventually became the State of Alabama. 

A number of years later, reports reached Paris that a French- 
ipan had found enormous deposits of gold in the Illinois 
country. John Law, a clever Scotch financier, who was doing 
business in the French capital, got himself appointed (17 17) 
president of a grand stock company to work these gold mines, 
and develop the resources of Louisiana. Law proposed to 
pay off the French national debt of $500,000,000, out of the 
profits of this gigantic undertaking. All Paris was seized with 
a mad fever of speculation. When the bubble burst, thousands 
of Frenchmen cursed the day when they first heard the name of 
Louisiana.""^ But Law's scheme had one good result : Bienville, 
a brother of Iberville, had been appointed commander-general 
of Louisiana, and in 17 18 he made a clearing in the cane- 
brakes on the east bank of the Mississippi, and there founded 
the city of New Orleans. 

Henceforth New Orleans controlled the mouth of the river. 
That immense stream, with its tributaries, drains the largest 
agricultural valley on the globe, having an area greater than 
that of Central Europe, and capable of producing grain enough 
to feed all the inhabitants of Europe and America. 

161. The French in the North and the West; French 
forts Meanwhile the French had not been idle at the North. 



134 '^'"K student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1695-. 

Kaskaskia, in Illinois, was settled (1695). Duluth had built 
a fort on the northern shore of Lake Superior, had " visited 
the spot where the city since named for him stands,'' and had 
explored much further west. He advised building a fort on 
the straits connecting Lake Erie with Lake Huron. The 
French acted on that suggestion and founded (1701) the forti- 
fied post of Detroit. A little later (1702) they built a fort 
at Vincennes, the oldest town in Indiana. 

In 1720 the French built Fort Chartres, on the Mississippi, 
in southern Illinois. It was one of the most formidable strong- 
holds on the continent, and formed one more link in that chain 
of fortifications which Louis XIV. was extending from Quebec 
to New Orleans. By means of those forts France intended 
to make good her claim to the country west of the Alleghanies 
when the great final struggle for the mastery should come with 
the English. 

162. War between the French and the English; Fronte- 
nac's plans ; attack on Schenectady ; on Haverhill ; the 
English colonists attack Canada. — The war (known as "King 
William's War ") had, in fact, already begun in the Old World, 
and Frontenac (§ 66) simply opened the American side 
(1689-1697) of the terrible contest. It was a struggle for 
religious as well as for political supremacy, and Catholics and 
Protestants were arrayed against each other. Frontenac 
intended to seize New York and drive the inhabitants into the 
wilderness. This plan failed, but he sent a party of French 
and Indians (1690), who fell upon the little Dutch settlement 
of Schenectady and destroyed it. 

At the suggestion of Jacob Leisler, Governor of New York 
(§ 67), an attack on Canada was planned. Sir William Phips, 
of Maine, took the French fort at Port Royal, Acadia (now 
Nova Scotia), and stripped the place bare, bringing away even 
the Governor's silver spoons and his new dress wigs. 

In a later expedition against Quebec Phips was repulsed, and 
the " pinch of famine " forced a disastrous defeat. His men 



1702-1745.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 1 35 

clamored for their pay, and Massachusetts, having no coin to 
give them, issued her first paper money (;^4o,ooo), in order 
to settle the demand. ^"^ That colony had now to shoulder the 
burden of a heavy debt, with nothing to pay it but paper 
currency, which soon fell to half its face value. 

163. *' Queen Anne's War " ; Indian attacks ; Port Royal, 
Quebec; King George's "War; Louisburg taken. — In the 
second, or "Queen Anne's War" (1702-17 13), the French and 
Indians swept the coast of Maine from Casco to Wells. The 
next winter they burned Deerfield, Massachusetts, and carried 
away most of the inhabitants into captivity. 

On the other hand an expedition sailed from Boston (17 10) 
and took permanent possession of Port Royal, which was 
henceforth called Annapolis in honor of the reigning Queen of 
England. 

The next summer (171 1) a combined force of English troops 
and colonists was sent against Quebec. Eight ships of the 
squadron were wrecked in the St. Lawrence, and nearly nine 
hundred men were lost. A council of war voted not to pro- 
ceed further. When peace was made (17 13) Great Britain 
kept Annapolis, obtained full possession of Hudson's Bay, 
Newfoundland, and Acadia, which now received the name of 
Nova Scotia. 

The third or " King George's War " (i 744-1 748) vv^as marked 
by a splendid victory. The French fortress of Louisburg on 
Cape Breton Island guarded the entrance to the St. Lawrence. 
Colonel William Pepperrell of Maine led (1745) a secret 
expedition against this stronghold, which, with its walls of solid 
masonry twenty feet high, seemed to defy attack. 

New England, New York, and Pennsylvania contributed 
men, artillery, and provisions for the expedition. Aided by a 
small English fleet the little army of fishermen, lumbermen, 
and farmers besieged the fortress for six weeks. Meanwhile 
the people of Boston were holding weekly prayer-meetings in 
behalf of the desperate enterprise. The commander of the 



136 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1748-. 

fortress was unfi' for his place, and his garrison was mutinous. 
The fort fell, and the news of this victory filled New England 
with joy. George II. was so delighted that he made the 
^American commander a baronet, — Sir William Pepperrell, — 
an honor never before conferred on one of our countrymen.^"^ 

When peace was made (1748) the fortress was restored to 
France ; but its former fame was gone. The " Yankees " had 
mastered those proud walls, which the French King once 
boasted no power on earth could take. 

164. The <* French and Indian War"; Canada and the 
English colonies compared ; the Ohio country. — The fourth 
and last, or *' French and Indian War" (i 754-1 763), marks the 
culmination of the struggle between France and England for 
the possession of America. Hitherto New England and New 
York had borne the brunt of the contest, but now the whole 
country as far south as Virginia was threatened by the advance 
of the French toward the valley of the Ohio. The English 
colonies had a population more than ten times greater than 
that of Canada, but the Canadians were ruled by a despotic 
king who could and would force every man into the army. 

As early as 17 16 Governor Spotswood of Virginia (§137) 
had seen the importance of securing the rich country beyond 
the Blue Ridge, and had urged the English Government to 
occupy the valley of the Ohio. But it was more than thirty 
years later before any decided action was taken. Then (1748) 
Lawrence Washington, an elder brother of George Washington, 
united with a number of influential Virginians in organizing the 
Ohio Company. 

This Company obtained from the King a grant of 500,000 
acres of land on the east bank of the upper Ohio. The tract 
lay mainly between the great Kanawha and Monongahela 
Rivers, — a region now embraced by West Virginia and south- 
west Pennsylvania, The Company proposed to plant settle- 
ments in the " Ohio country," to speculate in western lands, 
and to carry on the fur trade with the Indians.^'^ 



n53-17.=>4.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 1 37 

Some years later (1753) they opened a "oad by "Will's 
Creek " — a branch of the Potomac — and made preparations 
to send out emigrants. The French, through the explorations 
of La Salle (§ 159), claimed the " Ohio country " as their own. 
They resented its occupation by the English as an act of tres- 
pass, and promptly built a fort at Presque Isle (Erie) to defend 
their rights. They soon began a second (Fort Le Boeuf) south 
of ijtj^and then a third south of that, at Venang o. } 
."^165. Washington's expedition (1753); Fort Duquesne ; the 
skirmish; Fort Necessity. — Governor Dinwiddle of Virginia 
sent (1753) Major George Washington, a young man of twenty- 
one, to order the French to leave the country. It was a difficult 
and perilous undertaking, involving a winter's journey of nearly 
a thousand miles through the wilderness. Washington reached 
Venango, but the French officer at that post told him with an 
oath that the English should never have the Ohio ; and the 
commander at Fort Le Boeuf gave him the same answer. 

On his way through the forests Washington stopped at the 
point where the waters of the Alleghany and the Monongahela 
unite to form the Ohio. "I spent some time," said he, "in 
viewing the rivers. The land in the fork has the absolute com- 
mand of both." ^^^ Washington reported the military importance 
of the position to Governor Dinwiddle, and the Governor sent 
(1754) a party of men to erect a fort at that "Gateway of the 
West." The French swooped down upon the party, drove 
them off, and erected a rude structure which they named Fort 
Duquesne. 

A little later a detachment of French soldiers from Fort 
Duquesne encountered Washington at the head of a small party 
of Virginians."'''® The young man at once gave the command to 
fire. It was the first shot in a war destined to determine the 
fate of France in the New World. The victory of the Virginians 
foretold the final triumph of the English in the great struggle. 

Colonel Washington now hastily built the stockade of Fort 
Necessity. Here on the fourth day of July, 1754, a strong body 



138 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORV. [l7r.4-1755. 

of French forced him to surrender. Just twenty-one years from 
that date, lacking a single day, Washington took command of the 
Continental Army which was to win the war of the Revolution. 

166. The Albany Congress (1754) ; Franklin's plan of 
confederation. — The colonists now felt the need of united 
action. A congress was called at Albany (1754), to which 
New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and the four New England 
colonies sent delegates. Representative warriors of the " Six 
Nations " met with the congress. 

Franklin, who was editing the " Pennsylvania Gazette," had 
already made vigorous appeals in favor of union. He had em- 
phasized the divided and helpless state of the colonies by a 
rude wood-cut representing a snake cut in pieces, with the 
motto, "Join or die." He proposed that the colonies should 
form a confederation under the government of a president to be 
appointed and supported by the Crown, and a council chosen by 
the colonial assemblies. 

The congress unanimously accepted Franklin's plan, but the 
colonial assemblies and the Crown rejected it. The assemblies 
refused it because they thought it gave too much power to the 
King; the King, because he considered that it gave too much 
power to the people. Even then reflecting men in England 
"dreaded American union as the keystone of independence."'""'" 

167. Preparations for Braddock's campaign. — The next 
year (1755) England sent over General Eraddock to Virginia 
to lead an army of British regulars against the French. Brad- 
dock was a veteran soldier, boastful and brave, and accustomed 
to do everything with the cut-and-dried precision of European 
military methods. He despised backwoodsmen and backwoods 
ways of fighting. 

The plan of the campaign was to attack the French simulta- 
neously at four important points — Fort Duquesne, Fort 
Niagara. Crown Point, and Fort Beausejour at the head of 
the Bay of Fundy. If successful, these movements would 
drive the French back to Canada. 



1755-.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. 1 39 

168. Braddock's expedition ; Washington ; the expulsion 
of the Acadians. — Early in June (1755) Braddock set out 
accompanied by Colonel Washington and a body of Virginians, 
all eager to fight for "the best of kings." Braddock advanced 
from Fort Cumberland, at the base of the Alleghanies, and began 
to climb the rough ridges of the mountains. Three hundred axe- 
men led the van to clear the way. Behind them came the British 
regulars, a glittering array of scarlet and steel. The distance to 
Fort Duquesne was about a hundred and thirty miles. The 
progress of the army was so slow that after a month's march 
they were still five miles from their destination. Up to this 
point all had gone well, when suddenly the English advance was 
greeted with a terrific Indian war-whoop and was fired upon by 
an unseen foe. 

Braddock fell, mortally wounded, and the British regulars 
"ran like sheep pursued by dogs." ^'^^ The Virginians with 
Washington at their head were the only men on the English 
side who did any successful fighting. Braddock had lost more 
than half of his army. Washington saved what was left. 
This disastrous defeat of British troops had one good result: 
it inspired the Virginians with confidence in their own methods 
of fighting, and it led at once to the creation of a military 
organization for the defence of the colony. 

The attack on Fort Niagara was given up, but that on Crown 
Point and on Fort Beausejour were completely successful. 
Then came the question what action should be taken respecting 
the Acadians, who, by conquest, were subjects of the King of 
England (§ 163), and were called "French neutrals." But at 
Beause'jour no less than three hundred of these " neutrals " had 
been found fighting on the side of France. 

The British authorities suspected that the whole French pop- 
ulation of Nova Scotia was secretly hostile to King George. 
They now urged the Acadians to take the oath of allegiance 
to the English sovereign ; but nine-tenths of them refused. 
Then it was determined to banish them from the country. The 



140 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1757-1759. 

unsuspecting people were called together in their parish 
churches, and suddenly made prisoners. They were then 
hurried on board of British transports, and carried off to be 
distributed throughout the colonies from Maine to Georgia. 
The whole number thus kidnapped was between six and seven 
thousand. It was a terrible act, but apparently not contrary 
to the law of nations, and even France did not remonstrate.^^' 

169. Pitt and victory. — The "French and Indian War" had 
now been going on for more than three years, but the English 
could show no adequate results. Then (1757) the elder Wil- 
liam Pitt came into power ; he soon became the directing 
power of the British Government. A master's hand now 
grasped the helm. He had faith in America. He called on 
the colonists to furnish twenty thousand men for a vigorous 
campaign. Pitt inspired the army with his own enthusiasm, 
and they marched to victory. Louisburg was retaken (1758), 
and the famous fort was dismantled and destroyed. 

Colonel George Washington planned the line of march of an 
expedition of seven thousand men against Fort Duquesne 
(1758) ; the French commander, having but a feeble garrison, 
blew up the fort and fled. A new structure was built on the 
ruins of the French stronghold, and named Fort Pitt in honor 
of the great statesman whose genius had made the war a suc- 
cess. A settlement sprang up around this military post which 
has since grown into the great manufacturing city of Pittsburg. 

Sir William Johnson of Johnson Hall, New York, led his 
Iroquois " braves " against Fort Niagara, and took it. Ticon- 
deroga and Crown Point fell, and so throughout the East the 
French were driven back to Canada. 

170. Wolfe takes Quebec (1759). — The next move made 
by the English was on Canada itself. Montcalm, one of the 
bravest and noblest of French soldiers, held the world-renowned 
fortress of Quebec. General Wolfe, the young English officer 
who had stormed the batteries of Louisburg (17 58), led the 
force against Quebec. He besieged the place for nearly three 



^ 



1759-1763.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. I4I 

months (1759), but without avail. Out of his army of less 
than nine thousand men, he had lost nearly a thousand in des- 
perate assaults on the works. Wolfe had fretted himself into 
a fever, and began to doubt whether he should win the day. 

Finally the English commander determined to make an 
attempt to scale the heights above the town. On a starlight 
night in September (1759) Wolfe landed five thousand men on 
the north shore of the river at the little cove which he himself 
had discovered, and which is now called by his name. 

Feeling their way in the darkness, the soldiers seized hold of 
projections of the rocks, branches of trees, and bushes, and so 
noiselessly climbed up the almost perpendicular heights. When 
they reached the top, they re-formed and marched silently on 
until they came to the Plains of Abraham, outside the walls of 
Upper Quebec. There at dawn the French discovered them. 
There the decisive battle was fought. Both generals fell, mor- 
tally wounded. Wolfe lay bleeding on the ground, supported 
by an officer. "They run ! they run ! " exclaimed the officer. 
"Who run?" asked Wolfe. "The French," was the reply. 
The English commander gave a final order, and then ex- 
claimed, with his last breath, " Now God be praised, I die 
in peace." 

Montcalm also lay dying. When told by the surgeon that 
he could not survive more than ten or twelve hours, he said : 
" So much the better ; I shall not live to see the surrender of 
Quebec." ''° 

The fall of the capital of Canada virtually ended the war. 
It left the English in possession of everything which they had 
fought to gain, though peace was not formally declared until 

1763- 

171. Conspiracy of Pontiac (1763). — Four years later 
(1763) Pontiac, chief of a Michigan tribe, led a revolt of the 
savages living in the vicinity of the upper lakes. The chief 
was friendly to the French, and he believed that with their help 
he could drive the English from the West. 



142 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



[I763-. 



It was the most formidable and widespread plot ever devised 
by an Indian brain. Pontiac hoped to unite all of the savage 
tribes west of the Alleghanies in a general movement against 
the colonies. The uprising met with such success that out of 
twelve military posts the Indians took eight and massacred 
their garrisons. In the whole West only the forts at Detroit, 
Niagara, and Pittsburg held out against the savages, llie final 
battle was fought under the walls of Detroit (1763). Two years 
later (1765) Pontiac was forced to beg for peace.^'^ It was the 
last general attempt on the part of the western tribes to drive 
out the English settlers until, nearly half a century later, 
Tecumseh stirred up his famous revolt (181 1). 

172. Results of the struggle between England and France 

for the possession of America (1689- 1763) By a treaty of 

peace made in 1763, France ceded to England all of her Ameri- 
can possessions east 
of the Mississippi, ex- 
cept two small islands 
off the coast of New- 
foundland which Great 
Britain permitted her 
to keep " as a shelter to 
her fishermen."^" Bya 
secret treaty made the 
previous year (1762), 
France had trans- 
ferred New Orleans to 
Spain, and with that 
city all of her lands 
west of the Mississippi ; of her former magnificent domain on the 
North American continent she now had not even a foothold left. 
Meanwhile (1762) Spain, in return for the restoration of 
Cuba, had ceded Florida to England (ceded back to Spain in 
1783)."'* At the close of 1763, England held the whole conti- 
nent, east of the Mississippi, from the frozen shores of the Polar 



1 






m 


M^^^1^^2I^HUt^ 


1 ^»-w / /^ 


^^^^Kfi 


I^^^^^^IBI 




f 


^^^1 


ls( 




vV 





North America after the Treaty of 1763. 



1763-.] ENGLISH AND FRENCH SETTLEMENTS. I43 

Sea to the coral reefs of Florida, while Spain had her grasp on 
all the country west of the great river to the Pacific. 

But England paid a heavy price for the vast territory she had 
wrested from France. The expense of the war (in Europe and 
America) doubled the English national debt, — raising it from 
;^7 0,000,000 to ^140,000,000.^'* The British tax-payers pro- 
tested loudly against further outlay ; but further outlay seemed 
an absolute necessity. 

The Crown declared that a standing army of at least ten 
thousand men must be sent to America. This force was to 
hold Canada and the Ohio Valley, — otherwise the French and 
the Indians might rise and get back all that they had lost. 

In order to obtain money to pay this army, England resolved 
to impose a direct tax on the colonies. Burke said that this 
tax was the origin of the quarrel between the colonists and the 
mother-country.™ 

If, then, one result of the French war was greatly to increase 
the extent of the American possessions held by England, on 
the other hand, the expense of that contest forced the King to 
adopt a policy which roused the colonists to resist his demands. 
George III. refused to make any concessions, and relentlessly 
pushed his claims, until finally the Americans rose and fought 
the War for Independence. 

General View ok the Thirteen Colonies in 1763. 

173. — Settlement and population. — In 1763 the popula- 
tion of the thirteen colonies was not far from 1,800,000, — or 
considerably less than that of New York City to-day. Of this 
population, somewhat more than 300,000 were slaves. These 
slaves were distributed throughout the colonies, but the number 
held north of Mason and Dixon's line (§ 145) was compara- 
tively very small. The three largest cities were Philadelphia, 
New York, and Boston ; but none of them had a population 
exceeding 30,000, 



144 THE STUDENTS AMERICAN HISTORY. [1763-. 

By virtue of their original " sea-to-sea " charters, all but two 
of which had been annulled, six of the thirteen colonies, under 
the treaty of 1763 (§ 172), claimed the Mississippi for their 
western boundary line. New York made a similar claim on the 
ground of purchase of lands north of the Ohio from the Six 
Nations (§ 32). 

The great majority of the people lived along the Atlantic 
coast. Each colony had, as a rule, its own seaports, and was, 
therefore, commercially independent of the others ; west of the 
Alleghanies the whole country was almost an unbroken wilder- 
ness, although some adventurous pioneers had pushed into 
that region and made a few clearings in the forests. 

In New England a large proportion of the people had 
gathered in towns which had grown up around the parish meet- 
ing-house and the schoolhouse. Independent of all questions 
of trade, the religious societies of these colonists would have 
kept them compactly together. In the Middle colonies the 
towns likewise embraced a majority of the population ; but, 
owing, perhaps, to the fact that the Indians of that section 
were generally friendly, there were more scattered settlements 
than in New England, and in some cases they extended farther 
westward. At the South, the tobacco and rice plantations did 
not favor the growth of compact settlements. Jefferson humor- 
ously declared : " The law has said that there shall be towns, 
but nature has said there 'shall not.'" Generally speaking, 
the colonists lived apart from each other. Charleston, Balti- 
more, and Savannah were the principal Southern cities, and of 
these the first, only, had a population exceeding 5,000. 

A large majority of the people, especially in New England 
and Virginia, were of pure English descent. In the Middle 
colonies, especially in Pennsylvania and New York, there were 
a good many Germans and Dutch, besides some Swedes and 
Scotch. South Carolina had an influential Huguenot (§ 135) 
element, and probably most, if not, indeed, all of the colonies, 
had more or less of the same class, with some Irish, and a few 



1763 



1-.] GENERAL VIEW OF THE COLONIES IN 1 763. 145 



Jews ; as for the Scotch-Irish (§ 52),. they or their descendants 
could be found in varying numbers everywhere. Probably 
about one-fifth of the population of the thirteen colonies had 
some other language than English for their mother tongue. 
Collectively, the people called themselves " Americans." Owing 
to the immense immigration which has since taken place, not 
much more than half of our present population can claim the 
English as their native language.^"" 

174. Government of the colonies. — Three forms of govern- 
ment were in force in the colonies in 1763, namely, government 
by charter (Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island), 
by Proprietaries (Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland), and 
by the Crown in the seven remaining provinces. The general 
supervision of the colonies was in the hands of a Board of 
Trade, popularly called the " Lords of Trade." This board, 
appointed by the King (1696), had its headquarters in London. 
It required annual reports from the colonial Governors in 
America concerning the general condition and growth of their 
respective provinces. 

No other colonists in the world enjoyed the political liberty 
which England granted to her subjects in America. The 
Spanish and French governments on this continent were 
practically military despotisms, and the settlers in Mexico, 
Florida, and Canada had no voice whatever in making laws, 
electing officers, or levying taxes.^" Holland indeed was dis- 
posed to treat her provinces in a more liberal spirit, but still she 
gave them far less than England gave hers. 

Tw^o of the thirteen colonies — Connecticut and Rhode 
Island — elected their Governors and their Legislatures; they 
were republics in everything but name. In the remaining 
eleven colonies, though the King or the Proprietaries appointed 
the Governors, yet the people elected the members of the 
Assembly. 

These eleven Governors, who were in most cases Englishmen 
sent over by the King, were clothed with the following powers : 



146 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1763-. 

they (i) commanded the military and naval forces of their 
respective colonies ; (2) they chose the members of the council 
or upper house of legislature ; (3) they made grants of lands 
and collected land-rents ; (4) they granted pardons ; (5) they 
assembled and dissolved the Legislature, and (except in Penn- 
sylvania) they could permanently veto any legislative bill. 

The colonial Legislatures had three most important powers : 
(i) they (with the Governor's consent) enacted the laws, — 
which, however, were not to be repugnant to those of England ; 
(2) they levied all general taxes; (3) they fixed the amount of 
the Governor's salary, and also the salaries of the judges 
(until 1761), and other leading officers. This power over the 
purse gave the Legislatures the virtual control of the Govern- 
ment, and as the lower house was made up entirely of repre- 
sentatives elected by the people, this made them the real 
rulers. 

In all the colonies the right to vote was limited to persons 
owning a certain amount of landed property. In all of the 
colonies, except Pennsylvania and Delaware, Catholics were 
excluded from the polls, though it is denied that this law was 
enforced in Rhode Island (§ 126). The restriction of suffrage 
to property-holders cut off a large per cent of the adult male 
population from any voice in the direct management of public 
affairs. In Rhode Island this state of things eventually led to 
what is known as the Dorr Rebellion (1842). An order of 
Queen Anne's (1702), enforcing the Test Act, deprived all 
persons not Protestants from holding any public office in the 
colonies.^'** 

The common law of England was also the common law of 
the colonies ; but it was modified by the special enactments 
of the different Legislatures. 

In Massachusetts, and generally throughout New England, each 
town managed its local affairs by a meeting held once a year. 
At such meetings the people voted for town officers, for the 
building and repair of roads, the care of the poor, and the sup- 



1763-.] GENERAL VIEW OF THE COLONIES IN 1 763. 1 4/ 

port of churches and schools. This system made New England 
a collection of "village republics," in which all gradation of 
power was from the people upward (§ 88). 

In Virginia, and generally throughout the South, the manage- 
ment of local affairs, such as the building and repair of roads and 
the levying of taxes for such purposes, was under the control of ^ 
certain county ofificers appointed by the Governor ; so that in 
the South the gradation of power was from the Governor down- 
ward (§ 43). Each parish however had a self-elected committee 
(§ 43), composed usually of the leading members of the Epis- 
copal Church (the only Church there established by law). These 
committees, which were practically self-elective, and hence close 
corporations, provided for the maintenance of public worship, 
and looked after the poor. 

In the Middle colonies a mixed system of town and county 
government prevailed, the people of the towns electing one or 
moreoi, the county officers."'" 

175. Courts of justice; laws of inheritance. — Except in 
the three proprietary colonies (Maryland, Pennsylvania, and 
Delaware) and in Connecticut and Rhode Island, the Crown, 
directly or indirectly, appointed the judges of the superior 
courts. They held their office, not during good behavior, as in 
England, but during the pleasure of the royal Governor, or of 
his master the King. For this reason the judges naturally felt 
themselves bound to maintain the interests of the Crown ; but 
on the other hand up to 1761 they were constantly reminded by 
the Assemblies that their salaries depended on the good will 
of the people who paid them. After 1761 the salaries of the 
judges were paid out of the King's land-rents, and so the judges 
were freed from all responsibility to the people. 

The vice-admiralty courts, which were established to deal 
with maritime cases, were especially obnoxious to the mercantile 
community. It was the duty of these courts to enforce the 
Navigation Acts, the Laws of Trade, and to punish smuggling. 
The cases were tried not by jury, but by a bench of judges. 



148 THE student's Al\IERirAN HISTORY. [1763-. 

The severity of their sentences made them especially unpopular 
with the merchants and shipowners. 

If England discriminated by her Navigation Laws against 
her American colonies, on the other hand the colonists were 
not slow to retaliate. By the laws of Maryland (1704) an 
Englishman emigrating to that country could not hold office 
until after residence for a term of years ; a similar law existed 
in other colonies. 

In Massachusetts British merchants did not enjoy the same 
privileges as colonists. Throughout America colonial creditors 
had a prior claim in the collection of debts over English credi- 
tors.=** 

The laws and customs relating to the inheritance of real 
estate had an important influence on the condition of society. 
In Virginia, Maryland, and New York, property passed to the 
eldest son as in England. This system naturally tended to keep 
up the family name and position, and to establish a permanent 
landed aristocracy. Later (1776), Jefferson's attacks completely 
demolished this system in Virginia. 

In New England the property was divided among all the 
children, but the eldest son usually received a double share. 

The movement toward equal division eventually triumphed 
in all of the colonies. Daniel Webster said that these changes 
helped to lay the material basis of republican government.^®^ 

176. Conflicting interests of the colonies ; slavery ; the 
"Poor Whites." — Though the thirteen colonies were practi- 
cally one in modes of government and in religion, and though 
the English race predominated, yet conflicting interests sepa- 
rated them on many points. 

Unquestionably one of the most serious obstacles to union 
arose from the fact that the labor systems of the North and the 
South were radically unlike in their tendencies. The South 
was almost entirely devoted to agriculture in its simplest form ; 
the North, while not neglecting agriculture, was largely devoted 
to commerce. Both sections held "indented apprentices" 



1763-.] GENERAL VIEW OF THE COLONIES IN 1 763. 1 49 

(§ 42), and both owned negroes ; but at the South climate, soil, 
and productions fostered the growth of slavery, and made it 
more and more profitable, while at the North all these influ- 
ences were against it. 

The foreign slave-trade was active ; it was to a great extent 
in the hands of New England men, and there were merchants 
in Salem, Boston, and Newport who regularly sent out cargoes 
of trinkets and rum to Africa to exchange for ship-loads of 
Guinea negroes to be sold at auction in the South. ^'*'-^ 

James I. sent at least a hundred convicts to Virginia ; later, 
many political prisoners taken in the civil wars were shipped as 
slaves to America — most of them probably to the British West 
Indies. In 1 7 1 8 Parliament enacted a law permitting convicts to 
be transported to this country ; between that date and 1776 large 
numbers were sent over, chiefly it would seem to the Barbadoes. 
There were also voluntary white indented immigrants, or " Re- 
demptioners," who sold themselves for a term of years to pay 
the cost of their passage over. As late as 1792 Washington 
urged buying a ship-load of them in Germany to work on 
the public grounds and public buildings of the national 
capital.*" 

The industrial differences between the North and the South 
were producing two different types of civilization, and were 
breeding not only antagonism of interests, but bitter sectional 
hatred. Thus the seeds of the great conflict (1861-1865) 
were sown, and were slowly maturing for the inevitable harvest. 

Washington, Jefferson, and Franklin were among the first who 
denounced slavery as a blight and a curse (§ 45). The people 
of the South were gradually separated into two classes : the few 
who owned slaves, and the many — the " Poor Whites " — who 
did not own them. They could not compete with negro labor, 
and they were ashamed to try to compete with it. 

But the rich Southern slave-holders had whatever hiiih-bred 
virtues naturally belong to an aristocracy. When the day of 
need came, this class furnished leaders in the cause of inde- 



I 50 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [I763-. 

pendence who were every whit as ardent as those who sprang 
from New England or from the Middle colonies. The so-called 
" Poor Whites " showed too on the battlefields of the Revo- 
lution, as they did nearly a hundred years later on those of the 
Civil War, that they were not "poor" in courage, fortitude, or 
self-denial. 

177. Colonial industries ; commerce; manufactures; cur- 
rency. — Down to the beginning of the eighteenth century, 
wages were quite generally regulated by law, and two shillings 
seems to have been the usual pay for a day's work. 

The great staples of the South were tobacco, rice, indigo, 
and the products of the pine forests of North Carolina. Penn- 
sylvania exported iron ; New York carried on a large trade in 
furs. New England was actively engaged in whaling and cod- 
fishing, and in distilling rum from West India molasses. A gilt 
figure of a codfish still hangs in the chamber of the House of 
Representatives in the State House in Boston. Like the sack 
of wool in the English House of Lords, it is an honorable 
emblem of what was once a chief source of the wealth of 
Massachusetts. 

Ship-building had long been carried on in New England and 
Pennsylvania, and the English ship-builders complained with 
good reason that America was driving their vessels from the 
ocean. Early in the eighteenth century (17 13), Captain Andrew 
Robinson of Gloucester, Massachusetts, launched the first 
schooner — a type of vessel which has since come into use 
throughout the world.^^ 

The commerce of the colonies grew steadily. New England 
had a fleet of between five and six hundred sailing craft em- 
ployed in the West Indian and other foreign trade. 

Large as our exports were, our imports from Great Britain 
were nearly twice as great, and Lord Chatham said in Parlia- 
ment, " America is the fountain of our wealth, the nerve of 
our strength." He declared that Great Britain made a profit 
of ^2,000,000 a year out of her American trade.""'*'' 



1763-.] GENERAL VIEW OF THE COLONIES IN I763. I5I 

Aside from the production of certain classes of coarse goods, 
there were few manufactures in the colonies. The first woolen 
mill was set up by John Pearson in 1643 in Rowley, Massa- 
chusetts.^'' England, acting on the protective principle, 
checked the growth of colonial manufactures by all sorts of 
vexatious legislation in order that she might keep the monopoly 
of supply for her own merchants. The House of Commons 
resolved (1719) that " the erecting manufactories in the colonies 
tended to lessen their dependence,"^''' and later (1765), pro- 
hibited the iron-furnaces and iron-mills of Pennsylvania as 
" nuisances ".'^ 

Such goods as the colonists were permitted to produce were 
made largely by hand, although horse-power, wind-power, and 
water-power were used to some extent. Steam as a manufac- 
turing agent was still unknown in the world, and the first 
steam-engine in America was not set up until about the 
beginning of the present century.'''*'''' 

The need of a sound currency was sorely felt in all of the 
colonies. In Virginia tobacco had served for money for a 
time, but unfortunately it was subject to sudden and violent 
fluctuations in value according as the price abroad rose and fell. 
In New England, and in some of the other colonies, wampum 
(§ 29) had long been in use, and did excellent service in trade with 
the Indians. Massachusetts, indeed, ventured to set up a mint 
and strike off debased silver coins, and coppers, but long before 
1763 the mint had been suppressed. Most of the specie that 
came into the country consisted of Spanish dollars brought from 
the West Indies in exchange for exports, together with some 
English gold and silver ; but this specie soon found its way into 
the pockets of the London merchants. 

This constant drain of gold and silver out of the colonies 
naturally induced them to undertake the issue of paper money. 
Most of this proved utterly worthless. The English Board of 
Trade (§ 174) instructed the royal colonial Governors to veto 
the bills which the Legislatures enacted for the issue of this 



152 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1763-. 

irredeemable paper money, and the quarrels to which these 
vetoes gave rise were one cause leading to the Revolution. 



'178. Roads ; travel ; the post-office. — Owing to the very 
general lack of good roads the chief part of the transportation 
was, when practicable, by water. Large quantities of furs and 
freights of all kinds were carried in canoes on the rivers 
and lakes. New York in particular offered great facilities in 
this respect. Where rivers were not available for reaching the 
interior, pack-horses were employed. They. carried the goods 
in long bags slung across their backs. 

The roads were frequently simply Indian trails ; in other 
cases there was no path at all, and the way through the track- 
less forests was indicated by "blazed" trees. Pennsylvania 
was one of the few colonies which had a number of fairly good 
roads ; they radiated from Philadelphia. Thousands of huge 
wagons carried produce from the interior to that busy port, 
which had an export trade of more than ^700,000 a year. Bos- 
ton (1763) ranked next in this respect. 

There was but little passenger travel — so little, in fact, that 
it was not very uncommon for a man to make his will when he 
ventured to go any distance from home. The usual mode of 
travel between the principal cities, such as Boston, Philadelphia, 
New York, and Charleston, was by sailing vessel. The time 
required for making such a journey was as uncertain as the 
wind. Not infrequently men preferred to go on horseback to 
avoid vexatious delays. If a wife went with her husband on 
one of these journeys, she usually rode behind him on a pillion. 
Toward the close of the colonial period, a line of rude stage- 
wagons was put on the route (1756) between Philadelphia and 
New York. They made trips once a week. Their average 
speed was usually rather less than three miles an hour ; but as 
the roads were rough, and the wagons had no springs, the pas- 
sengers probably seldom begged to go faster. Later (1766). 
some enterprising individual put a new "stage" on the 
route. He advertised it as the " Flying-Machine " ; under 




iiifpi 

liiM,MMl 




To the PUBLIC. 

THE FLYING MACHINE, kept by 
John Mercereau, at the New-Blazing-Stai'- Ferry, 
near New-York, fets off from Powles-Hook every Mon- 
day, Wednefday, and Friday Mornings, for Philadelphia, . 
and performs the Journey in a Day and a Half, for the 
Summer Seafon, till the iff of November 5 from that Time 
to go twice a Week till the firft of May, when they 
again perform it three Times a Week. When the Stages 
go only twice a Week, they itt off Mondays andThurf- 
days. The Waggons in Philadelphia fet out from the 
Sign of the George, in Second- flreet, the fam^ Morning. 
The Paffengers are defired tocrofsthe Ferry the Evening 
before, as the Stages muft fet off early the next Morning. 
The Price for each Paffenger is Jiue/ify Shillings^ Proc* and 
Goods as ufual. Paffengers going Part of the Way to pay 
in Proportion. 

As the Proprietor has made "fuch Improvements upon 
the Machines, one of which is in Imitation of aCoach, 
he hopes to merit the Favour of the Publick. 

JOHN MERCEREAU. 

MetrYof'/c Gazette lyyi. 

FLYING MACHINE. 



* " Proc." : Proclamation-money or lawful money according to the proclamation 
of Queen Anne in 1704. 



1763-.] GENERAL VIEW OF THE COLONIES IN I763. I 53 

favorable circumstances it flew at a speed of perhaps five 
miles an hour.^^^ 

The first post-office in the colonies was not established until 
1 7 1 o, or more than a century after the first settlement of Virginia. 
The mails were scanty. They were generally carried on horse- 
back. The rates of postage for a single letter ranged, in modern 
currency, from eight to twenty-five cents, according to distance. 
When Benjamin Franklin was appointed Postmaster-General 
(1753) he startled the good people of Philadelphia by putting 
on a regular weekly mail between that city and Boston ; there 
was no postal service between Boston and inland towns before 
the Revolution. 

179. Religion; freedom of worship; the press. — In the 
South the Episcopal Church — the established Church of all 
the royal colonies — was the most influential ; but numerically 
the Presbyterians were strong, and together with the Congrega- 
tionalists were constantly growing stronger. In Pennsylvania 
the Quakers and the German Lutherans predominated. In the 
remaining Middle colonies Episcopacy was maintained by law, 
but other denominations were tolerated. Maryland had by far 
the greatest number of Catholics. Yet even there they did not 
constitute more than a small per cent of the population. 

In Massachusetts Episcopacy was encouraged by the royal 
Governor, who attended the "King's Chapel" in Boston. The 
dread lest the Crown should appoint an Episcopal bishop may 
be considered as one of the causes which operated in Massa- 
chusetts to bring on the Revolution.''^- In Rhode Island the 
Baptists had become a controlling power, A few Methodists 
had settled in New York, but no preachers of that denomina- 
tion arrived until several years later (1769). The following 
year (1770) a Universalist minister began to form two or 
three societies of that faith. Influences were at work in a 
number of the Congregational Churches of Massachusetts 
which eventually developed into Unitarianism, first formally 
organized in Boston after the close of the Revolution (1785). 



154 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1763-. 

In Massachusetts the compulsory support of public Congre- 
gational worship was not abolished until many years later 
(i833).««^ 

The only colony which openly tolerated entire freedom of 
worship by legislative enactment was Rhode Island. In Vir- 
ginia, where all property-holders were taxed to support the 
established Episcopal Church, no other faith was legally recog- 
nized.'^'** 

In western Virginia there were many dissenters — mostly 
Presbyterians. They were permitted to organize and maintain 
churches of their own on condition that they made certain con- 
cessions to the established (Episcopal) Church.^^^ Jefferson 
secured (1776) partial toleration, and eventually (1785) his 
influence obtained the passage of the famous act, granting 
entire religious freedom. 

In all of the colonies, except Rhode Island, laws existed 
which forbade Catholics from holding public worship ; but in 
Pennsylvania the law was not generally enforced, and as early 
as 1734 a Catholic church — the first outside of the original 
church of Maryland — was erected in Philadelphia.^'* 

That art which has been truly said to be " preservative of all 
arts " was first introduced into the colonies by the establishment 
of a printing-press at Cambridge, Massachusetts, in 1639. The 
next press, outside of Massachusetts, was permanently set up 
at Philadelphia (1686), and the next at New York (1693). No 
printing could be done except by special license, although 
most of the restrictions were removed by 1755. 

The first permanent newspaper establislied in the colonies 
was the " Boston News Letter," which made its appearance in 
1704. It was printed weekly, and consisted of half a sheet of 
coarse, dingy paper, about the size of a child's pocket handker- 
chief. The first attempt made by any newspaper to discuss 
public affairs was when James Franklin (1723) criticised the 
action of the Massachusetts authorities in his "New England 
Courant." It was in certain respects the forerunner of the 



t^. 



1763-.] GENERAL VIEW OF THE COLONIES IN 1 763 I 55 

poorest class of modern sensational dailies, differing from them 
mainly because its limited circulation greatly restricted its de- 
moralizing and destructive power. Its publication was stopped 
by the authorities. 

Peter Zenger, the publisher of the " New York Weekly Jour- 
nal," first succeeded (1734) in establishing the right (§ 69) of 
a newspaper to censure acts of the Government. He thus 
laid the foundation for the absolute liberty of the press which 
was finally recognized after the Revolution. 

180. Literature and education. — -Up to 1763 very few 
American books of note had been published. Wealthy men 
imported the standard English authors, but in New England 
sermons by the Puritan ministers formed a large part of the 
solid reading in that section. 

The most remarkable production in verse was the Reverend 
Michael Wigglesworth's " Day of Doom." It was a realistic 
description of the " Great and Last Judgment," and especially 
of the unutterable torments of lost souls. For a hundred years 
after its publication in Boston (1662), no other book com- 
manded a sale equal to it. Peddlers hawked it from house to 
house, and little children learned it by heart along with their 
catechism. As late as the early part of the present century 
there were men and women living who had read and reread the 
lurid pages of this poem, by the flickering light of a New 
England fireside, until every line seemed to have been burnt 
into their memories, and they could repeat the whole of the two 
hundred and twenty-four verses word by word.^^'' 

In prose we have Cotton Mather's " Magnalia " (1702), a 
huge folio narrating the church history of New England ; and 
later, Dummer's " Defence of the New England Charters " 
(1728), a vigorously written pamphlet which was followed by a 
multitude of others discussing and defending the rights of the 
colonists. The most noteworthy Southern contributions to 
American literature were Beverly's " History of Virginia " 
(1705), followed by Stith's history of the same colony (1747) 



156 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1763-. 

The two master writers of the period were Benjamin Franklin 
and Jonathan t^dwards. Edwards was a Puritan minister of 
the strictest sort ; FrankHn was a man of the world, an inde- 
pendent thinker, who hired no one to guess for him about any- 
thing. In 1732, while editing the " Pennsylvania Gazette, " — a 
paper which he printed with his own hands, — he began the 
publication of an almanac, popularly known as " Poor Richard's 
Almanac." 

He scattered through his almanac maxims which preached 
the gospel of thrift, self-help, and manly independence. These 
pithy sayings of "Poor Richard" had a wide influence. They 
were reprinted on sheets (1754) under the title of "The Way 
to Wealth," and framed and hung up in houses and shops. 
There can be no doubt that they did much towards shaping 
American life when, as an eminent English statesman said, it 
was " in the gristle and not yet hardened into the bone of 
manhood." 

Later, Franklin wrote numerous political pamphlets and 
scientific papers ; several of the former had a decided bearing 
on questions relating to the welfare of the colonies, the need 
of union and of self-defence. 

Jonathan Edwards was a country minister settled in North- 
ampton, and later in Stockbridge, Massachusetts. He was a 
man of deep religious convictions, of vigorous intellect, and of 
noble purpose. 

His preaching expressed the same feeling as that which 
found utterance in the " Day of Doom." It was largely an 
appeal to fear, and it gave rise to that remarkable revival 
(1740) called the "Great Awakening." That movement shook 
New England like an earthquake, and made itself felt as far 
south as Virginia. It called into existence a great number of 
independent exhorters and preachers ; they broke up many of 
the old parishes in Massachusetts and Connecticut into oppo- 
site factions known as the " Old Lights " and the " New 
Lights." This led to the formation of societies holding views 



1763-.] GENERAL VIEW OF THE COLONIES IN I763. I 57 

of their own. These new societies, in a number of cases, with- 
drew from the more rigid Puritan organization, and so, in the 
end, helped to bring about the separation of Church and 
State.^^« 

Later (1754), Edwards publislied his great work on the 
" Freedom of the Will " ; his object was to show that there is 
no true and permanent liberty save that which springs from right 
doing, and that the power to do right comes only from above. 
His book was destined to have a profound influence on that 
small number of thinkers whose thoughts influence the world. 

By 1763 the common-school system of New England had 
been in existence for more than a century (§ 93), but even in 
Massachusetts such schools were not as a rule fully maintained 
by public taxation. The law which finally and fully established 
them on that basis was not passed until (1827) nearly fifty 
years after the country had gained its independence as a nation. 

This system did not (1763) extend south of Connecticut; 
but numerous schools, however, existed in New Jersey and in 
New York, and Pennsylvania was noted for its " log colleges." 

In Virginia and throughout the South there was no system 
of public instruction. Governor Berkeley, speaking of the 
"Old Dominion" (1671), said: "I thank God there are no 
free schools, nor printing, and I hope we shall not have [them] 
these hundred years ; for learning has brought disobedience 
and heresy and sects into the world, and printing has divulged 
them, and libels against the best government. God keep us 
from both." ^^^ 

Yet Governor Berkeley was not an enemy to higher educa- 
tion, for he subscribed for the founding of "a college of students 
of the liberal arts and sciences." What he feared was a demo- 
cratic system of free instruction, such as he believed would 
tend to undermine the authority of Church and King. 

The wealthy planters not infrequently employed classical 
tutors for their eldest sons, — the heirs of their estates, — or 
sent them to the mother-country to be educated. Augustine 



158 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1763-. 

Washington sent his eldest son Lawrence to England for that 
purpose, but placed his younger son George in a little school 
kept by the sexton of the parish, where the lad was duly taught 
to read, write, and cipher. A large number of the " Poor 
Whites " never had an opportunity to acquire even these rudi- 
ments of learning. They got their education from things, 
not from books. 

By 1763 six colleges had been established in the colonies. 
They were Harvard (1636), William and Mary (1693), Yale 
(1701), Princeton (1746), the University of Pennsylvania 
(1753), and Columbia (1754); a seventh — Brown University 
— soon afterward came into existence (1764). 

181. Science and art; discoveries and inventions. — In 
art we had two noted painters, Copley and West. The latter 
had been painting portraits in Philadelphia at five guineas a 
head, but went to Italy before the close of 1763. Copley was 
painting in Boston, and John Hancock and his friend Samuel 
Adams were soon to sit for their portraits, both of which now 
hang in the Boston Art Museum. 

Copley was painting a picture in London when (1782) the 
news was received of the acknowledgment of American inde- 
pendence by Great Britain. " With a bold hand and a master's 
touch " the artist introduced a ship in the background, flying 
the "stars and stripes"; it was probably the first American 
flag that was hoisted in old England. 

In the field of scientific discovery America had made her 
mark. Franklin was engaged in his famous experiments with 
electricity, and the leading scientists of France wrote to him : 
" We are all waiting M'ith the greatest eagerness to hear from 
you."*"" They did not wait in vain, for Franklin, by the use of 
nothing more remarkable than a boy's kite, succeeded (175 1) 
in establishing the fact that the electricity produced by friction 
and the lightning of the thunder-clouds are one and the same 
thing. That was the beginning of the wonderful development 
which, after the lapse of nearly a century, has since taken 



1763-.] GENERAL VIEW OF THE COLONIES IN 1 763. 1 59 

place, and is now rapidly advancing. The lightning-rod was 
the first step in that practical knowledge of electricity which 
has since given us the telegraph and telephone, and which now 
provides the silent power which lights houses and streets, cooks 
food, photographs invisible objects, drives machinery, propels 
and heats cars, signals the approach of trains, rings fire-alarms, 
and threatens in time to drive steam entirely into the background. 

Another name destined to take high rank in the history of 
science v/as that of Benjamin Thompson (Count Rumford), then 
a boy at school in his native town of Woburn, Massachusetts. 
In his researches many years later he discovered that heat is a 
mode of motion, and he laid the foundation of the modern 
doctrine of the "correlation of forces."*" 

182. Mode of life. — Throughout the colonies the great 
mass of the people lived in the utmost simplicity. The farm- 
houses were generally built of logs, or of rough, unpainted 
clapboards. The cooking was done before huge open wood 
fires, or in large brick ovens. The food was generally coarse, 
but abundant. There were comparatively few vegetables, but 
plenty of apples and cider. 

Salt pork was the meat most commonly eaten, but venison 
and other game were by no means rare. Corn in the form of 
hominy, mush, or hoe cake, and rye bread were more generally 
seen on the table than bread made of wheat. 

Tallow candles, whale-oil lamps, and open wood fires 
gave light in the evening. Friction matches did not come 
into use until long after the Revolution, and the only way of 
kindling a fire was to strike a spark by a flint and steel, catch 
it on some tinder, and blow it to a blaze. 

Men and women dressed chiefly in homespun, which the 
wives and daughters of the farmers manufactured in the long 
winter evenings with their spinning-wheels and hand-looms. 

In New England Sunday was kept very strictly ; every one 
was expected to attend church, and all travel or labor — except 
in cases of absolute necessity — was forbidden. 



l6o THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [I763-. 

In all of the colonies law-breakers were summarily and 
sharply dealt with. Ordinary offenders were put in the stocks, 
exposed on the pillory, or publicly whipped, much to the edifi- 
cation of the bystanders. Serious crimes were punished by 
imprisonment or by the gallows, and hangings took place where 
all could witness them. 

In and near the cities there were occasional fine mansions. 
Some of these, such as the " Longfellow House," in Cambridge, 
Massachusetts, the " Van Rensselaer Manor House " at Green- 
bush, New York, and the " liyrd House" at Westover, near 
Richmond, Virginia, are still standing, and are excellent 
examples of the higher class of colonial architecture. 

The owners of these houses frequently lived in a good deal 
of style. They imported French wines and silver plate for 
their tables, and dressed in stately costumes of velvet and 
brocade, set off with ruffles, and wearing flowing wigs or 
powdered hair. 

Social lines were more sharply drawn than at present. 
Broadly speaking, to-day, every inhabitant of the United States 
who is not a lady is a gentleman, but in colonial days these 
names were given, as a rule, only to persons holding some 
acknowledged and well-defined social position. 

183. Indications of the coming Revolution. — Not long 
before the Revolution, a marked change took place in the 
reading habits of many of the people. JJurke, in speaking of 
America in 1775, said: " In no country in the world is the law 
so general a study." Not only did the colonists import a large 
number of law-books, but they had begun to publish them. It 
is said that nearly as many copies of Elackstone's Commen- 
taries were sold in America as in England.''"' Public affairs 
were discussed to such an extent that a noted Frenchman said 
of the Americans: "They are all politicians, down to the 
housemaids." ''"''' 

This interest in public matters, joined to the study of law, 
was preparing the leaders of the colonists to take a decided 



1763-.] GENERAL VIEW OF THE COLONIES IS 1 763. 161 

Stand in defence of their rights. English statesmen expressed 
their admiration for the ability with which the Americans drew 
uptheir petitions for justice and their protests against oppression. 

Notwithstanding the fact that the English Board of Trade 
had accused the Massachusetts colonists of having "a thirst 
for independence," yet the general feeling of all the colonies 
appears to have been loyal until a late date. In a sermon on 
the death of George II. (i 760;, the Reverend Jonathan Mayhew 
of Boston said that the people had regarded the late King as a 
"father " rather than a " sovereign," and that they hoped to sit 
" under the shadow of his successor with great delight." *"* The 
coronation of George III. was celebrated with all the pomp the 
colonists could muster. They felt that the glory of the mother- 
country was still their glory, and they rejoiced " publicly on 
every victory of the English arms."^'^ 

Franklin testified before the House of Commons that up to 
the passage of the Stamp Act (1765) the colonists "were led 
by a thread." They had, he said, "not only a respect, 
but an affection for Great Britain." It was natural that it 
should be so, for a large proportion of the people were of direct 
English descent. The laws, the language, the literature, the 
religion of America were to a great extent those of England. 

But if the bond which united us to the mother-country was 
strong, so too was the spirit of resistance to injustice. In the 
cordage of the British navy a scarlet fibre is twisted into every 
strand of rope to mark it ; so throughout the colonies, inter- 
woven with the universal feeling of loyalty, there was this 
distinct and unmistakable determination to insist on the same 
constitutional rights which were granted to Englishmen at 
home. When George III. positively refused to acknowledge 
those rights, when no petition however humble, and no protest 
however vehement could move him, then the American people 
deliberately took the final step. In this action all the colonies 
were united, for a majority in all " wanted the same Revo- 
lution."^"*^ 



1 62 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1607-1776. 

184. Importance of the colonial period. — The Revolution 
brought the colonial period to a close. To rightly estimate 
it we should remember that in the growth of a nation, as in the 
growth of a tree, the roots count as much as the top. Many 
events of the first importance originated in that period (1607- 
1776). I. Then the English-speaking race got firm possession 
of the Atlantic coast, and extended their territory as far west as 
the Mississippi. 2. Then, too, many customs, laws, and insti- 
tutions were established which must continue to have great 
influence on the welfare of the whole country. 3. The leading 
industries of America to-day were planted by the early settlers 
and their descendants.''"' 4. They, too, first recognized the 
great principle of complete religious toleration ; they laid the 
foundation of our oldest colleges, and of the public-school 
system of the United States ; and they established the liberty 
of the press. 5. In that period, too, the conception of national 
independence was born, and a committee was chosen to frame 
the first Constitution of the Republic. 6. Finally it was in that 
period that slavery spread itself through the Southern half of 
the Republic, and sowed the seeds of that gigantic war which 
in the end not only gave the country a " new birth of freedom," 
but led to the reconstruction of the Union on a basis far more 
solid and sure than it rested on before. 



IV. 

THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. 

(1763-17S9.I 

For Author Hies /or this Chapter, see Appendix, pag'e xxiv. The small figures in 
the text refer to A uthorities cited on page ixx of the Appendix. 



185. The accession and policy of George III — The acces- 
sion of George III. (17C0) produced a great change in political 
affairs both in EngUand and in the colonies. The new sovereign 
was well-meaning, patriotic, and conscientious, but narrow- 
minded, obstinate, and subject to attacks of mental derange- 
ment. When he came to the throne he found the government 
in the hands of a few great Whig families. George was deter- 
mined to be king in fact as well as in name. He resolved to 
break down the power of the old Whig Party, to raise up a 
body of men in Parliament, who as the " King's friends " would 
vote as he should direct, and to make his own arbitrary will 
supreme not only at home but throughout British America.'*"* 

That determination was vigorously resisted on both sides of 
the Atlantic. The struggle which ended triumphantly for the 
American patriots was in truth part of the same revolution 
which was fought in England by other patriots in the halls of 
Parliament.*"^ In spirit Pitt and Burke were the allies of Adams 
and Washington. 

186. The chief cause of the American Revolution ; protest 
of the colonies against direct taxation. — We have seen (§§70, 
102, 127, 177, 179, 183) that many causes contributed to bring 
on the American Revolution ; but the immediate cause was the 
King's determination to impose a tax on the colonists without 



164 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1760-. 

their consent.'""' The declared object of that tax was to aid 
in maintaining a force of ten thousand British troops in 
America to prevent an insurrection of the conquered Canadian 
French, and to protect the colonists against the western 
Indians.^^^ 

Lord Grenville, the King's Prime Minister, held that the 
colonies were simply places of trade established for the benefit 
of Great Britain. Adam Smith, in the first edition of his 
celebrated work on political economy (1775), denounced this 
narrow view as " fit only for a nation of shopkeepers." ^^- The 
colonists themselves, however, admitted the right of Great 
Britain to impose duties on their imports and to restrict their 
commerce and their manufactures ; but at the same time they 
positively denied the right of the home government to demand 
contributions of money from them.'"^ 

As early as 1624 the Virginia Assembly declared : "The 
governor shall not lay any taxes . . . upon the colony . . . 
otherwise than by the authority of the General Assembly."*^* 
This, too, was the attitude of Massachusetts (1646) *^^ and of 
Plymouth Colony (167 1)."® 

It is true that the charter of Pennsylvania (168 1) affirmed 
that Parliament might levy taxes on the people of that colony 
(§ 139); but Parliament never had attempted it, and the feeling 
was that no such exercise of power would ever be made. 

In the reign of Queen Anne the New York Assembly (17 10) 
took the same decided stand that Virginia had taken in the 
previous century. They voted that "the levying of any moneys 
upon Her Majesty's subjects of this colony, . . . without consent 
in General Assembly, is a grievance and a violation of the 
people's property." *" This utterance of New York represented 
the general spirit of the American people when George III. 
came to the throne (1760). 

187. Loyalty of the colonies; "Writs of Assistance"; 
the <' Parsons' Case." — Yet the loyalty of the colonies was 
unquestionable (§ 1S3). Even Samuel Adams, that fiery apostle 



1761-1765.] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. 1 65 

of independence, declared as late as 1768 that nothing but 
unkind usage could sever the ties which bound America to 
England."'' 

The first decided symptom of a change of feeling occurred in 
1 76 1. That year the King empowered the custom-house officers 
of Boston and of other American ports to make use of " Writs 
of Assistance" — or general warrants — in searching for smug- 
gled goods,"'^ A few years later those writs were decided to be 
unconstitutional in England. As if in anticipation of that deci- 
sion, James Otis (1761) protested against their use in the colo- 
nies. In the course of his flaming speech Otis vehemently 
denounced " the tyranny of taxation without representation.""^ 

The next year (1762) Patrick Henry in his celebrated speech 
in the " Parsons' Case " ""' boldly denied the right of the King 
to set aside a law passed by the Virginia Assembly for the gen- 
eral good. These ringing utterances of Otis in the North and of 
Henry in the South showed that both sections of the country 
were equally determined to stand up for their rights, 

188. The Stamp Act proposed ; effect on the colonies ; the 
act passes (1765). — Meanwhile Lord Grenville, the King's 
prime minister, was maturing a scheme for compelling the col- 
onies to help bear the burden of maintaining a standing army 
of British soldiers in America. His plan was to impose a 
stamp tax similar to one which had been imposed in England, 
He assumed that Parliament, as the national council, really 
represented all sections of the British Empire, and therefore 
that it could rightfully levy such a tax on the colonies.""^ 
Under this proposed act stamps varying in value from a half- 
penny to ten pounds were to be affixed or impressed on all 
deeds, wills, policies of insurance, clearance papers for ships, on 
many other legal and business papers, and on periodical publica- 
tions and advertisements."-^ Such a law would execute itself. 
It would make it impossible for the colonists to export produce, 
transfer property, collect debts through the courts, or even 
purchase a newspaper or an almanac without paying this tax. 



1 66 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1765. 

In a conversation with Franklin and other colonial agents 
then in London, Grenville said that he could think of no better 
way of raising the money needed by the British Government. 
" If," said he, " you can tell of a better, I will adopt it." Frank- 
lin suggested that it might be well to ask the colonies to raise 
the sum needed, but admitted that he thought it very doubtful 
whether the colonial assemblies would agree what proportion 
each should contribute.^"* 

Grenville gave the colonies a year to consider the matter ; 
then he called on Parliament to act. Burke raised his voice 
against the measure. He said that it began to look as though 
the British Government regarded the colonists as pack-horses 
made to bear the burdens first of unlimited commercial monop- 
oly, and next of unlimited taxation.*'^^ Pitt declared later that 
it was a scheme to take the colonists' " money out of their 
pockets without their consent." ^-'' 

The news of the proposed law roused the Americans to fierce 
indignation. Otis denounced it at a Boston town-meeting ; and 
the Assembly of New York protested that if taxes should be 
wrung from them against their will, " life itself would become 
intolerable."*^^ But despite all efforts the measure passed 
in i765.'*^* 

189. Patrick Henry's resolutions; the Stamp-Act Con- 
gress. — Virginia was the first to resent the action of Parlia- 
ment. Patrick Henry introduced (1765) a series of remarkable 
resolutions in the Assembly, in which he declared that no power 
outside the people of the colony had any right to impose taxes 
on them. The Assembly adopted and recorded the greater 
part of these resolutions. ■*"'^'' 

Before the news of Virginia's defiant action reached the 
North, Massachusetts proposed a Stamp-Act Congress. In 
October (1765) delegates from nine colonies met in New 
York.*^" The congress drew up a " Declaration of Rights." 
That declaration showed how fast public opinion was moving. 
It did not demand (as Otis had) representation in Parliament ; 




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1765-1767.] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. 1 6/ 

on the contrary, it affirmed " That the people of these colonies 
are not, and from their local circumstances cannot be, repre- 
sented in the House of Commons in Great Britain, . . . and 
that no taxes ever have been, or ever can be, constitutionally 
imposed on them except by their respective legislatures."'*'" 

190. The << boycott"; the «'Sons of Liberty"; Pitt; 
repeal of the act. — Meanwhile the leading merchants of the 
country proceeded to "boycott" Great Britain by pledging 
themselves to stop importing English goods until the obnoxious 
act should be repealed. The " Sons of Liberty " in New York 
and elsewhere took decided action. They seized stocks of 
stamps and burned them, destroyed stamp offices, and forced 
stamp officers to resign. 

When the news of the reception of the Stamp Act reached 
England, Pitt rose from his sick bed to defend the colonists in 
Parliament. " I rejoice," said he, " that America has resisted."*'^ 

The prime minister thought it would be inexpedient to 
attempt to force the people to purchase the hated stamps, and 
the British merchants and manufacturers, fearing that they 
would lose the American market for their goods, besought Par- 
Uament to repeal the act. This was done (1766) amid great 
rejoicings in London. But the " King's friends " (§ 185) accom- 
panied the repeal by the passage of a " Declaratory Act," which 
expressly affirmed the right of Parliament " to bind the colonies 
in all cases whatsoever." '**■'' In America the exultation of the 
people over their apparent victory prevented their heeding 
the ominous words of this declaration. 

191. The Townshend Law and its effects. — The next year 
(1767) Charles Townshend induced Parliament to impose a 
duty on American imports of paints, paper, glass, and tea.*''* 

The colonists generally, except Otis, had conceded the right 
of the English Government to impose such duties, but now John 
Dickinson of Pennsylvania rose to remonstrate. He attacked 
the Townshend Law in a masterful series of twelve papers 
entitled, "Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania."*'^ At the 



1 68 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1767-1770. 

same time the Massachusetts Assembly, pushed on by Samuel 
Adams and by Otis, urged the other colonies to employ all lawful 
means to resist the collection of the proposed duties.*^® 

Under the lead of George Washington the planters of Vir- 
ginia resolved to refuse to import goods from Great Britain 
until the Townshend Act should be repealed. The merchants 
of New York, Boston, and other cities took similar action. The 
result was that all of the Townshend Law was repealed (1770), 
except the clause levying a trifling duty on tea.^^^ 

192. The << Boston Massacre"; Governor Tryon; the 
destruction of the Gaspee. — Meanwhile several regiments 
of British troops had arrived in Boston. In spite of the pro- 
tests of the citizens this standing army was quartered in the 
town itself. The people believed that the presence of such a 
force was an open violation of their constitutional rights as 
English subjects. The excited state of feeling then existing 
made collisions between the troops and the citizens inevitable. 
A mob assailed (1770) a squad of soldiers in the streets, pelted 
them with chunks of ice and other missiles, and dared the 
" lobster backs " to fire. Finally, either in retaliation or in self- 
defence, the " red coats " did fire, killing and wounding several 
persons.'*'* This affair led to the removal of the troops from 
the town to an island in the harbor. 

The next year (177 1) the exactions of Governor Tryon of 
North Carolina provoked an insurrection. The battle of Ala- 
mance followed (§ 137), and the governor hanged a number of 
prisoners of war that he had captured. These men had taken 
up arms to resist unjust taxation, and their memories were 
cherished as those of martyrs to liberty. 

The following year (1772) the British revenue cutter 
" Gaspee," while chasing a Providence vessel, ran ashore on 
the coast of Rhode Island. The commander of the "Gaspee," 
in his search for smugglers, had shown a zeal which " outran 
both discretion and law." The Rhode Islanders now revenged 
themselves for his acts of violence by burning the cutter. The 



] 772-1773.] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. 1 69 

British government ordered the chief-justice of the colony to 
send the offenders to England for trial, but he refused to obey. 

193. Committees of Correspondence formed. — In order to 
render the governors and judges of the royal colonies independ- 
ent of the popular will and dependent on the Crown, the King 
now resolved to pay those officers (at least in Massachusetts) 
out of the English treasury. 

Samuel Adams took alarm at this act, which he believed 
tended to convert the government of the province into a " des- 
potism." At a town-meeting held in Faneuil Hall (1772) he 
moved the appointment of a " Committee of Correspondence " 
to state " the rights of the colonists " " to the several towns and 
to the world." *^^ The motion passed ; the statement was sent 
forth, and soon every town in Massachusetts had appointed a 
similar committee. In future it would make little real differ- 
ence whether the Governor permitted the colonial assembly to 
meet or not, since the Committees of Correspondence would 
always be vigilant in the interests of liberty. 

But the influence of these organizations was not confined to 
Massachusetts, for the next spring (1773) Dabney Carr, Pat- 
rick Henry, and other leading men in Virginia established the 
" Intercolonial Committee of Correspondence." That organi- 
zation "laid the foundation of the Union." 

194. Attempt to enforce the tea tax; the Boston "Tea 
Party." — Meanwhile the British East India Company, unable 
to find a market for its teas, begged Parliament to permit them 
to make exports free of duty to America. The King, however, 
refused ; he said : " there must always be one tax to keep up 
the right, and as such I approve of the tea duty." **" 

The actual duty on the tea was trifling — only threepence a 
pound. But the Americans regarded the measure as a cunning 
device for establishing a precedent whereby money could be 
extorted from them for the support of a standing army in the 
colonies. They therefore resolved not to purchase a pound of 
the taxed tea. The citizens of Philadelphia, New York, Boston, 



170 THE STUDENTS AMERICAN HISTORY. [1773-1774. 

and Charleston took measures to prevent the landing or sale 
of the "pernicious herb." 

The first tea ships arrived at Boston in the autumn of 1773. 
The people assembled in town-meeting, and urged Governor 
Hutchinson to order the immediate return of the ships with 
their cargoes. The Governor, as an officer of the Crown, 
refused to take such action. 

A mass-meeting was held in the Old South Meeting-House to 
consider what final decision should be taken. In the evening a 
message was received from the Governor declining to permit any 
of the tea ships to go back until they were unloaded. Samuel 
Adams then rose and said : " This meeting can do nothing more 
to save the country." His words served as a signal for imme- 
diate action. A war-whoop was heard, and a party of citizens 
disguised as Indians, and armed with hatchets, rushed down to 
the wharf, boarded the ships, and breaking open the chests of 
tea emptied their contents into the harbor. The next morning a 
shining bank of tea-leaves cast up by the tide on the south shore 
showed how thoroughlv the " Mohawks " had done their work. 

195. The *< four intolerable acts." — The news of the 
destruction of the tea created a profound sensation in England. 
The King and Parliament both resolved on inflicting summary 
punishment on the rebellious city. Four penal acts were now 
passed (1774) in rapid succession. First, the "Boston Port 
Act " removed the seat of government to Salem, and closed 
the chief port of Massachusetts to all commerce until the citi- 
zens should pay for the tea and declare themselves entirely 
submissive to the King.**^ 

Secondly, the " Regulating Act " altered the charter of Mas- 
sachusetts so as to deprive the people of a large measure of 
their political rights. Furthermore, it prohibited the citizens 
from holding town-meetings for the discussion of public affairs.**^ 

Thirdly, the "Administration of Justice Act" provided that all 
persons who should be accused of committing murder (as in 
the case of the " Boston Massacre ") in maintenance of the 



1774.] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. I^I 

cause of King and Parliament, should be tried in England or 
Nova Scotia — where, of course, every influence would operate 
in favor of their acquittal.'*^'' 

Fourthly, the " Quebec Act " extended the boundaries of the 
Canadian province of Quebec so as to embrace the territory 
northwest of the Ohio (excepting only such portion as the col- 
onies could prove they held under royal grants), and virtually 
established the Roman Catholic Church in that vast province. 
The debates in Parliament show that the object of this act was 
to secure the allegiance of the French Catholics in Canada in 
the approaching war, and to exclude the offending English 
colonists from making settlements in the West.'"* 

The King now temporarily removed Governor Hutchinson 
(May, 1774), and appointed General Gage, commander-in-chief 
of the British forces on the American continent, Governor of 
Massachusetts. 

196. Unity of the colonies ; the First Continental Con- 
gress (1774). — When the news of the passage of the Port Act 
reached Boston, Massachusetts sent an appeal for sympathy 
and help to all of her sister colonies. Paul Revere, mounted 
on a swift horse, started to carry this appeal to New York, but 
before he arrived there a committee of the " Sons of Liberty," 
composed mainly of the mechanics and workingmen of that 
city, had recommended the calling of a general or continental 
congress.'*''^ South Carolina expressed the feeling of the 
patriots of all the colonies when she said : " The whole country 
must be animated with one great soul, and all Americans must 
resolve to stand by one another, even unto death."**'' 

The first American or Continental Congress met in the Carpen- 
ters' Hall at Philadelphia in the autumn of 1774.'"'' It was com- 
posed of fifty-five delegates, representing all the colonies except 
Georgia,**Svhere the Tory Governor contrived to block the way.**" 

The congress, while cheerfully acknowledging His Majesty 
George the Third to be their "rightful sovereign," adopted 
(October 14, 1774) a " Declaration of Colonial Rights."*^" 



1/2 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1774-1775. 

This declaration admitted the authority of Parliament to enact 
measures for the regulation of trade for the mutual advantage 
of the mother-country and of the colonies, but it affirmed 
(i) that the coloniallegislatures alone had the right to make all 
laws and levy all taxes ; *^^ (2) that the colonists were entitled to 
the common law of England, and especially to the inestimable 
privilege of trial by jury, and that they had the right to hold 
public meetings for the consideration of grievances and to peti- 
tion the King ; (3) they protested against the keeping of a 
standing army in the colonies without their consent ; (4) finally, 
they condemned eleven acts of Parliament, including the tax 
on tea and the "four intolerable acts," and declared that 
Americans would never submit to them. 

The congress, in its " olive-branch petition," humbly be- 
sought the King " as the loving father " of his " whole people " 
to relieve their wrongs. *^^ But before sending that petition 
Congress signed the articles of an " American Association." 
Those articles pledged the colonies they represented not to 
import British goods, and not to export any merchandise or 
products of the colonies to Great Britain unless their wrongs 
should be redressed.'**^ 

In the action of the American people thus far we may trace 
three progressive steps: (i) Otis's claim (1761) : No direct 
taxation without representation in Parliament (§ 187) ; (2) 
Declaration of the Stamp- Act Congress (1765) : No direct 
taxation except by the colonial assemblies (§ 189); (3) Declar- 
ation of the First Continental Congress (1774) : No legislation 
whatever (save in regard to trade and commerce for mutual 
advantage) except by the colonial assemblies (§ 196). 

197. Parliament retaliates ; action of Massachusetts ; 
General Gage's expedition. — When Parliament met (1775), 
Lord Chatham urged that body to repeal the "four intolerable 
acts." He said : " You will repeal them, I stake my reputa- 
tion on it, that you will in the end repeal them."^ He was 
right ; but the repeal came too late. Meanwhile in retaliation 



1774-1775.] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. 1/3 

for the adoption by Congress of the articles of the " American 
Association," Parliament passed a bill by which all the colonies 
that had agreed to the articles were summarily cut off from 
foreign trade and prohibited from taking any part in the fish- 
eries of Newfoundland. Thus at one blow the chief industry of 
New England and the most important commerce not only of New 
England but of the other offending colonies were paralyzed.''^* 

While the First Continental Congress was sitting, Governor 
Gage suspended the Assembly of Massachusetts. That body 
at once resolved itself into a provincial congress, adjourned to 
Concord (1774), and there organized, choosing John Hancock 
for president. This provincial congress appointed a committee 
of safety to provide for the defence of the colony.*^" It further- 
more authorized the enrollment of 12,000 "minute men," who 
were to hold themselves ready to meet any emergency. The 
other colonies organized similar provincial congresses or con- 
ventions, and prepared to maintain their rights by force of arms 
if necessary.'*^ 

Patrick Henry urged the Virginia convention to prepare for 
the inevitable conflict : "We must fight ! " said he ; " I repeat it, 
sir, we must fight ! " Virginia heeded the advice, and at once 
began to arm. General Gage attempted to seize some cannon 
at Salem, but failed. Hearing that the Massachusetts Committee 
of Safety had collected cannon and military stores at Concord, 
about twenty miles from Boston, he sent out a secret expedition 
of eight hundred troops to destroy them. The commander 
was ordered to stop at Lexington on his way to Concord and 
seize those "arch-rebels," Samuel Adams and John Hancock, 
who were suspected of being in the village — as in fact they 
were. 

198. British expedition to Lexington and Concord ; begin- 
ning of the siege of Boston. — Paul Revere, mounting a fleet 
horse, rode to Lexington in advance of the British, rousing the 
country as he passed with his " midnight cry," " The regulars 
are coming ! " Adams and Hancock, warned in time, escaped 



174 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1775. 

across the fields. Meanwhile Captain John Parker of Lexington 
gathered a company of sixt)' or seventy men on the village 
green, ready to meet the British. " Don't fire first," said he, 
" but if they want a war let it begin here." *^® 

Just before daybreak (April 19, 1775) the regulars appeared. 
" Disperse, ye rebels," shouted Pitcairn, the British commander ; 
the Americans did not move ; they were " too few to resist, too 
brave to fly." " Fire ! " cried Pitcairn. Seven patriots fell. 
Then Parker ordered his men to leave the field ; as they did 
so they fired a few scattering shots at the enemy. 

Proceeding to Concord the regulars destroyed such military 
stores as they could find.*^ At Concord Bridge the patriots 
met the British : a fight ensued, and several fell on each side. 
It was the opening battle of the Revolution. 

Then the British began the return march to Boston ; the 
enraged farmers pursued them, firing from behind every bush, 
fence, and tree. An English officer says that the British fled 
before the Americans like sheep.**' At Lexington the fl}"ing 
regulars were reinforced by a thousand fresh troops sent out 
by Gage. By the time they reached Charlestown they had 
lost nearly three hundred of their number. 

All the following night '* minute men " were pouring into 
Cambridge. Ever}- Xew England colony speedily began to 
raise and send men under such leaders as Putnam, Stark, 
Arnold, and Greene ; in all, an army of about sixteen thousand 
was srathered.**'^ Thev surrounded Boston on the land side, 
and General Gage, with his force of less than four thousand 
troops, found himself effectually "bottled up." 

199. Capture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point ; meeting of 
the Second Continental Congress (1775). — In order to get a 
supply of arms and powder an expedition was sent to capture 
Fort Ticonderoga, which controlled the water-wav between Xew 
York and Canada. This expedition, led by Ethan Allen, was 
made up of " Green Mountain Boys " with some volunteers from 
Connecticut and western Massachusetts, 





""'^^ THE.REYOLUTIOX 

THE NEW ENGLAND STATES 

■ , , SCALE OF MILE3 



10 20 40 60 



1775.] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. 1/5 

At sunrise (May lo, 1775) Allen surprised the sentinel at 
one of the gates of the fort, and rushed in just as the com- 
mander was getting out of bed. He ordered the astonished 
officer to surrender " in the name of the Great Jehovah and the 
Continental Congress." The exultant patriots captured a 
large number of cannon and small arms and a quantity of 
ammunition. The next day Seth Warner of Bennington, who 
had accompanied Allen, took the British works at Crown 
Point. 

A few hours after we had obtained possession of Ticon- 
deroga, the Continental Congress — John Hancock, president — 
met (May 10, 1775) in the old State House at Philadelphia. 
This second congress remained, in name at least, in perpetual 
session until it was succeeded by the Congress of the Confed- 
eration nearly six years later (March, 17S1). 

200. Gage's proclamation ; Washington made commander- 
in-chief. — Gage was now (May 25, 1775) reinforced by troops 
brought to Boston by Generals Burgoyne, Clinton, and Howe. 
With ten thousand regulars under his command he felt himself 
able to take a more decided stand. He issued a proclamation 
(June 12, 1775) threatening to hang as rebels and traitors all 
who continued to resist His Majesty's Government. He 
closed by offering pardon to those who should forthwith " lay 
down their arms . . . excepting only . . . Samuel Adams and 
John Hancock." *«- 

A few days later (June 15, 1775) Congress chose George 
Washington to be commander-in-chief of " all the Continental 
forces raised, or to be raised, for the defence of American lib- 
erty." *^^ History attests the wisdom of that choice : " No 
nobler figure ever stood in the forefront of a nation's life." 

201. The opposing armies in the Revolution. — According 
to the official report of General Knox the whole number of men 
in the Continental Army during the eight years of the war 
(1775-1783) was about 252,000, and the whole number of 
militia about 192,000.*'^ This would make the total enlistments 



176 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. []77r.-. 

for the war nearly 444,000, drawn from a white population 
which in 1775 did not exceed 2,500,000. 

The average yearly strength of the Continental Army was 
31,500 men, but oftentimes this strength was on paper only, 
and the actual number present for duty was frequently not more 
than about 15,000, while shortly after Washington's retreat 
across the Delaware his force shrank to less than 3,000.'''^ 
The militia force was subject to great and sudden fluctuations, 
which make trustworthy estimates well-nigh impossible. 

The enlistments in the Continental Army were for terms 
often not exceeding a few months, and seldom, if ever, for 
more than three years. Congress, owing to its own misman- 
agement, found it impossible to get recruits for the entire war. 
The difficulty of feeding, clothing, arming, and paying the men 
greatly aggravated this evil. Furthermore, sickness thinned 
the ranks, and in the " dark days of the Revolution " hardships 
and privations drove so many to leave the army that Wash- 
ington wrote (June, 1777): "Our numbers diminish more by 
desertion than they increase by enlistments." ^^'^ But if in the 
long contest many fainted and fell by the wayside, others 
fought nobly to the end, and in hunger, cold, poverty, and the 
pangs of death proved themselves unflinchingly true to their 
country, their leader, and their flag. 

A large number of European officers offered their services to 
Congress. Out of twenty-nine major-generals in the revolu- 
tionary army more than one-third were foreigners.^"'' A good 
many of these men did excellent service, but there were some 
"black sheep " among them, like Conway and Charles Lee. 

The most noted engineer among the first foreign volunteers 
was Kosciusko, a Polish military officer (1776). He planned 
the greater part of the fortifications at West Point. Duportail, 
who came later (1777), constructed the siege works at York- 
town. Count Pulaski, a countryman of Kosciusko's, fought 
bravely under Washington, and gave his life for the Republic 
at the siege of Savannah (1779). 



1776-.] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. 1 7/ 

The two best-known foreign officers in the American Army 
were Lafayette and Steuben. Lafayette, accompanied by De 
Kalb, came (1777) when he was but nineteen. He not only 
served without pay, but spent considerable sums of his own 
money in clothing and providing for the men who fought under 
him. Baron Steuben was noted as a military organizer and 
disciplinarian. He drilled the half-fed, half-clothed patriots of 
the Continental Army with German thoroughness until they 
fought with the coolness and efficiency of European veterans. 

The total number of the British Army cannot be very accu- 
rately determined, but it probably seldom exceeded 35,000 men. 
Less than half of them were English subjects. The war in the 
outset was unpopular in England, and George IH. was reduced 
•' to the military necessity " of hiring troops from the Prince 
of Hesse-Cassel and other petty German States. These 
"Hessians," as they were called, had no choice; they were 
forced to go to America to shoot and to be shot at because their 
masters at home got so much a head for them. 

202. The American navy and privateers. — Before the 
close of 1776 Congress had launched a navy of thirteen small, 
but effective, vessels, which were under the command of "Ad- 
miral " Esek Hopkins of Rhode Island. This little navy did 
excellent service, and captured a large number of English mer- 
chantmen, thereby obtaining much-needed military supplies for 
the army. But in two years eight of our men-of-war had been 
taken by the enemy, and by 1781 all of the remaining vessels 
had been captured or destroyed. Meanwhile Congress had 
authorized privateering, and the Atlantic soon swarmed with small 
vessels fitted out in New England and the Middle States. The 
number of Americans engaged in this warfare on the sea prob- 
ably outnumbered the entire Continental Army. In the course 
of a single year (1776) they took nearly three hundred and 
fiftvEnglish vessels, worth, with their cargoes, at least $5,000,000, 
and a complete record of prizes captured would show a total 
amounting in value to many millions more. 



178 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1775-. 

203. The Loyalists, or Tories. — Before the outbreak of 
the Revolution, all or very nearly all of the colonists were 
loyal to the King. The agitation of the Stamp Act caused a 
certain amount of division, but even those who were most deter- 
mined in their resistance to that act did not think for a moment 
of renouncing their allegiance to the Crown. 

Later, after many of the colonists had decided to take up 
arms in defence of their rights, they still proclaimed themselves 
subjects of the King ; but after independence was declared, a 
sharp and decided separation necessarily took place between 
the patriots, or Whigs, who supported that declaration, and the 
Loyalists, or Tories, who opposed it. 

It is impossible to say with accuracy what proportion of the 
people ranged themselves openly or secretly on the Tory side. 
The Loyalists themselves claimed that they were in the majority, 
and that the war was carried through by a small but energetic 
minority who had got the control. John Adams believed that 
at least one-third of the population of the colonies were 
Tories.''«« 

A considerable percentage of them were men of property 
and high social standing. Governor Hutchinson of Massachu- 
setts was a good representative of this class. These men were 
thoroughly patriotic, but they clung to union with the mother- 
country, while the patriotism of the Whigs centered in the 
American Republic. One class was as sincere and as earnest 
as the other. 

The largest number of Tories was to be found perhaps in 
the colonies of New York, Pennsylvania, the Carolinas, and 
Georgia. Virginia and New England were the strongholds of 
the Whigs. 

In the Carolinas the parties were so evenly divided that it 
gave the Revolution there many of the most cruel character- 
istics of a civil war, in which each party bent all its energies to 
the destruction of the other. In Georgia the Tories were so 
strong that they were planning to detach that colony from the 



1775-.] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. 1/9 

general movement of the Revolution, and might perhaps have 
succeeded if Cornv^'allis had not been defeated at Yorktown.*'^ 

At the North the Loyalists v/ere often very roughly handled 
by excited " Sons of Liberty," who thought that tar and feathers 
fitted them better than anything else. The State authorities 
(1776) banished the more obstinate Tories and confiscated 
their property — in some cases threatening them with impris- 
onment or death if they returned. Several thousand of the 
extreme Tories enlisted on the British side. With their Indian 
allies they ravaged parts of New York and Pennsylvania. 

Eventually great numbers of Loyalists, probably more than a 
hundred thousand in all, were forced to leave the United States. 
Those going from the North generally took refuge in Nova 
Scotia and Canada, while those who left the Southern States 
settled in the Bahamas and West Indies. In many cases they 
left valuable estates ; and men of wealth and high social stand- 
ing fled with their families with nothing to depend upon but 
British army rations and the hope of receiving aid from the 
King or Parliament. After the declaration of peace Parliament 
voted them an indemnity of a number of millions of pounds, 
and endeavored, but without success, to induce the United 
States to restore their confiscated estates. 

204. Finances of the Revolution. — The total amount of 
hard money in the colonies at the beginning of the Revolution 
has been roughly estimated at $6,000,000.*™ The average 
annual expenses of the war were about $20,000,000, hence the 
specie on hand, could the whole of it have been used, would 
not have met the demands for more than a few months. 

The country looked to Congress for help ; but Congress had 
neither money nor credit — for what foreign government or 
foreign capitalist would loan anything to thirteen rebellious 
States ? Congress might indeed have levied a tax on the colo- 
nies, but did not dare take that step for fear of insurrection. 
In this dilemma it determined to call the printing-press to its 
aid, and strike off a few millions of paper money. 



l8o THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [I775-. 

It began (1775) with a modest issue of $2,000,000 ; this was 
quickly used up, and the cry came for more. More followed, 
until finally the bills known as Continental currency were issued 
by the wagon-load. Long before the close of the war the total 
amount so issued had reached over $240,000,000. There it 
stopped, for the single reason that Congress found it was 
useless to print any more worthless promises to pay. 

By the beginning of 1777 many people refused to take the 
Continental currency on a par with silver. Congress resolved 
that they should take it, and declared all who declined to do 
so " enemies " of the United States.''"^ The result was that 
merchants who refused to sell their goods for paper money 
sometimes had part of their stock seized or their shops shut 
up.*"- A still more heroic method of treatment was adopted 
when Congress empowered Washington to arrest and imprison 
those business men, who were regarded as foes to our public 
credit.*^^ 

Congress next tried the experiment of endeavoring to fix the 
prices at which all provisions must be sold, and also to decide 
what wages in Continental money should be paid for a day's 
work. This proved a failure, and so did the scheme of calling 
on the States for " requisitions," or money to carry on the war. 
Finally, in order to get -food for the army, Washington was 
authorized to seize supplies of beef, pork, flour, and other 
necessaries, and to give the owners a receipt of seizure, w'hich 
would be a claim for payment.'*'* This plan created so much 
friction that it had to be given up like the others. 

Fortunately, Burgoyne's surrender gave us a certain standing 
in Europe, and we obtained loans and gifts, chiefly from France, 
amounting in the aggregate to about $12,000,000.*" Then again 
our little navy and our numerous privateers captured some large 
supplies of military clothing and arms from English transports. 
The French army and navy stationed at Newport paid for all the 
supplies they purchased here in hard money ; this made it pos- 
sible for Robert Morris to borrow specie in aid of our army.*"^ 



1775-.] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. l8l 

By the spring of 1780 a government paper dollar would pass 
for only two or three cents. Creditors fled when they saw 
debtors coming prepared to pay up old scores with bundles of 
Continental bills,*" and even Washington, who made it a duty 
to cheerfully take the paper money for debts contracted during 
the period of depression, wrote that he would not take the stuff 
in settlement of contracts made before the war.*^^ 

A little later the bills ceased to circulate at all. Hence- 
forward, no one would touch them, and when a man wished to 
express his utter contempt for a thing he said emphatically : 
" It 's not worth a Continental ! " 

205. The battle of Bunker Hill (1775). — While Congress 
was engaged in preparing for war, General Gage resolved to seize 
the heights of Bunker Hill, in Charlestown, overlooking Boston. 

But before Gage got ready to move. Colonel William Prescott, 
• with a force of about twelve hundred men — later increased to 
fifteen hundred — was on his way to the hill. The Americans 
worked all night, and when the sun rose on the seventeenth of 
June (1775), Gage was astonished to see Colonel Prescott leis- 
urely walking on the bank of earth which his men had thrown 
up on the crest of the hill. 

" Will he fight ? " asked Gage, of a man who knew Prescott 
well. " He will fight," was the answer, " as long as a drop of 
blood remains in his veins." "Then," said the British com- 
mander, " the works must be carried." 

In the afternoon Howe, with about three thousand veteran 
troops, led the attack. The day was intensely hot, and the 
British had to charge up a steep slope covered with tall grass, 
and divided into fields by stone walls and fences. 

Powder was scarce with the Americans, and their officers 
ordered them not to waste it. " Don't one of you fire," said 
Putnam, " until you see the white of their eyes." ^'^ The men 
obeyed orders, and when they did fire it was with terrible effect. 
The British fell back, rallied, made a second attack, and were 
again repulsed. 



l82 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1775-. 

After a long delay Howe made a third assault up the fatal 
hill. This time he succeeded. Firing their last round of 
ammunition, but still fighting desperately with the butt-ends 
of their muskets, Prescott's little army slowly retreated. 

They were driven from their works, not because they had 
been defeated, but because they no longer had powder and 
ball to keep up the battle. It was a costly success for the 
British, since in an hour and a half they had lost more than a 
thousand men ; our loss was likewise very heavy, and among 
those who fell was the lamented Warren. 

The King, disappointed with Gage's management of the 
war, recalled him and made General Howe commander-in-chief 
of the British forces in America. Howe was a brave officer, 
but he was half-hearted in the contest. He hoped to negotiate 
a peace, and reunite the mother-country and the colonies more 
firmly than ever.'*^° 

206. Washington takes command of the Continental Army ; 
action of Congress; expedition against Canada. — Washington 
reached Cambridge early in July (1775), and at once took com- 
mand of the Continental Army. On New Year's Day, 1776, 
he raised the flag of the united colonies, — it consisted of the 
British flag with thirteen stripes added, one for each colony.''**' 

Meanwhile Congress had put forth a declaration of the 
causes of the war (July 6, 1775), but expressly added: "We 
have not raised armies with ambitious designs of separating 
from Great Britain and establishing independent states." *^^ 

While in camp at Cambridge Washington learned that Carle- 
ton, the commander of the British force in Canada, was planning 
a descent into New York, where he hoped to get the help of the 
Tories or Loyalists (§ 203), and of the "Six Nations" (§ 136). 
To offset that movement General Schuyler, aided by General 
Montgomery, was ordered to make an attack on Montreal. The 
expedition started in the autumn (1775) from Fort Ticonderoga, 
but Schuyler fell sick, and the command devolved on Mont- 
gomery. He descended Lake Champlain, took Fort Chambly, 



^i 




Note. — Tin; moinora1)lt; battle of the 17II1 of June, 1775, began in Charlestown on the 
lieiglit marked " I'.reed's Hill " ; but at the time of the battle the entire ridge beginning at 
(!harlestown Neck and extending to the seaward end of tlie |)eninsula appears to have been 
known under tlie general name of " Uunker's Hill." See Winsor's "America," VI. 135, 
and I'rothingham's " Life of Warren," p. 507. 1 



1775-.] THE REVOI.UTIOV, THE CONSTITUTION. 1 83 

St. John, and Montreal, He captured a large quantity of 
ammunition, part of which he sent to Cambridge, much to the 
delight of Putnam, whose constant cry had been : " Ye gods, 
give us powder ! " 

Meanwhile Benedict Arnold had been sent (1775) with a 
small force from Massachusetts to cross the pathless wilderness 
of Maine to join Montgomery, and make a combined attack on 
Quebec. Before Arnold reached Canada he had lost more 
than a third of his men from sickness, exhaustion, and deser- 
tion. At length, after eight weeks of hardship and suffering, 
the brave commander with his sadly diminished little army 
came in sight of Quebec. There was snow on the ground, and 
the weather was bitterly cold. His men were half-naked, 
starving, and barefooted, for their clothes had been torn off 
by the thorn-bushes, and in the agonies of hunger they had 
devoured even their moccasins.*^ 

On the last day of 1775 Montgomery and Arnold attempted 
with their feeble forces to storm " the strongest city in America." 
Montgomery was killed at the head of his troops, and Arnold 
was severely wounded ; but unfortunately for himself and for 
his country, his wound did not prove fatal ; had it done so his 
memory would have been revered as that of a valiant soldier 
and true patriot. The assault on Quebec proved a failure. 
In the following summer our men were driven out of Canada, 
and forced to retreat to Crown Point. 

207. Washington drives the British out of Boston (1776) ; 
attack on the Carolinas. — Meanwhile General Knox had 
dragged, by the aid of ox-teams and sleds, more than forty 
cannon all the way from Ticonderoga to Cambridge. Now that 
Washington had both powder and heavy guns, he was determined 
to force Howe to give up Boston or fight. 

Early in March (1776) the American commander, by a 
sudden night movement, seized Dorchester Heights (now South 
Boston), overlooking Boston on the south. Rufus Putnam 
erected the works and got the cannon in position. Washington 



184 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY [1776-. 

now held both the British army and the British iieet at his 
mercy. As Howe did not care " to pay a Bunker Hill price " 
for Dorchester Heights, he decided to give up the town. On 
March 17th (1776) the British sailed for Halifax, taking with 
them more than a thousand Tories.'"' 

Washington entered Boston on the following day. The 
enemy had left it never to return. Believing that the British 
meant to strike their next blow at New York, Washington now 
prepared to transfer the Continental Army to that point. 

Meanwhile, Howe, before evacuating Boston, sent General 
Clinton by sea to make an attack on North Carolina. 
There Sir Peter Parker, with a fleet from Great Britain, 
bringing a land force under Lord Cornwallis, was to join him. 
Clinton expected that the Tories of North Carolina (§ 203) 
would aid him in conquering the colony. But the North Caro- 
lina patriots rose, and, attacking the Loyalists at Moore's Creek 
(February 27, 1776), completely routed them. This defeat of 
his Tory allies changed Clinton's plans, and Parker's fleet having 
arrived he sailed south to attack Charleston. Charleston harbor 
was defended by a fort of palmetto logs on Sullivan's Island. 
Colonel Moultrie, with the help of such heroes as Sergeant 
Jasper,'"*^ held the fort, and defended it with such desperate 
courage that the British were forced to retire with heavy loss. 

The patriots of Georgia — a colony where the Tories were 
numerous — were one in spirit with the patriots of the Carolinas. 
They said : " Britain may destroy our towns, but we can retire 
to the back country and tire her out." ^^^ 

208. The war for colonial rights becomes a war for national 
independence; *' Common Sense." — Up to the beginning of 
1776 the Americans had been fighting in defence of their 
rights as loyal subjects of George HL Their object was not to 
overthrow the legitimate authority of the King, but simply, as 
Congress declared, to resist " the claim and exercise of uncon- 
stitutional powers to which neither the Crown nor Parliament 
were ever entitled." *^^ 





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FRANKLIN'S LETTER TO STRAHAN. 



1776.] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. 1 85 

If they were " rebels," then the leading members of Parlia- 
ment — such men as Burke, Pitt, and Fox, who were battling 
for political reform in England — were also rebels.^^^ The 
main difference was that the Americans fought with guns be- 
cause they had no parliamentary votes, while the Whigs in Par- 
Hament fought with votes because they had no need of guns. 

But after the opening of 1776 there were unmistakable signs 
that men's minds were rapidly moving toward independence. 
The positive refusal of the King to grant any measure of 
redress gave great impetus to this movement. 

Early in January (1776) Thomas Paine published his remark- 
able pamphlet entitled " Common Sense." " Nothing," said 
he, " can settle our affairs so expeditiously as an open and 
determined declaration for independence." *^^ These vigorous 
words gave expression to the thoughts of thousands. Edition 
after edition of the pamphlet was called for. It converted 
multitudes to the belief that the safety and welfare of America 
demanded a full and iinal separation from the mother- 
country.'*'"' 

A few months later the news came that the King had resolved 
to hire a large body of German troops to help put down the 
American rebellion (§ 201). Then Congress resolved that 
"every kind of authority under the said Crown should be 
totally suppressed." ■*"^ 

209. The Declaration of Independence. — The climax was 
reached on June 7th (1776), when Richard Henry Lee of Vir- 
ginia offered the following resolution in Congress : " Resolved, 
that these United States are, and of right ought to be, free and 
independent States." John Adams of Massachusetts seconded 
the resolution. This momentous measure was debated for two 
days. John Adams, Lee, and other prominent men urged its 
immediate adoption ; John Dickinson, Robert R. Lincoln, 
Edward Rutledge, and other members from six of the middle 
and southern colonies objected. They were staunch patriots, 
but they thought that the resolution was untimely and unwise. 



1 86 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1776. 

Jefferson says that the debate showed " that the colonies of 
New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and 
South Carolina were not yet matured for falling "from the parent 
stem," and that " it was thought most prudent to wait a while 
for them." •»'•*- 

Meanwhile, Thomas Jefferson and four others were appointed 
a committee to draft a Declaration of Independence. A second 
committee, consisting of one from each colony, was chosen to 
report Articles of Confederation for the government of the new 
republic. 

On July 4, 1776, the Declaration of Independence was 
adopted by Congress. It not only marked the birth of the 
United States as a nation; but it made the natural rights of 
man its corner-stone."*^^ 

The Americans had not sought separation from the mother- 
country. The King and his "friends" (§ 1S5) forced them to 
take the decisive step. 

Washington ordered the Declaration to be read to every 
brigade of the Continental Army in and around New York City. 
That night the gilded lead statue of George III. which stood 
on Bowling Green was pulled down to be nui into bullets. 
Henceforth the Americans were determined to prosecute the 
war until Great Britain should acknowledge them a separate 
and independent people. 

210. The British forces at New York; offers of pardon; 
battle of Long Island. — INIeanwhile General Howe had arrived 
with his army from Halifax (§ 207), and finding Washington in 
possession of New York City and Brooklyn, he encamped on 
Staten Island. General Howe's brother. Admiral Howe, 
arrived soon afterward with a ileet bringing heavy reinforce- 
ments. In accordance with instructions from the British Gov- 
ernment, the Howes issued a circular offering to receive the 
submission of all " rebels " who should throw themselves on 
the King's mercy. The offer accomplished nothing. As 
Washington said, the Americans felt that they were simply 











{lb. 






4c 



yt^on-. 




^^J^-<I -*»-€,*• 



SIGNATURES TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, 



'u^ 



I77(i.] THE KKVOLU'J'ION, TIIK CONSTITUTJr^N. 1 87 



defending their rights, and "having committed no fault, they 
needed no pardon." ^'"^ 

It was now evident that the war must go on. Washington's 
entire force consisted of less than 18,000 men, of whom only 
about 11,000 reported for duty. These raw recruits were 
poorly armed ; some, in fact, had no arms at all, and had 
never handled any weapon more dangerous than a pitchfork. 
On the other hand, Howe had a body of veterans splendidly 
equipped, and nearly thirty-two thousand strong. 

The English commander's plan of campaign was based on 
the maxim : "Divide to conquer." His object was to get pos- 
session of the Hudson. This would give the liritish control of 
the water-way to Canada, and would effectually cut off New 
England from the Middle and Southern States. 

Washington, fully alive to this danger, was determined to 
hold New York, and maintain the military unity of the colonies. 
To prevent the enemy from ascending the Hudson he had 
erected Fort Washington on the upper part of the island of 
New York, with Fort Lee on the opposite shore. General 
Greene was ordered to hold the important position of Brooklyn 
Heights, commanding New York on the south. Unfortunately, 
Greene fell sick, and Washington was obliged to give his posi- 
tion to General Putnam, who had never examined the defences 
on Long Island. Putnam's entire force was only eight thousand 
men. Howe saw that if he could get possession of Brooklyn 
Heights he could drive Washington out of New York, just as 
Washington, after he got possession of Dorchester Heights, 
had driven him (§ 207) out of Boston. 

The English commander sent twenty thousand regulars to 
dislodge Putnam. The latter, while holding his entrenchments, 
could only spare four thousand to oppose the enemy's advance. 
The odds were five to one in favor of the British, hence, they 
easily won the battle of Long Island (August 27, 1776). 

During the progress of the battle Washington crossed over 
from New York to Brooklyn Heights with reinforcements. He 



1 88 THF. student's AMKKHAN history. [1776. 

decided that retreat was the only prudent course. Taking 
advantage of a heavy fog which rested on Long IsUmd but did 
not touch the opposite shore, he succeeded in getting the entire 
army safely across to New York. When the sun appeared, 
Howe stretched out his hand to take the "nest of rebels," but 
found to his disgust that the nest was empty. 

211. Washington driven out of New York; loss of Forts 
Washington and Lee. ^ — A few weeks later (September, 1776) 
Howe landed a strong body of troops in New York. He 
stopped to taste some of Mrs. Robert Murray's old INLideira, 
and so just missed the chance of capturing Putnam's division.''''* 
While the gallant British commander was enjoying the society 
of that patriotic lady and her charming daughter, Putnam 
hastily retreated to Harlem and jt)ined Washington. Mrs. 
Murray hail " saved the American army." 

Howe gradually pushed the Americans as far north as 
Northcastle. Washington then crossed over to New Jersey, 
leaving General Charles Lee with seventy-five hundred men to 
defend Northcastle, and sending Heath with three thousand 
men to hold the Highlands at West Point. 

Howe obtained plans of Fort Washington (then under com- 
mand of General Greene) from a traitor within its walls.''''"' The 
British general surprised and took the works (November 16, 
1776). Washington witnessed the battle from the west bank 
of the Hudson and wept like a child, it is said, when he saw 
his men bayoneted by the Hessians while begging for quarter. '''' 
Now that Fort Washington was taken, Fort Lee, which Greene 
held, was as useless as one half a pair of shears without the 
other half. Before he could evacuate it he was surprised, and 
barely managed to escape. 

"212. The retreat across New Jersey (November 21 to 
December 8, 1776) ; Washington crosses the Delaware. — 
Washington at once (November 21, 1776) began his famous 
retreat across Ncav Jersey. If worst came to worst, he might 
hope by crossing the Delaware to save his army and also to 




XONO ISLAND 



->-NEWYQRK gcVIEINITY"^ 1778. •<^ 



1776.] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. 1 89 

save Philadelphia. He had ordered Lee (§ 201) to join him 
without delay, but that false-hearted officer deliberately dis- 
obeyed. He was plotting to get the chief command for 
himself. 

Lord Cornwallis (§ 207) pursued Washington's little army so 
closely that the British would sometimes be entering a town at 
one end just as the Americans were leaving it at the other ; 
but by rapid marching and by destroying bridges Washington 
managed to keep out of the enemy's clutches. 

On December 8 (1776) Washington reached Trenton. He 
seized every boat and scow on the river from Philadelphia for 
seventy miles upward, and then crossed the Delaware. Corn- 
wallis came up to the bank of the river just in time to see the 
last boat-load of patriots push off from shore. 

A few days later Lee was captured in New Jersey. He had 
moved there with his army, but with no intention, as he later 
admitted, of "joining Washington. Lee's force managed to 
escape the British and unite with Washington ; but many of 
the new-comers were " fit only for the hospital." 

213. Victory at Trenton; Robert Morris; victory at 
Princeton. — While Cornwallis — who had moved to Prince- 
ton — was waiting for an opportunity to cross the river and 
attack Philadelphia, he left Colonel Rahl with a force of Hes- 
sians to hold Trenton. On Christmas night (1776) Washington, 
with less than twenty-five hundred men, secretly recrossed the 
Delaware — then full of floating \cti\-?\^,d fell on the enemy 
early in the morning at Trenton. Rahl had not slept off the 
effects of his numerous bowls of Christmas punch, and Wash- 
ington completely surprised him, capturing between nine 
hundred and a thousand prisoners, besides large quantities 
of arms and ammunition. 

It was a little battle, but it was a great victory, because it 
had great results. It kindled new hope in the hearts of dispir- 
ited and despairing patriots, and it completely upset Howe's 
plans. ^^''' 



190 THE STUDENTS AMERICAN HISTOUV. [1777. 

The only drawback to the joy of the American commander 
was the pressing need of money — of hard cash (§204), not 
depreciated or worthless Continental bills — to secure new 
enlistments. In this emergency Washington wrote to his friend 
Robert Morris of Philadelphia, asking him to send as much 
silver as he could raise. Morris set out before it was light on 
New Year's morning (1777), and went from house to house, 
rousing his friends from their beds, and begging them to 
lend him all the coin they could spare. In this way he got 
$50,000, which he forthwith sent to Washington.''"' 

Meanwhile Cornwallis, leaving part of his force at Princeton, 
hurried south in the hope of catching the Americans at Trenton. 
Washington's case seemed hopeless ; behind him was the broad 
Delaware full of broken ice, before him Cornwallis had gathered 
his troops for battle. 

The British did not reach Trenton until nearly sundown 
(January 2, 1777), and the night threatened to be foggy. 
Cornwallis decided to postpone the attack until the next day. 
He went to bed in high spirits. "At last," said he, "we have 
run down the old fox, and we will bag him in the morning.'"^"" 

But " the old fox " did not wait to be bagged. Leaving his 
camp-fires burning brightly, Washington crept stealthily out of 
his entrenchments, slipped around Cornwallis's sleeping army, 
and marched rapidly on Princeton. There (January 3, 1777) 
he surprised and cr 1 the British line. Washing- 

ton then advance 1 - cignts at Morristown and went into 
winter quarters. rederick the Great considered the move- 
ments of Washii.j^ton during these ten days — December 25, 
1776, to January 4, 1777 — the most brilliant of any recorded in 
the annals of military history. 

214. Plans of Lord Germain; Washington baffles Howe ; 
Howe sails for Philadelphia. — The American commander 
spent the winter at Morristown reorganizing his army. 

Lord Germain, of the English Cabinet, had the general 
control of the British forces in America, He now resolved to 



1777.] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTUTUTION. IQI 

make a determined effort to get possession of the Hudson. 
The plan adopted was (i) for Burgoyne to move down from 
Canada early in the coming summer (1777), take Ticonderoga, 
and advance directly on Albany. (2) Meanwhile another 
British force, starting from Canada, was to land at Oswego, 
New York. They were to secure the aid of the " Six Nations " 
and that of the Tories ; then they were to capture Fort Stan- 
wix (near Rome) on the upper Mohawk and, moving down the 
Mohawk valley, join Burgoyne at Albany. (3) Finally, Howe 
was to send a division of his army up the Hudson, capture 
the American forts in the Highlands, and advance and join 
forces with Burgoyne. This scheme, if successful, would give 
the English entire control of the State of New York. 

By a mischance Lord Germain's despatch from London, 
ordering Howe to cooperate with Burgoyne, did not reach the 
British commander until it was too late for him to be of service. 

Meanwhile Howe had wasted nearly three weeks (June 12-30, 
1777) in endeavoring to march across New Jersey to strike 
Philadelphia, the " rebel capital." Nothing hindered the British 
general's movements but Washington's little army. Washing- 
ton took such strong positions that the enemy did not dare to 
attack him, and if they left him in their rear he could cut off 
their supplies. Constantly harassed by our troops, Howe finally 
fell back in disgust to Staten Island. ^'^^ 

Late in July (1777), having left Clinton to hold New York, 
Howe started with a large fleet to reach Philadelphia by sea. 
He found the Delaware obstructed ; for this reason he landed 
his troops (August 23, 1777) at the head of Chesapeake Bay, 
sixty miles from Philadelphia. 

215. The British enter Philadelphia ; Valley Forge ; Bur- 
goyne's advance to Fort Edward. — Washington met the 
advancing British force at Chad's Ford on Brandywine Creek 
(September 11, 1777). The Americans were small in numbers, 
and were defeated with heavy loss.*- Howe entered Philadel- 
phia in triumph about a fortnight later. 



192 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [l777. 

Meanwhile Washington attacked (October 4, 1777) the Brit- 
ish force encamped at Germantown (now a suburb of Philadel- 
phia). A dense fog prevailed, and two of our brigades fired at 
each other in the belief that they were attacking the enemy ; 
the confusion that ensued caused our defeat.^*' Early in Decem- 
ber Washington retreated to the hills of Valley Forge, about 
twenty miles from Philadelphia, where he took up his winter 
quarters (1777-177 8). 

But if the British had succeeded in getting possession of the 
capital of the American republic, they had met with terrible 
disaster in the North. According to orders (§ 214), Burgoyne, 
with a force of nearly eight thousand men, including some four 
hundred Indians, had moved upon Ticonderoga ; and had cap- 
tured it (July 5, 1777). He then advanced against General 
Schuyler (§ 206), who stood between him and the Hudson. 
Schuyler felled trees across the only road through the forest, 
destroyed fifty bridges and causeways, and, by damming up a 
creek, converted a part of the British line of march into a deep 
swamp. When at last, after a march of twenty-four days, the 
British general reached Fort Edward, Schuyler abandoned it, 
and pushing on across the Hudson took up his position at 
Bemis Heights, about twenty miles above Albany. 

216. Burgoyne gets his left wing clipped at Bennington. — 
Burgoyne now sent (August 16, 1777) a thousand or more Hes- 
sians and Indians to make a raid on the supplies which the 
Americans were reported to hold at Bennington, Vermont. But 
Colonel John Stark of New Hampshire and Seth Warner of 
Vermont stood ready with a body of farmers in their shirt 
sleeves to give the invaders a warm reception.''''* Less than a 
hundred out of the thousand Hessians ever got back to Bur- 
goyne, and the Indians fled for their lives, shouting "the woods 
are full of Yankees,'' — thus the British general got his left 
wing effectually clipped. Washington called the victory at 
Bennington "a great stroke." It prevented Burgoyne from 
getting the supplies he sorely needed, and cut off all com- 




No. II. 



Gloiioestci'^i*^ 



,r 



No. Mi. 




Maf No I, r.iirgoytie's campaign: Map No. 11. \Vaslunu:ton's advance from New 
York to Vorktown; Mai- No. 1H. Vorktown : .A. A. A. .American forces : F. F. F. French 
army ; // '. Wasliingtoli's headquarters : A'. Rochambeau's lieadquarters ; Laf. Lafayutte. 



1777.] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. 1 93 

munication between him and the garrison he had left at 
Ticonderoga. 

217. Burgoyne gets his right wing clipped at Oriskany 
and Fort Stanwix. — Burgoyne's right wing, under St. Leger, 
who was advancing from Oswego (§ 214) against Fort Stanwix 
(near Rome), fared no better. General Herkimer met the 
enemy at Oriskany (August 6, 1777), a few miles from the fort. 
A terrible hand-to-hand fight ensued. Herkimer received a 
mortal wound which brought him to the ground. He ordered 
his men to place him with his back to a tree ; then, lighting his 
pipe, the hero of Oriskany continued to direct the battle until 
reinforcements came up from Fort Stanwix, and the enemy 
fled from the field. 

St. Leger, however, was besieging Fort Stanwix, which he 
was determined to take at any cost. Congress had recently 
(June 14, 1777) adopted the "stars and stripes" as the banner 
of the American republic, and a rudely made national flag 
floated defiantly over the fort. It was the first time our colors 
had been displayed in battle on land (§ 224), and the British 
general swore that he would carry the flag away with him. 

Meanwhile, Benedict Arnold, with twelve hundred men, was 
marching to relieve the garrison of Fort Stanwix. Arnold 
managed to send forward reports which represented him as at 
the head of several thousand well armed troops. The Indians 
of St. Leger's force, thinking that Schuyler's whole army was 
about to swoop down, fled in a panic. St. Leger then (August 
22, 1777) retreated to Oswego and sailed for Canada. 

218. The first battle of Bemis Heights (or Saratoga) ; the 
second battle; results. — General Gates, a scheming politician, 
had been sent by Congress to supersede Schuyler and fight 
Burgoyne's center. Gates entrenched himself at Bemis Heights 
(September 12, 1777) on ground selected by Benedict Arnold 
and fortified by Kosciusko (§ 201). 

Burgoyne was anxious to reach Albany, but not daring to 
leave the American forces in his rear, he advanced and 



194 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1777-1778. 

attacked them (September 19, 1777). Both armies fought 
desperately ; neither could claim a victory ; but as the British 
lost two men to our one their advance was checked. 

The second battle (October 7, 1777) was even more desper- 
ately contested than the first. Morgan with his famous sharp- 
shooters opened the fight on our side. Gates did not show 
himself on the field, as in fact he had not done in the previous 
battle. Arnold had quarreled with Gates and had thrown up 
his command ; but he now put himself at the head of his 
former division and rushed on to victory, amid the cheers of 
the men for their old leader. 

Burgoyne fell back to Saratoga, six miles distant, and there 
(October 17, 1777) surrendered. We took nearly six thousand 
prisoners and a large quantity of arms. 

Burgoyne's surrender was the " turning-point " of the Revolu- 
tion.*"* It had three momentous results : (i) it completely 
broke up the plans of the British Government (§ 214) respect- 
ing the war ; (2) it secured for us the open aid of England's 
old and powerful enemy, France ; ^""^ (3) }t inspired the whole 
Continental Army with new hope. , 

219. Treaties with France ; Valley Forge. — The news of 
Burgoyne's surrender filled England with consternation and 
France with delight. In the spring (May 2, 1778) a messenger 
arrived from the French capital bringing two treaties, • — one of 
commerce and good-will, the other of defensive alliance, secur- 
ing to us the help of a French fleet. Franklin, who acted as 
our chief agent in Paris, had achieved a diplomatic triumph. 
He fought for us in France as sturdily and steadily as Wash- 
ington fought for us at home. 

America resounded with rejoicings over the glad tidings ; 
Lafayette grasped Washington's hand and shed tears of joy. 
Washington ordered a salute of thirteen guns to celebrate the 
event, and the hillsides of Valley Forge echoed with the enthu- 
siastic hurrahs of the Continental Army as they cheered the 
King of France. 



1777-1778.] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. 1 95 

Meanwhile our men at Valley Forge were in wretched 
plight. They had just passed through a winter of unparal- 
leled hardship and suffering. Out of eight thousand troops 
nearly three thousand were " barefoot and otherwise naked." 
Steuben said: "No European army could be kept together a 
week in such a state." Washington wrote to Congress that 
unless relief came the army must either " starve, dissolve, or 
disperse in order to obtain subsistence." ^^ 

The truth is that our men were sacrificed to the mismanage- 
ment or the timidity of Congress. There was no lack of 
provisions or of coarse clothing in the country, and at the very 
time the Continental Army was freezing and starving on the 
bleak hillsides of Valley Forge the enemy's forces in Philadel- 
phia, as elsewhere, could buy from the farmers all the food 
and fuel they wanted.^"^ 

220. The Conway plot; Steuben's services ; English peace 
commissioners ; battle of Monmouth. — While the American 
commander was pleading for help for his men, Conway (§ 201), 
"Inspector-General of the Army," was plotting with Gates 
to secure Washington's overthrow. Fortunately the corre- 
spondence between Conway and Gates leaked out, and the con- 
spiracy ended in ignominious failure.*^ 

Baron Steuben (§ 201) was then appointed to Conway's 
place. Steuben had learned the art of war under Frederick 
the Great. He drilled the men day after day, swearing in 
German and in broken English at their awkward manoeuvres, 
until he trained these plain farmers and farmers' sons to move 
with the precision of military machines. 

Sir Henry Clinton now (May 18, 1778) succeeded Howe in 
command of the British forces. England, alarmed at the 
French treaty, sent over peace commissioners. They were 
empowered to offer the people of the United States exemption 
"forever from taxation by Great Britain," full power "to 
govern themselves," in fact, everything short of separation and 
actual independence.^"' Congress rejected the offer, and the 



196 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1778. 

commissioners replied by a proclamation threatening a war of 
devastation and terror.^" 

Clinton knew that the French fleet was on its way to 
America ; fearing that it might blockade Philadelphia, he pro- 
ceeded to evacuate that city and move to New York. 

Not having ships enough to transport his army of seventeen 
thousand men, he resolved to march across New Jersey. Wash- 
ington, with a force about equal to that of the British, followed 
the retreating enemy. He overtook them at Monmouth (June 
28, 1778). The treacherous Lee (§212), who had been 
exchanged and had returned to us, wanted to secure the 
retreat of the English "on velvet." ^^- He tried to persuade a 
council of war not to attack the enemy. His attempt failed ; 
Washington ordered him to begin the fight. Instead of obey- 
ing orders he fell back. At this critical moment the com- 
mander-in-chief rode up : " What is the meaning of all this, 
sir ? " demanded Washington in a terrible voice. Lee stam- 
mered out an excuse. Washington ordered him to the rear, 
rallied the retreating men, and drove the British from the 
field/i^ 

This was the last important battle fought at the North. Had 
Lee done his duty, it might perhaps have been the last battle 
of the Revolution. 

A court-martial convicted Lee of " an unnecessary, disor- 
derly, and shameful retreat;" and suspended him "from any 
command in the armies of the United States " for one year.^^* 
Later, Congress dismissed him from the army, and he died in 
disgrace. 

221. Prospects of the Revolution (1778) ; Tory and Indian 
raids ; Washington retaliates. — The prospects of the success 
of the Revolution now looked decidedly brighter. In future 
the British must not only fight us, but our French allies besides. 

Clinton established his headquarters in New York City, and 
Washington extended his lines from the heights of Morristown, 
New Jersey, to the Highlands of the Hudson. 



1778-177!).] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. 1 97 

During the summer and autumn of 1778 bands of Tories and 
Indians of tlie " Six Nations " devastated Wyoming Valley, 
Pennsylvania (July 3, 1778), and Cherry Valley, New York 
(November 10, 1778). The cruelties perpetrated in these 
raids were so horrible that even Brant, the Mohawk leader, 
was shocked ; he said : " I have those with me who are more 
savage than the savages themselves." *^^ 

Washington (1779) sent General Sullivan to retaliate. He 
totally destroyed the Indian settlements of the Onondagas, 
Cayugas, and Senecas in western New York.''^® 

222. The expedition of George Rogers Clark (1778-1779) ; 
Kaskaskia. — Meanwhile George Rogers Clark of Virginia 
had undertaken no less a task than the conquest of the country 
northwest of the Ohio. That vast wilderness was then held by 
the British forts at Detroit, Vincennes, Kaskaskia, and Cahokia. 
All but Detroit were at that time garrisoned by French and 
half-breeds in the pay of the English. 

That whole region was then claimed by Virginia as part of 
its original charter-domain (§ 40). Aided by Patrick Henry, 
then Governor of that State, Clark collected a small body of 
frontiersmen as resolute as himself. These hardy pioneers^ 
recognized no authority higher than that of Virginia. They 
proposed to fight on their own responsibility and for their own 
ends, quite independent of either Washington or Congress. 

Embarking at Pittsburg (June 26, 1778), they dropped down 
the Ohio a distance of nearly a thousand miles through the 
unbroken forest, and landed at a point in what is now southern 
Illinois. Clark and his men then marched across the country 
to Fort Kaskaskia (July 5, 1778). A dance was in progress at 
the fort when Clark entered it unperceived. When he was dis- 
covered there was a shout of alarm. " Keep on with your merri- 
ment," said Clark, " but remember that you now dance under 
Virginia, not Great Britain.""'' 

223. Cahokia; Vincennes; Clark takes the fort; con- 
quest of the Northwest. — Clark won the good will of Father 



198 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [l779. 

Gibault, the French Catholic priest at Kaskaskia, and through 
his influence the French garrison at Cahokia and at Vin- 
cennes took the Oath of Allegiance and hoisted the American 
flag. 

Meanwhile Hamilton had retaken Vincennes. Clark with a 
little band of tenscore men at once set out from Kaskaskia to 
get it back again. It was a winter march (February 7-25, 
1779) of about two hundred miles. The latter part of the way 
lay through the " drowned lands " of the Wabash. The men, 
nearly dead from hunger, had to wade for miles through water 
breast deep, filled with floating ice. 

After a sharp fight Clark took the fort, and (February 25, 
1779) soon hoisted the "stars and stripes" in triumph. When 
the flag of the Republic rose above the fort this time it rose to 
stay, for it marked the end of British authority in that section 
forever. The Virginia hero and his followers had conquered 
the whole Northwest below the British fort at Detroit. 

224. Captain Paul Jones ; the British on the Hudson ; 
Anthony Wayne. — A few months later came glorious news 
from Captain Paul Jones, the first man to hoist the " stars and 
stripes " on an American war-ship. With his little fleet of 
three vessels — one a half-rotten old hulk — he had captured 
(September 23, 1779) two British men-of-war, the " Serapis " 
and the " Countess of Scarborough," off the east coast of 
England. Thousands of excited people watched the progress 
of the battle from the promontory of Flamborough Head. At 
length they saw the English ships strike the red ensign of St. 
George to a man whom they loudly denounced as a " rebel " 
and a "pirate." 

But the British before radically changing their war plans 
were determined to make one more effort to obtain control of 
the Hudson. They succeeded in getting possession (June, 
1779) of the half-finished American works at Stony Point and 
Verplanck's Point. Anthony Wayne led a midnight expedition 
(July 15, 1779) against the first-named fort, and took it at the 



1778-1780.] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. 1 99 

point of the bayonet. It was a very brilliant victory. But we 
were not strong enough to hold the works permanently. 

225. British successes in the far South ; Charleston taken 
(1780). — The British now determined to transfer active mili- 
tary operations to the far South. They hoped in that quarter 
to receive the assistance of the Loyalists (§ 203). 

An expedition sent by sea had already captured Savannah 
(December 29, 1778), and Augusta was next taken. Washing- 
ton sent General Lincoln to the South, but he failed to drive 
the enemy out of Augusta. In a similar attempt on Savannah 
he was badly defeated (October 9, 1779), and the gallant 
Pulaski (§ 201) was killed. 

Early the next spring (1780) Clinton sailed to attack Charles- 
ton — Lincoln's headquarters. After a siege of six weeks the 
town surrendered (May 12, 1780). Clinton took more than five 
thousand prisoners and property valued at nearly $1,500,000.^^'* 
The British commander-in-chief returned to New York in 
June (1780), He left Cornwallis with a force of seven or 
eight thousand troops to hold Charleston and subdue the 
State. 

Cornwallis issued a proclamation warning all inhabitants of 
South Carolina that if they did not return to their allegiance to 
the King they would be treated as "rebels"; in other words, 
he threatened to hang them.^^^ The brutal Colonel Tarleton 
had massacred a party of these " rebels " on the bank of the 
Waxhaw, and a bitter partisan struggle — a civil war, in fact — 
now began between patriots and Tories. 

226. Gates appointed commander at the South ; the battle 
of Camden. — The most important point in the interior of 
South Carolina was Camden. It was a great center for roads, 
and was considered " the key between the North and South." 
Washington had sent De Kalb (§ 201) with a small body of 
men to aid the patriots of South Carolina in recovering Camden 
and other points in the interior. Washington hoped to secure 
the appointment of Greene to the general command of the 



200 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1780. 

Southern department, but Congress disregarded his wishes and 
appointed (June 13, 1780) Gates (§ 218). 

Gates joined De Kalb at Hillsborough, North Carolina. He 
had about three thousand men fit for duty, and he insisted that 
this "grand army," as he called it, should at once march on to 
Camden, where Cornwallis, unknown to the American general, 
had arrived. 

Gates's men arrived tired out, sick, and hungry ; but he at 
once opened the battle of Camden (August 16, 1780). De 
Kalb's soldiers fought desperately, but most of the militia " fled 
without firing a shot." This was not strange, for raw recruits 
will seldom stand against the attack of regular troops. "Two- 
thirds of the army," says Gates, "ran like a torrent." Gates 
himself got away as fast as his horse could carry him, and did 
not fully stop until he arrived at Charlotte, sixty miles away.*-° 
From Charlotte, Gates, still running away from his army, sped 
on to Hillsborough, North Carolina. This singular retreat 
ended his military career. 

227. The treason of Benedict Arnold. — This disaster at 
the South was followed in the North by the most startling and 
the saddest event of the war, — the treason of Benedict Arnold. 

Notwithstanding Arnold's impetuous bravery and his splendid 
success as a soldier (§ 218), Congress seemed to grudge him 
the honor he had fairly earned. When at last Congress tardily 
raised Arnold (November 29, 1777) to the rank of senior 
major-general, Washington called it "an act of necessary 
justice." '-' 

Two years later, while in command in Philadelphia, Arnold 
was charged with fraudulent dealing and with other '• illegal 
and offensive acts." At his own urgent request he was tried 
by court-martial (December 19, 1779). No criminal intention 
was proven, but the court sentenced him to receive a repri- 
mand from the commander-in-chief. When he administered it 
Washington chose words which seemed rather to compliment 
than rebuke the offender."- Yet at that very time Arnold 



1780.] THE REVOLUTI-ON, THE CONSTITUTION. 20I 

was secretly carrying on a treasonable correspondence with 
Clinton.^-3 

The next summer (1780) Arnold sought and obtained the com- 
mand at West Point — the most important American post on 
the Hudson. His object in getting the position was to turn it 
over to the enemy. The price for which he sold himself and 
betrayed his country was the promise of an appointment as 
colonel in the British army (with the brevet of brigadier-general) 
and something over $30,000 in cash.^~* 

Fortunately for the American cause the plot to surrender 
West Point was discovered through the arrest of Andre, the 
British ofhcer by whom Arnold was sending plans of the fort 
to Clinton. On his way back from West Point Andre was 
stopped by some of our men and held as a spy. Arnold 
learned of his capture and instantly fled to the British 
lines. 

Andre' was tried by court-martial and hanged, while the man 
who had used him as his tool issued a proclamation urging all 
American soldiers to follow his traitorous example. Later, he 
led marauding expeditions into Virginia and burned Richmond ; 
his last blow was directed against the towns of New London 
and Groton on the coast of his native State of Connecticut. 
Arnold died in London nearly twenty years after the United 
States had achieved its independence. The motto on his 
family crest was the single word "Glory"; long before he died 
he erased that motto with his own hand, and in its place wrote 
the word " Despair." ^-^ 

228. Dark days; light at the South; victory at King's 
Mountain (1780). — Arnold's treason marks what was perhaps 
the darkest period of the Revolution. The enemy, victorious 
at the South, were ravaging Virginia at will, and the Republic 
was practically bankrupt. Continental money had sunk so low 
in value that a soldier's pay amounted in fact to only thirty- 
three cents a month, and a colonel's pay would not buy oats 
for his horse. ^^®' 



202 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1780. 

The winter which followed (i 780-1 781) was one of terrible 
severity, and the men suffered even worse hardships at Morris- 
town than they had at Valley Forge (§ 219), Poorly clothed, 
half-fed, and miserably paid, a part of them rose in revolt. 
Clinton tried to tempt them to desert, but they rejected his 
offers with scorn, saying: "We will not turn Arnolds."*^' 

But in this period of gloom a gleam of light flashed out in 
the South, In the autumn (1780) Cornwallis sent Major Fer- 
guson, a brave and efficient officer, to cut off a body of patriots 
then retreating from Georgia to the high-lands of North Caro- 
lina. Suddenly Ferguson found that he was in danger of being 
cut off himself by a body of mountaineers and backwoodsmen.^^* 

The British commander fell back to King's Mountain, a high 
ridge on the boundary line between the Carolinas. There he 
took his stand, declaring that not all the " rebels " outside of 
the bottomless pit could drive him to retreat. 

The little American force, calling itself the " army of the 
West," attacked the British on all sides (October 7, 1780). 
Ferguson had fewer men, but had the advantage of position. 
He and his soldiers fought like tigers, driving the Americans 
back again and again; but our final assault was successful, 
Ferguson was killed, and the enemy surrendered. 

The victory proved to be the turning-point of the war in the 
South. Cornwallis fell back to Winnesborough, South Caro- 
lina, to wait for Clinton to send reinforcements. Many of the 
Carolinians, encouraged by the patriot victory, joined Marion's 
ranks, and did excellent service in the cause of liberty. 

229. Greene takes command in the Carolinas ; disposition 
of his forces; battle of Cowpens. — Washington now sent 
General Greene to the South. He arrived (December 7, 1780) 
at Charlotte, North Carolina, to take command of his "shadow 
of an army " — for his whole force fit for duty amounted to 
only eight hundred men.*^" 

Greene divided this " shadow " into two nearly equal parts. 
One of them he led to a strong position at the base of Cheraw 



1781.] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. 203 

Hill. There they could cooperate with Marion, and threaten 
Cornwallis's communication with the coast. 

The other division Greene sent westward under Daniel Mor- 
gan — " then the best commander of light troops in the world." 
Morgan was to threaten the British garrisons at the important 
posts of Ninety-Six and Augusta. 

Cornwallis had (after he received reinforcements) nearly five 
thousand well-equipped troops ; but he found himself between 
two fires — Greene and Marion on one side, and Morgan on 
the other. The British commander now sent Colonel Tarle- 
ton, "his right arm," with over a thousand troops to crush 
Morgan or compel him to retreat. The two forces met (January 
17, 1 781) at the cattle pas.tures called the Cowpens, a little 
south of King's Mountain. 

Tarleton was completely routed, and lost more than two-thirds 
of his men. This defeat struck Cornwallis as hard a blow as 
Burgoyne had received at Bennington (§ 216). The battle of 
King's Mountain had clipped one wing of the British army ; 
now Morgan had clipped the other. 

230. Greene's retreat ; Steele's Tavern ; the race for the 
Dan. — Morgan knowing that Cornwallis, with the whole British 
force, would soon be in pursuit of him, now retreated northward. 
Greene sent his men forward to join Morgan's in North Caro- 
lina. Cornwallis, by a rapid movement, crossed the Catawba, 
scattering the American militia that had gathered there to 
oppose his passage. 

With a heavy heart, Greene rode on to Steele's Tavern at 
Salisbury. " What, alone, General ? " asked his friend. Dr. 
Read, as the American commander dismounted. "Yes," 
answered Greene, "tired, hungry, alone, and penniless." Mrs. 
Steele, the landlord's wife, heard the reply. She set a smoking 
hot breakfast before the weary soldier, then cautiously shutting 
the door behind her, she held out a little bag of silver to him 
in each hand : " Take these," said she, "for you need them, 
and I can do without them." 



204 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1781. 

A portrait of George III. was hanging over the fireplace — 
placed there when Americans loved to call him their King. 
Greene turned the face to the wall, and wrote on the back of 
the portrait : " Hide thy face, George, and blush." ^^ 

A few days later the men that Greene had sent forward 
united with Morgan's at Guilford Court House (now Greens- 
boro), North Carolina. Knowing that Cornwallis was in hard 
pursuit of him, Greene himself hurried forward with his force 
to cross the Dan. The American commander won the race, 
and succeeded (February 14, 1781) in crossing the stream then 
swollen to a torrent by heavy rains. The British came up just 
as the last boat had reached the opposite bank, Cornwallis found 
an unfordable river in front of him, and not a boat to be had. 

231. Battle of Guilford Court House (1781) ; Cornwallis's 
retreat to Wilmington ; Hobkirk's Hill ; Ninety-Six ; Eutaw 
Springs. — Greene, having obtained reinforcements, now had 
nearly twice as many men as Cornwallis ; but they were largely 
raw recruits, wretchedly armed, and short of provisions, while 
the force under Cornwallis was made up of veterans. The 
American commander recrossed the Dan, and (March 15, 1781) 
fought the battle of Guilford Court House (Greensboro). 
Cornwallis won the day, but lost so many men that he was 
forced to retreat to Wilmington, where a British fleet had 
established a depot of supplies. 

A little later Greene astonished Cornwallis by suddenly 
moving back to South Carolina to fall on the British force left 
there in charge of Lord Rawdon, This was too much, and 
Cornwallis wrote (April 23, 1781): "My situation is very dis- 
tressing."'^"' Finally, not knowing what else to do, he decided 
to advance into Virginia and unite with the British forces there. 

Meanwhile Greene met and fought Rawdon (April 25, 1781) 
at Hobkirk's Hill, just outside of Camden. Rawdon gained 
the day, but as Major Henry Lee and Marion had cut his com- 
munication with Charleston, the British commander had to 
abandon Camden and retreat. Greene summarized his experi- 



17S1.] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. 205 

ences in a letter to Washington, saying : " We fight, get beat, 
and fight again." ^"^ He next began the siege of the British 
post at Ninety-Six, but failed to take the fort, and shortly after 
fell back to the hills of Santee to refresh his men. 

The southern campaigns of the Revolution, below Virginia, 
ended with the battle of Eutaw Springs (Septembers, 1781). 
Greene said of this battle : " It was by far the most obstinate 
fight I ever saw."^^* Both sides claimed the victory. Practi- 
cally Eutaw resulted in success for the Americans, for the 
British, unable to hold the field, fled to Charleston and shut 
themselves up there. 

Greene had never gained a victory in the South, yet, follow- 
ing Washington's example, he had exhausted and baffled the 
enemy. More than this, with the help of Marion, Sumter, 
and other partisan leaders, he had practically recovered pos- 
session of the Carolinas. 

232. Cornwallis enters Virginia; ravages the country; 
Lafayette's movements ; Yorktown. — Meanwhile Cornwallis 
in pursuance of his plan (§ 231) had reached Petersburg, Vir- 
ginia (May 20, 1 781), and had increased his force to about 
seven thousand men. The British commander was confronted 
by Lafayette, who was waiting for Wayne to arrive with 
reinforcements. 

Cornwallis (May 20 to June 26, 1781) sent out a force of a 
thousand cavalry, mounted on Virginia race-horses, to ravage 
the country. They seized or destroyed about $15,000,000 
worth of property.^ 

The British commander laughed at Lafayette, and boastingly 
wrote: " The boy cannot escape me." It so happened, how- 
ever, that " the boy " intercepted Cornwallis's letter, and not 
only managed to escape him, but seriously harassed all his 
movements. At length, acting in obedience to what he con- 
sidered imperative orders from Clinton, Cornwallis, with his 
seven thousand troops, retired (July 30, 1781) to the peninsula 
of Yorktown.^"' 



206 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1781. 

233' Washington prepares to attack Cornwallis ; what the 
French did. — Washington had been planning an attaclc on 
New Yorlc. He now pressed De Grasse, wlio commanded a 
powerful French fleet in the West Indies, to come to his help. 
De Grasse decided that he would sail not for New York, but 
for Chesapeake Bay. This fact changed Washington's plans 
(August 17, 1 781), and with the cooperation of the French 
commander he resolved to strike Cornwallis instead of Clinton. 

Count Rochambeau's army of four thousand French regulars 
had been stationed at Newport, Rhode Island, since 1780. The 
Count now moved to the vicinity of New York to act with the 
Continental Army in its attack on Yorktown. Less than six 
months had passed since the American commander expressed 
grave doubts whether he could manage to keep the army 
together for the summer. He then wrote : " We are at the end 
of our tether . . . now or never deliverance must come." ^® 
At last deliverance had come. 

Washington contrived, as he said, to completely "misguide 
and bewilder" Clinton, who was made to believe that the 
Americans were getting ready to attack New York. At length, 
when everything was prepared, Washington suddenly broke 
camp (August 19, 1781). Leaving Heath with four thousand 
men to hold West Point, he set out with his combined French 
and American army of six thousand troops to march across the 
country.^^'' 

But when the great movement was actually in progress, and 
part of the force had reached Philadelphia, a formidable 
obstacle arose. The men demanded their pay. Washington 
begged Robert Morris (§213) to raise some "hard money" 
for him. Morris borrowed $20,000 of Count Rochambeau ; 
the sight of the bright silver coin put the Continental Army in 
good humor, and smoothed the way onward. ''"^ Fortunately, 
too, just at this juncture Colonel Laurens arrived at Boston 
with 2,500,000 francs given by. the French King to the Ameri- 
can cause. 




Longitude 87 



West 



77 Greenwich 



1781.] THE REVOI-UrrON, THE CONSTITUTION. 20/ 

I)y this time Clinton had discovered Washington's real object, 
but it was too late for him to help Cornwallis. When the 
combined French and American armies arrived at the head of 
Chesapeake Bay, French transports (September 17, 1781) con- 
veyed them to Yorktown. Here Washington was joined by 
Lafayette's men, by a body of Virginia militia, and by three 
thousand French soldiers furnished by De Grasse. His total 
force numbered nine thousand Americans and seven thousand 
French. 

234. The siege and fall of Yorktown (178 1). — On the 
water side the powerful French fleet effectually cut off Corn- 
wallis from all hope of help or of escape in that direction. 

On the land side the British general saw himself hemmed in 
by a force of sixteen thousand — or more than double his own 
army. The besieging force began at once (September 30, 1781) 
to throw up works. Hour by hour they crept nearer to the 
doomed town. On the tenth day (October 9, 1781) Washing- 
ton himself applied the match to the first American battery. 
From that time onward, for more than a week, a circle of sixty 
cannon and mortars rained an incessant storm of shot, shell, 
and red-hot balls against the defences of Cornwallis. The 
British general could make but a feeble reply, his stock of 
artillery ammunition was fast running short, and his half- 
completed fortifications were crumbling to pieces. Of his 
garrison only a little over three thousand men were fit for 
duty ; the rest were lying sick or wounded in hospital, or were 
worn out by fatigue. 

On October 17 (1781) Cornwallis sent out a white flag, and 
asked for terms. It was just four 5^ears to a day since Burgoyne 
had surrendered at Saratoga (§ 218). Two days later, October 
19 (1781), the British garrison, with colors cased, marched out 
between the lines of the American and French forces, which 
formed an avenue more than a mile in length. The captive army 
moved with slow and solemn steps, their drums beating the quaint 
but highly appropriate tune of the "World 's Upside Down,"*^^ 



208 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORV. [1781-1783. 

235. Effect of the news of the surrender of Cornwallis in 
England; treaty of peace (1783). — When the news of the 
surrender reached London, Lord North, the EngUsh ■ prime 
minister, threw up his arms as though a cannon-ball had struck 
him, and cried out wildly: " O God, it is all over!"^*" He 
was right, for although desultory fighting continued for a time, 
yet the fall of Yorktown really ended the war. 

Both sides had long been weary of the struggle. The 
spring after Cornwallis surrendered, the House of Commons 
resolved to " consider as enemies to His Majesty and the 
country " all who should urge the further prosecution of the 
war against the Americans. 

Before the close of that year a provisional treaty of peace 
was made (1782). On the 19th of April, 1783, just eight years 
to a day after the battle of Lexington, Washington issued an 
order to the Continental Army, declaring the war of the Revo- 
lution at an end. In making the final treaty of peace we 
demanded (i) the full recognition of the independence of 
the thirteen States ; (2) the recognition of the Mississippi 
River as our western boundary ; (3) the recognition of our 
right to fish on the banks of Newfoundland. The English, 
on the other hand, wished (i) to limit our western bound- 
ary to the line of the Alleghanies, and (2) to shut us out 
from any part in the cod fisheries ; finally they (3) insisted 
on our making compensation to the Tories for their loss 
of property. 

Our commissioners, Adams, Franklin, and Jay, refused to 
yield to these demands, but agreed that the last demand should 
be referred to the legislatures of the States, with a recommen- 
dation that they give it favorable consideration. The result 
was that when the final treaty was signed at Paris, September 3, 
1783, it fully recognized all that we claimed, namely : (i) the 
independence of the American Republic ; (2) the Mississippi 
River as our western boundary ; (3) our right to fish on the 
banks of Newfoundland. ^■'^ 



1777-1787.] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. 2O9 

236. Articles of Confederation ; Maryland and the western 
land claims. — Meanwhile the United States had adopted 
(1781) the plan of confederation first reported to Congress in 
1776 (§ 209). 

Congress voted (1777) to accept the proposed constitution, 
but several of the States found serious objections to it. In 
order that the Articles of Confederation should go into effect, 
it was necessary that all of the States should formally ratify 
them. Finally, all agreed to do so except Maryland. She 
positively refused unless the seven States which claimed west- 
ern territory (§ 173) should cede their claims to the United 
States for the general good. 

For a long time none of the States claiming western lands 
would agree to give them up. This difficulty threatened to 
prevent the adoption of any regular system of national govern- 
ment. At length, however. New York offered to surrender her 
claim. Connecticut and Virginia had already virtually prom- 
ised to do the same.^' On the day that New York made her 
offer, Maryland signed the Articles, thus making the Confedera- 
tion complete (March i, 1781). 

The whole immense western territory, extending to the Mis- 
sissippi, was now practically secured to the nation. This fact 
greatly strengthened the bonds of the new Republic, and 
promised to guarantee its permanency and its growth.^*' 

237. The ordinance for the Government of the Northwest 
Territory (1787). — After New York, Virginia, Massachusetts, 
and Connecticut had completed their cessions of land (1781- 
1787) the Congress of the Confederation took action. By the 
famous "Ordinance of 1787" — "the Magna Charta of the 
West" — it erected a Government for the territory northwest 
of the Ohio. 

Among other provisions that ordinance enacted : (i) "That 
no one should ever be molested on account of his mode of wor- 
ship or religious sentiments in said territory." (2) That schools 
and the means uf education should be "forever encouraged." 



2IO THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1781-1787. 

(3) Slavery was absolutely barred out, but slaves escaping from 
their masters in the States, and taking refuge in the Northwest 
Territory, were to be seized and returned to their owners. 

By this last-mentioned provision this celebrated ordinance, so 
highly praised by Daniel Webster, did two opposite things : it 
secured an enormous area to freedom, but it first granted 
national recognition and protection to the existence of slaverj'. 

(4) Finally, the ordinance provided that all States formed 
from this territory should be admitted on an equal footing in 
every respect with the thirteen original States."* 

From that magnificent domain, embracing about 270,000 
square miles, the five great and powerful States of Ohio, 
Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin (together with 
eastern Minnesota) were formed between the years 1803- 
184S. 

238. Chief provisions of the Articles of Confederation. — 
The "Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union" (17S1) 
bound the States (i) to "enter into a firm league of friendship 
with each other." (2) All votes in Congress were to be cast by 
States, and each State, whatever its number of delegates, was 
to have but one vote." (3) Congress reserved the power of 
declaring war and peace, and of negotiating treaties. (4) Con- 
gress, on appeal, was to decide all disputes between the States. 

(5) The regulation of commerce and the raising of revenue and 
taxes were left entirely to the control of the separate States. 

(6) The power to coin and issue money was shared by the general 
Government with the States. (7) Congress had authority to 
appoint a " Committee of the States " to manage the general 
afi'airs of the nation when the national Legislature was not in 
session. (8) The final article declared that the Union thus 
formed should be "perpetual," and forbade that any change 
should hereafter be made in the above Constitution "unless 
such alteration be agreed to in a Congress of the United States, 
and be afterwards confirmed by the Legislatures of every 
State." 



1781-1787.] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. 211 

239. Weakness of the Confederation. — Under this Confed- 
eration Congress consisted of a single house which represented 
the States but not the people. The national Government had 
no president; it was simply "a body without a head." Con- 
gress could advise, request, implore, but it could not command. 

In this last point lay the fatal weakness of the whole system. 
The national Government could make treaties but could not 
compel their observance. It could borrow money but could 
not guarantee that a single dollar of the debt would ever be 
paid. It could recommend taxation but could not enforce it. 
It could enact laws but could not punish those who refused to 
obey them. It could make war but could not raise a single 
soldier to fight in its defence. In short, as Judge Story has 
aptly said : " Congress could declare everything, but could do 
nothing." ^*' Its whole attitude was that of a suppliant. 

While the Revolution was in progress the pressure of the 
war forced the separate States to stand by each other ; but as 
soon as that pressure was removed, the States, like a barrel that 
had lost its hoops, threatened to fall to pieces. 

240. State of the country under the Confederation. — When 
peace was made, Thomas Paine wrote in the last number of his 
" American Crisis " : " The times which tried men's souls are 
over." It was a great mistake, for the next five years under 
the Confederation were full of distress, doubt, discouragement, 
and tendencies to disunion. 

Instead of presenting a bold, united front to the world, we 
exhibited the pitiful spectacle of thirteen little discordant repub- 
lics bound together with "a rope of sand." Hamilton said : 
" There is scarcely anything that can wound the pride or de- 
grade the character of an independent nation which we do not 
experience ; " ^^'^ and Washington declared that we were mov- 
ing upon "crutches" and tottering to our "fall."^*'' 

241. Attempts of Congress to raise money^ quarrels about 
trade. — The first sign of this fatal weakness was seen when 
the Government made an attempt to pay the soldiers of the 



212 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1781-1787. 

Revolution a part of what was due them. Congress called on 
the States to contribute ; some responded, others did not. All 
national demands for money were followed by a like result. 
Out of over $6,000,000 called for (i 782-1 786), Congress 
obtained only $1,000,000.^^ 

An attempt was made (1782) to amend the Articles of Con- 
federation so as to give the Government power to levy a five- 
per-cent duty on imported goods. This measure was proposed 
in order that the nation might get means to discharge a part of 
its debt. The assent of all the States was required ; all gave 
their consent but Rhode Island. She refused, mainly on the 
ground that the proposed duty would fall too .heavily on 
the chief importing States — of which she was then one. 

Later (1786), the project was revived in a more limited form. 
New York then refused unless she could appoint her own col- 
lectors. This proviso killed the plan, and Congress had to go 
on as best it could with an empty treasury. 

Quarrels sprang up about foreign and domestic trade. New 
England wished to exclude all exports and imports by British 
ships, but the Southern States, having no ships of their own, 
demanded why they should be asked to give the monopoly of 
the carrying trade to the North.^^^ 

The States which had no seaports had to pay tolls to the 
States where the goods were received. New Jersey was, like 
a cask, tapped at both ends ; it paid toll at New York and 
at Philadelphia. North Carolina was in a similar predicament. 

New York laid a tax on the New Jersey and Connecticut 
market-boats. New Jersey retaliated by taxing the light-house 
which New York had built at Sandy Hook on the Jersey shore. 
Connecticut towns took their revenge by boycotting New York, 
and refusing to send any more butter, eggs, and early vegetables 
to that city.*™ 

242. Scarcity of Specie ; Shays's rebellion (1786). — Mean- 
while the whole country was distressed by the need of " hard 
money." There was no mint; and, with the exception of a few 



1786-1787.] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. 2I3 

coppers, known as "Franklin pennies," Congress had never 
issued any coins. There was an abundance of " soft money," 
which both Congress and the States were generally sending out 
as fast as the printing press could manufacture it ; but, unfortu- 
nately, this paper money was of uncertain value, and was daily 
growing to be of no value at all. 

This dearth of specie bore down with especial severity on 
Massachusetts. The taxes averaged, it is said, $200 a year for 
the head of every family throughout the State. The farmers 
were poor, and many of them could with difificulty scrape 
together $50 in cash in the course of a twelvemonth. Large 
numbers were deeply in debt, and many saw their cattle seized 
and their homesteads sold by foreclosure of mortgages to satisfy 
inexorable creditors. 

The situation gradually became desperate — especially in the 
western part of the State. Excited crowds declared that all 
property ought to be held in common, since all had fought to 
save it. Taxes were voted to be unnecessary burdens, courts 
of justice intolerable grievances, and lawyers an unmitigated 
nuisance. Then came the cry: " Down with the tax collectors ! 
Down with the courts ! Down with the wicked lawyers ! " 
" Hurrah for ' soft money ' and plenty of it ! " ^•'^ 

Finally Daniel Shays, who had been a captain in the Conti- 
nental Army, led a force of over a thousand armed men to 
Worcester (1786), took possession of the town, and prevented 
the court from sifting. The same thing was done in Springfield 
and in several other towns. But the governor was a man of 
decision. He sent General Lincoln, with a strong militia force, 
against Shays (1787), and the rebellion speedily collapsed.^^^ 
Its progress had greatly alarmed Washington and all friends 
of order, for they saw that what had happened in one State 
might happen in another, and they knew that Congress could 
do nothing. 

243. Trouble in the "West ; threats of secession ; Jefferson's 
letter. — In the West trouble of a still more dangerous kind 



2 14 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORV. [l7{<r)-I787. 

arose. Spain closed the Mississippi, and vowed that she would 
keep it shut until she secured a more satisfactory boundary line 
for her American possessions in the South. A Kentucky flat- 
boat man, disregarding the Spanish decree, started boldly down 
the river with a load of hardware. The Spanish authorities at 
Natchez stopped him, seized both his boat and cargo (1786), 
and left him to get back home on foot through the wildeniess 
as best he could. 

The impetuous spirit of the Kentucky settlers was roused. 
They swore that if the river was not opened they would raise 
an army of backwoods riflemen, who would force their way 
through and drive the Spaniards into the sea. 

John Jay thought that we should not really need the use of 
the river for many years. He advised Congress to make a 
treaty with Spain and give up all claim to the navigation of the 
Mississippi for a quarter of a century. This proposition set 
the country in a blaze. Indignation meetings were held by the 
Kentuckians. Many threatened that if Jay's advice was taken 
they would secede from the Union and form an alliance with 
Great Britain. On the other hand, there were New England 
men who vowed they would secede if Jay's advice was not 
taken. In this emergency Congress stood alarmed, helpless, 
and ashamed. 

Jefferson, then in Paris, wrote (1787) to jNIadlson, saying : 
" I never had any interest westward of the Alleghanies, and I 
never will have any, . . . but I will venture^fc say that the act 
which abandons the navigation of the Mississippi is an act of 
separation between the eastern and the western country." ^^^ 

To these difficulties we must add the financial muddle. 
Many of the States perpetrated frauds in their issue of worth- 
less paper money. This constituted another peril which was 
undermining the Confederation.""'"' 

244. The Constitutional Convention at Philadelphia (^1787)- 
— Meanwhile Virginia and Maryland had a dispute over the 
navigation of Chesapeake Bay and the Potomac. The commis- 



1787.] THE REVOLUTION, THE CONSTITUTION. 215 

sioners appointed to decide tlie controversy failed to agree. 
Finally it was recommended that a convention should be held 
at Philadelphia "for the sole and express purpose of revising 
the Articles of Confederation." 

The Convention met (May 29, 1787). All the States were 
represented except Rhode Island. Washington, Franklin, 
Hamilton, and Madison were among the fifty-five members. 
Washington was chosen to preside. The delegates sat with 
closed doors, keeping their proceedings secret. They decided 
that instead of revising the Articles of Confederation they 
would draw up an entirely new Constitution. 

245. Conflicting opinions in the Convention. — The Consti- 
tutional Convention represented widely different ideas and 
interests : 

(i) A part of the delegates emphasized the necessity of 
national sovereignty. They urged that all the chief powers, 
including the control of foreign trade, should be centralized in 
the general Government. Others vehemently opposed this, 
and insisted on State sovereignty. Their plan was to grant 
the Nation the least possible power, but to reserve the utmost 
possible to the separate States. 

(2) There was next the conflict respecting State representa- 
tion. On this point the large and the small States could not 
agree. The former naturally demanded representation based 
on population ; the latter demanded that all representation 
should be equal, so that the vote of the small States should 
count for as much as that of their more powerful neighbors. 

(3) Finally, the great slave-holding States insisted that all 
slaves should be counted in making up the basis of representa- 
tion in Congress. The Northern States, on the other hand, 
contended that only the white population should be counted. 
There was also a serious difference with regard to the foreign 
slave-trade. The great majority of the States wished to prohibit 
it, but the South Carolina delegates absolutely refused to vote 
for the Constitution unless that trade should be kept open. 



2l6 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1787. 

Nfcw England merchants who were engaged in bringing cargoes 
of negroes from Africa strongly supported South Carolina. 

246. The three great compromises of the Constitution. — 
The debate on the above-mentioned points was so violent that 
it twice threatened to break up the Convention. The conflict 
was finally settled by three great compromises : 

(i) It was agreed that the national Government should be 
invested with powers of the first importance. It was author- 
ized to regulate foreign commerce, levy ta.xes, and impose custom 
duties; to declare war, equip armies, and call out the militia 
to suppress insurrection and enforce the laws of the Union. 
Finally, it was to have authority to make all laws necessary 
for carrying into execution the powers conferred upon it.''^ 

There was to be a Supreme Court, with a number of lower 
federal courts, to interpret and apply the provisions of the 
Constitution and the laws enacted by Congress. 

To make this authority effective the executive power was 
vested in a President of the United States, who was made 
Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy. 

On the other hand, it was agreed (by later action) that all 
"powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution 
nor prohibited by it to the States are reserved to the States 
respectively, or to the people." ^'"^ 

(2) It was decided that Congress, instead of consisting of a 
single House, should be divided into the Senate and the House 
of Representatives. Representation was to be equal in the 
Senate, — each State to have two members, — while in the House 
of Representatives it was to be based on population. 

(3) It was agreed in making up the basis of direct taxation 
and representation that five negroes should be counted as equal 
to three whites, because it was assumed that the productive 
labor of negroes and of whites would stand in that ratio. 
Slavery was to be protected by a fugitive-slave provision, and the 
importation of slaves was not to be prohibited by Congress before 
1 80S. This kept the negro supply open for twenty years."" 



1787-1788.] THF REVOLUTION. TIIK CONSTITUTION 2l7 

247. The Convention adopts the new Constitution, and it 
is submitted to the States. — When the great work was com- 
pleted (September 17, 1787), and the last delegates were sign- 
ing the Constitution, the white-haired Franklin rose. Looking 
at a figure of a half sun painted on the back of the President's 
chair, he said : '• I have often and often in the course of the 
session looked at that sun without being able to tell whether it 
was rising or setting ; but now at length, I have the happiness 
to know that it is a rising and not a setting sun."^"* 

But the sun did not rise without a cloud. The country 
was divided between the Federalists, who advocated the Con- 
stitution on the ground that the Republic needed a strong 
government, and the Anti-Federalists, who opposed it because 
they feared that such a government would be fatal to the indi- 
vidual liberty and welfare of the States and of the people. 
The Constitution was finally reluctantly accepted by a small 
majority ; ^'' but most of the States which then voted to come 
under the "New Roof" demanded that it should speedily 
receive important amendments. Virginia expressly qualified 
her acceptance of the Constitution by asserting the right of 
the people to resume the powers they had delegated to the 
general Government. New York did the same.^"'-^ 

North Carolina and Rhode Island, fearing that their issues 
of paper money might be curtailed by the proposed Constitution, 
rejected it. The Articles of Confederation were still in force. 
They could not be altered or set aside except by the action of 
the " Legislatures of rc<ery State " (§ 2T,d>). But notwithstanding 
this provision, when eleven States had ratified the new Consti- 
tution the Congress of the Confederation declared it in force 
(September 13, 17S8). Thus by a peaceful revolution a major- 
ity of the States quietly overturned the old form of government. 
They withdrew from the first Union (in which North Carolina 
and Rhode Island still remained), and established a new and 
"more perfect Union."''*"' The two above-named States stood 
out by themselves until the recently adopted Constitution went 



2l8 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [l77r,-]790. 

into operation, when at length they decided (1789, 1790) to 
join the majority, and so the last two pillars in the new " tem- 
ple of liberty " were triumphantly set up. 

Meanwhile the first presidential election had taken place. 
Under the restrictions then existing (§ 174) only one in twenty 
of the population could vote — the proportion now is not far 
from one in four.* When the electoral ballots were opened 
and counted (February, 1789) in the presence of Congress it 
was found that George Washington had been unanimously 
elected President of the United States, and that John Adams 
had been chosen Vice-President. 

248. Summary. — The American colonists began the war 
of the Revolution (1775), not for the purpose of separating from 
the English Crown, but simply to obtain their constitutional 
rights as loyal subjects of that Crown. The contest soon 
developed (1776) into a war for independence. 

Washington conducted the war to a successful termination, 
and by the treaty of peace (1783) Great Britain fully recognized 
the independence of the United States of America. 

During the first part of the Revolution the Government of the 
United States was in the hands of the Continental Congress. 
Later (1781), a "league of perpetual friendship" was formed 
between the States under the name of the "Articles of Con- 
federation," and the Congress of the Confederation took the 
management of the affairs of the national Government. 

Owing mainly to its lack of needful executive and coercive 
power this "league" failed to give satisfaction. To remedy 
this defect, and to form " a more perfect Union," a new Con- 
stitution was framed and put in operation by eleven of the 
thirteen States (1789); shortly afterward the two remaining 
States decided to ratify it, and thereby entered the new Union. 

* See Professor F. N. Thorpe in Har/'ei's Magazine, November, 1897. 
(p. 838.) 



V. 

THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 

(1 789- 1861.) 

For Authorities for this Chapter, see Appendix, pag-e xxiv. The siitatl figures in the 
text refer to Authorities cited on page xxx of the Appendix. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON .FEDERALIST), TWO TERMS, 1789-1797. 

249. The inauguration ; tasks of the new Government ; 
state of the nation. — Congress assembled in March, 1789, in 
Federal Hall, New York. Washington's inauguration (§ 247) 
took place on the balcony of the hall. At its close the bells of 
the city rang out a joyous peal, the cannon on the Battery fired 
a salute, and the crowd in the streets shouted: "Long live 
George Washington, President of the United States. "^^" ~' 

The President and Congress had formidable tasks before 
them. It was their duty to set up and start the machinery 
of the new Government. The outlook was doubtful if not 
threatening. 

A majority of the States virtually demanded the prompt 
amendment of the Constitution as the price of their allegiance 
to the Union (§ 247). The nation was deeply in debt, and had 
neither revenue nor credit. It was necessary that we should 
be able to defend our rights against foreign attack, and to main- 
tain domestic order, but the army had been disbanded, and we 
did not possess a single war-ship. At the North, Great Britain 
refused to give up Oswego, Niagara, Detroit, Mackinaw, and 
other fortified posts, on the ground that we had not fully carried 
out our treaty pledges. At the South, Spain denied our 



220 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [l789. 

right to the free navigation of the lower Mississippi (§ 243). 
West of the Alleghanies the Indians were restless, and in the 
Ohio country they were preparing to attack the whites. 

On the sea the Barbary pirates shut the Mediterranean 
against our commerce ; every American vessel which ap- 
proached the Straits of Gibraltar did so at the risk of losing 
both crew and cargo. 

This condition of affairs at home and abroad gave rise to 
many perplexing questions; but before Washington retired from 
office (1797) they had all been settled in a manner which 
secured peace, at a time when peace was, of all things, most 
essential to the welfare of the nation. 

250. Executive Department ; the Cabinet ; the Supreme 
Court; the tariff; tonnage and excise. — The first work 
accomplished by Congress was the establishment of the de- 
partments of State, the Treasury, and War. 

Washington chose his cabinet officers from opposite political 
ranks. He appointed Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury ; 
Knox, Secretary of War ; Jefferson, Secretary of State ; and 
Randolph, Attorney-General. The first two were Federalists, 
the last two Anti- Federalists (§ 247). 

Congress next organized the Supreme Court of the United 
States and the inferior federal courts. 

Washington appointed John Jay, Chief-Justice. The court 
over which he presided was entrusted with the highest powers 
granted to any tribunal in the Republic : that of determining, 
on appeal, the constitutionality of the acts of Congress, and of 
the laws of the States (Appendix, p. xiii). Speaking of the 
services of the Supreme Court, Webster said that without it the 
Constitution " would be no Constitution, the Government no 
Government." ^^ 

MeanAvhile Congress was discussing that most urgent of 
all questions: How to raise a revenue? Should it be obtained 
by direct tax, or by imposing a duty on imported goods .' 
The decision was in favor of the latter method, and an act 



1789-1791.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 221 

was passed (1789) establishing the first tariff. The preamble 
declared that the tariff was "for the support of the Gov- 
ernment, for the discharge of the debts of the United States, 
and the encouragement and protection of manufactures." ^'^ 
The average duty imposed was very low, — less than nine per 
cent. In the course of the next eight years (i 790-1 797) this 
rate was gradually increased until it reached about fourteen 
per cent.*'^ Congress next passed (1789) a tonnage act which 
levied a tax of six cents per ton on vessels built and owned in 
the United States and engaged in foreign trade, thirty cents on 
vessels built in America, but owned abroad, and fifty cents per 
ton on all other merchant vessels entering our ports.^^** Find- 
ing that the payment of the entire public debt would require a 
larger revenue, Congress enacted (1791) a law which imposed 
a tax of from twenty to forty cents a gallon on imported liquors, 
and an excise duty of from nine to thirty cents a gallon on those 
distilled in the States.^"' 

From all sources the Government obtained a total annual 
revenue of $4,600,000 — a sum then regarded as ample for 
meeting the expenses of the nation. Since that date the reve- 
nue has increased nearly a hundredfold, and the demands on 
it have multiplied in like ratio.^®^ 

251. Amendments to the Constitution. — A majority of the 
States had called for certain amendments to the Constitution 

(§ 247)- 

Congress adopted twelve, ten of which were ratified (1791) 
by the States. They practically formed a " Bill of Rights " 
"for the more efficient protection of the people" (Appendix, 
p. xvi). 

The first of these amendments (Appendix, p. xvi) is especially 
noteworthy. It secures freedom of speech and of the press 
(§ 272), the right of petition, and the free exercise of religion. 
Finally, it expressly forbids the establishment of a national 
church. The leading powers of Europe had always considered 
such a church indispensable to their existence ; the founders 



222 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1790. 

of the American Republic were the first to create a government 
entirely independent of any creed or form of worship. 

The tenth amendment (Appendix, p. xvii) ranks in importance 
with the first. It reserves to the States, or to the people, all 
" powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitu- 
tion, nor prohibited by it to the States.'' Later, the eleventh 
amendment (Appendix, p. xvii) restricted the power of the 
federal courts with respect to the States. 

252. Hamilton's report on the public debt. — Early in 1790 
Hamilton (§ 250) made his report on the public debt. He 
divided it into three classes: (i) the foreign debt; (2) the 
domestic debt; (3) the State debts. 

The first amounted to nearly $12,000,000. It represented, 
in the main, money which we had borrowed during the Revolu- 
tion from France, Spain, and private capitalists in Holland. 
The domestic debt of $42,000,000 was the amount which the 
nation was owing to citizens of the States. Finally, there were 
the State debts, estimated at $21,500,000. 

The entire national and State obligations footed up $75,500,- 
000. Hamilton called this total "the price of liberty." He 
recommended the Government to make provision for the pay- 
ment of the whole sum, principal and interest, believing that 
strict honesty would prove to be the best possible cement for 
binding the new Union solidly together.^"'' 

253. Debate on Hamilton's proposition. — Congress agreed 
without dissent to the first part of the Secretary's scheme. It 
was not only willing but anxious to pay every dollar which we 
had borrowed abroad; but many prominent men thought it 
unwise to offer to discharge the full amount of the domestic 
debt. The certificates of this debt had fallen to fifteen cents 
on the dollar, and had been largely bought up by speculators 
who would be the only ones to profit by their redemption. The 
supporters of Hamilton's measure contended that the Govern- 
ment should keep its contract to the letter, no matter who held 
the certificates. By so doing, said they, we shall put our credit 



1790.] TIIK UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 223 

on a firm foundation, and teach future investors in our national 
securities not to sacrifice them. After protracted debate this 
argument prevailed, and Congress decided to pay both the for- 
eign and the domestic debt."" 

The great final contest was over the question of the assump- 
tion of the State debts. The Northern States owed the larger 
part, and were generally in favor of shifting the responsibility 
of payment to the shoulders of the national Government. The 
Southern States, which owed far less, declared that Congress 
had no right to assume these debts, and thereby compel the 
people of the South to help clear off obligations which they had 
never incurred. They furthermore contended that it was very 
doubtful whether the Constitution authorized such an act, which 
they thought would dangerously encroach on the right and 
responsibility of the States to manage their own affairs.*'^ The 
advocates of Hamilton's policy replied that the proposed meas- 
ure was necessary for the common good, and for the complete 
establishment of the public credit. ^'^ 

254. <« Log-rolling " ; funding the debt. — Eventually the 
dispute was settled by compromise. While the discussion was 
going on, the question of the location of the national capital 
was under debate. New York wanted it on the Hudson; Penn- 
sylvania, on the Delaware ; Maryland and Virginia, on the 
Potomac. At a dinner given by Jefferson, Hamilton found an 
opportunity to settle the State-debt and the national-capital 
questions at one stroke, by bringing into play the backwoods 
custom : " You help me roll my log, and I will help you roll 
yours." Two Virginia members of Congress promised to vote 
for the assumption scheme on condition that a sufficient num- 
ber of Northern votes should be cast to secure the passage of 
a bill permanently locating the national capital on the Potomac. 
This bargain was faithfully carried out. Certain Northern 
members of Congress voted for an act which established the 
headquarters of the federal Government at Philadelphia for ten 
years (i 790-1800) and then fixed them permanently at Wash- 



224 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [l791. 

ington; on the other hand, certain Southern members voted for 
the assumption of the State debts. Both measures were success- 
fully carried through.^" This last act completed the adoption 
of Hamilton's plan. The whole public debt was funded by 
issuing new bonds bearing six per cent interest, and pledging 
the chief part of the revenue, and all of the money received 
from the sale of Government lands at the West for their gradual 
redemption. In three years these new bonds rose to par, and 
the credit of the United States was established abroad and at 
home. 

255. Bank of the United States ; the mint Hamilton 

next recommended the establishment of a National Bank, simi- 
lar to the "Bank of North America" chartered by the Congress 
of the Confederation (1781), but which soon became a State 
institution, and which still exists at Philadelphia. 

There were then (1791) but four banks in the entire country, 
and their notes had no circulation outside the cities in which 
they were situated. Most of the people of the States had never 
even seen a bank-bill. ^'^ Hamilton urged that the best interests 
of the Government and of trade demanded a sound national 
paper currency, which would pass from hand to hand, and be 
used throughout the Union. ^'^ 

His project roused a hot debate. Some members of Con- 
gress denounced the measure as a scheme for enriching a few 
greedy capitalists at the expense of the mass of the people. 
Others declared that it was a political plot for establishing an 
aristocratic institution intended to pave the way to " a mon- 
archy."*"'' The most serious objection came from Madison and 
his followers. They denied that the Constitution gave Con- 
gress power to charter such a bank. The friends of the meas- 
ure replied that the power, though not specifically granted, was 
clearly implied in the necessary right of collecting a revenue 
and paying off the public debt, both of which measures 
demanded a national currency. The bill finally passed by 
a large majority. Washington consulted his Cabinet in regard 



1791-1792.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 225 

to signing it. Jefferson and Randolph opposed the measure as 
unconstitutional; Hamilton and Knox approved it. Hamilton's 
arguments prevailed, and the " Bank of the United States " was 
chartered for twenty years (1791—1811).'^'^'' It had its head 
office at Philadelphia, with numerous branches. It began 
business with a capital of $10,000,000, one-fifth subscribed by 
the Government, and the remainder by individuals. The bills 
of the bank were redeemable in coin, and were receivable for 
all payments due to the United States. 

The following year (1792) the first national mint was estab- 
lished at Philadelphia. It issued coins (1793) — beginning 
with a hundred and fifty tons of coppers — on the admirable 
decimal system recommended by Jefferson. The Spanish dol- 
lar divided into one hundred parts was taken as the monetary 
unit. A double standard was adopted, and the ratio of coinage 
was fixed at fifteen ounces of silver to one of gold, the intent 
being to maintain strict parity of value between the two metals. 
It was found, however, that the market value of an ounce of 
gold was somewhat greater than that of fifteen ounces of silver, 
and forty years later (1834) Congress changed the ratio to 
sixteen to one.*"** 

256. Rise of political parties; Federalists vs. Republi- 
cans. — The heated discussion over the establishment of the 
national bank (§ 255) gave rise (i 792-1 794) to two regularly 
organized political parties — the Federalists led by Hamilton, 
and the Republicans by Jefferson. The Federalists were suc- 
ceeded by the National Republicans (1828), the Whigs (1834), 
and by the Republicans (1854) of the present time ; the Jeffer- 
sonian party soon (1796) took the broader title of Democratic- 
Republicans ; in time this offfcial party name was popularly 
shortened to that of Democrats (1828). Jefferson declared 
that he and Hamilton were pitted against each other "like two 
fighting cocks ";*''^ but both heartily supported the Constitution. 
Their opposition sprang from their different interpretation of 
that instrument. The Federalists, or " broad-construction " 



226 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [17M-. 

party, held that the Constitution conferred on the Government 
every ''implied power" necessary to its action and not expressly 
reserved to the States. The Republicans, or " strict construc- 
tionists." contended that the safety of the people demanded 
that the Government should be bound by the very letter of 
the Constitution, and that every power should be reserved to 
the States which was not specially granted to Congress or 
to the federal authorities. 

In this controversy each party could appeal to the Constitu- 
tion itself for support. The Federalists triumphantly cited 
what has been called the "'elastic article," which confers on 
Congress powers of very extensive range (Appendix, p. x, last 
paragraph of Sect, 8), The Republicans confidently quoted 
the tenth amendment, which lays emphasis on the powers 
reserved to the States (Appendix, p. xvii). 

Socially Hamilton and Jefferson stood in strong contrast. 
Hamilton, like Adams, believed in restricting the exercise of 
political rights to " the rich, the well-born, and the able";^'' 
Jefferson was opposed to all class privileges, and declared that 
he put his reliance in "the good sense of the people. "^^^^ Ham- 
ilton was an aristocrat who admired the stability of the English 
constitution; Jefferson, a democrat, who sympathized with the 
French Revolution and its proclamation of "the rights of man." 
The violent Republicans said that the Federalists were gallop- 
ing toward monarchy, and nicknamed them '* Monocrats "; the 
violent Federalists called their opponents " Mobocrats," and 
declared that they were hurrving toward anarchy at break-neck 
speed. 

Both parties speedily invoked the aid of the press. Fenno's 
" Gazette" defended the Federalists, while Freneau's "Gazette " 
fired broadsides in behalf of the Republicans. It was the begin- 
ning of the modern era, in which Government by newspaper has 
come to play so conspicuous a part. 

257. Debate on slavery; the first fugitive-slave law. — 
Meanwhile the (Quakers and Abolitionists of Pennsvlvania had 



ITM-.J TlIK UN'ION, NATIONAL DKVELOPMENT. 22/ 

presented petitions to Congress praying for the suppression of 
the foreign slave-trade, and for the adoption of measures tend- 
ing to emancipation. These petitions caused intense excite- 
ment. Congress, after an angry and prolonged debate, resolved 
that it had no constitutional authority to prohibit the trade in 
negroes before iSoS (Appendix, p. x) or to interfere with slavery 
in the States. Three years later (1793) the first law, based on 
a provision of the Constitution (Appendix, p. xiv), was enacted 
for the recovery of fugitive slaves. An attempt was next made 
to prevent the presentation of abolition petitions, on the ground 
that they would "drive a wedge into the Union " which would 
split off the Southern States. '^^- But it was impossible to stop 
the discussion of this burning question, which was destined to 
go on until finally settled by secession and civil war. 

258. The first census (1790); the West; anthracite coal; 
manufactures; the Oregon country. — The first census (1790) 
reported a total population of nearly 4,000,000, including about 
700,000 slaves. Nearly the whole of this population was east 
of the Alleghanies; but pioneers from the States had long been 
crossing the mountains and making scattered settlements in 
the western wilderness (§ 137), and Pittsburg (§ 169) was then 
a thriving town of about two hundred houses. Washington 
saw the importance of opening water communication with the 
West, and used every means in his power to accomplish the 
great work.''^ 

Through the efforts of Manasseh Cutler, the Ohio Company 
succeeded in purchasing 5,000,000 acres of Government land, 
and sent out General Rufus Putnam (§ 207) with a band of 
emigrants. They began the settlement of Marietta (1788). 
Late in the same year the building of another group of log 
huts, farther down the river, marked the beginning of the city 
of Cincinnati. Speaking of the beautiful Ohio valley, Washing- 
ton said: " If I was a young man, I know of no country where 
I should rather fix my habitation." ^^* 

Three years later (1791) anthracite coal was accidentally dis- 



228 



THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1790-1792. 



covered at Mauch Chunk Mountain in Pennsylvania (§ 143). 
The first attempts to use this coal for fuel completely failed, and 
in Philadelphia it was taken to mend the roads. Later experi- 
ments proved that this black stone would burn, and it came 
slowly into use for manufacturing and heating purposes. 

With few exceptions the chief industry of the United States 
Washington in his first message (1790) earn- 



was agriculture. 




The United States, 1790-1800. 



estly recommended the encouragement of manufactures. Ham- 
ilton in his famous report on that subject took the ground that, 
since reciprocity of free trade was not then to be expected, it 
was the duty of Congress to stimulate the establishment of 
manufactures by a system of protective duties and bounties ; 
but no action was taken until after the War of 1812.^^^ 

Commerce was thriving, and every American vessel was in 
demand. New England shipowners were not only making 
fortunes in the India trade, but were opening up a traffic in 
furs between the northern Pacific coast and China. Captain 
Robert Gray of Boston, one of the pioneers in that trade, first 



1793-.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 229 

carried the American flag (1790) round the world. Two years 
later (1792) he was the first white man to enter that great river 
of the West which he named the Columbia, thereby securing to 
the United States its original claim to the Oregon country. ^'^'^ 

259. The cultivation and manufacture of cotton; the 
cotton-gin (1793). — Before Washington entered office, Tench 
Coxe, of Philadelphia, urged Southern planters to turn their 
attention to cotton-raising. In England improved machines 
for making cotton cloth had created an immense demand for 
the raw material, which was then obtained from the East and 
the West Indies. 

A few bags of cotton had been exported (1784) from Charles- 
ton to Liverpool, but planters found rice and tobacco their most 
profitable crops. Several cotton mills had been built in New 
England, but their rudely constructed machinery gave little 
promise of success. 

Subsequently Samuel Slater, a young Englishman, came to 
this country, and working from memory alone, set up (1790) 
for Almy & Brown of Pawtucket, Rhode Island, faithful copies 
of the best cotton-spinning machines used in the English 
factories.'^^'' 

The next question was how to obtain an abundant supply of 
American cotton. The Southern planters were ready to furnish 
it, provided some quick and efficient means could be found for 
separating the seed from the fibre. When done by hand, this 
process was tedious and expensive, as it took a negro an entire 
day to clean a single pound ready for market. In 1793 Eli 
Whitney, of Massachusetts, invented the cotton-gin, which would 
clean a thousand pounds of cotton in a day.^^^ His machine 
wrought an industrial revolution at the South, and produced 
economic and political results which were felt throughout the 
Union, i. It "trebled the value of land" at the South, caused 
an enormous rise in the price of negroes, and stimulated the 
rapid settlement of the Gulf States. 2. It made cotton the 
"king" of Southern staples. In ten years' time we were sup- 



230 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1792-1793. 

plying our own demands and exporting 50,000 bales besides; 
yet this was only the beginning. 3. Cotton culture encouraged 
the building of a great number of factories at the North, and 
gave employment to fleets of vessels engaged in the carrying 
trade. 4. On the other hand, it killed the hope of gradual 
emancipation, which the " Fathers of the Republic " had cher- 
ished, since it interested both Southern and Northern capitalists 
in the profits of slave labor, and encouraged the flagrant viola- 
tion of the law prohibiting the continuance of the foreign slave- 
trade after 1808.^^^ The result was that Whitney's invention 
contributed powerfully to make the maintenance and extension 
of slavery for nearly seventy years the most prominent and the 
most dangerous question in our political history/*' 

260. Fears of disunion; second presidential election. — 
Meanwhile Washington's first term of office was drawing to a 
close. He was eager to retire to Mount Vernon. " I would 
rather," said he, " take my spade in my hand and work for my 
bread than remain where I am." *^^ But Hamilton and Jeffer- 
son, though bitter political opponents (§ 256), united in begging 
him to stand for a second term. Hamilton thought that the 
Union was not yet "firmly established";*^^ Jefferson feared 
secession and civil war. He declared in his letters that a "cor- 
rupt squadron " of Federalists in the Eastern States had formed 
a plot to overthrow the Republic, and set up a monarchy on its 
ruins.*^'' He wrote to Washington : " The confidence of the 
whole country is centered in you." " North and South will hang 
together if they have you to hang on."*'^ 

Moved by these entreaties Washington consented to become 
a candidate. He was again unanimously elected (1792); John 
Adams became a second time Vice-President; but a majority 
of the new House of Representatives were Jeffersonian Repub- 
licans.*^* 

261. News from France; proclamation of neutrality 
(1793). — Shortly after Washington's second inauguration 
(1793) news arrived that the French Revolutionists had 



1793.] THE UKION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 23 1 

declared war against Great Britain. In the course of our 
own Revolution we had made a treaty (1778) with France 
(§ 219), which bound both nations to an offensive and defensive 
alliance. By its terms we guaranteed Louis XVI. his posses- 
sions in the West Indies, and pledged ourselves to shelter 
French privateers. Subsequently Louis XVI. was guillotined, 
and the Revolutionists set up a new Government. Now that 
the monarchy had been overturned, the question arose whether 
we were still bound by the treaty we had made with the late 
King. Were we under obligations to take up arms in defence 
of the French Republic, or should we declare ourselves neutral? 

An immense number of our people naturally sympathized 
with the movement in France which, following our example, 
had established a commonwealth based on the "rights of man." 
The victories gained by the soldiers of the French Republic 
were celebrated in Boston and Philadelphia with the wildest 
enthusiasm. The tricolor was displayed side by side with the 
"stars and stripes," bands played alternately "Yankee Doodle " 
and the " Marseillaise," and cakes stamped " Liberty and 
Equality" were distributed to processions of gaily dressed 
school-children.*'""' 

Washington felt the gravity of the crisis — a word might 
involve us in a second war with Great Britain before we had 
fully recovered from the War of Independence. The President 
called a cabinet meeting — the first on record — to consider 
what action should be taken. It seemed probable that, in such 
a juncture, Hamilton and Jefferson would take opposite sides 
(§ 256); but after a prolonged discussion, it was unanimously 
determined that we should remain strictly neutral. A few days 
later Washington issued (1793) a proclamation announcing that 
decision.^^'^ 

The opposition press denounced the proclamation in the most 
violent terms. They accused the President of deliberately 
breaking a solemn treaty with a friendly power that had helped 
us in our direst need. They declared that Washington had 



232 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1T93-I79-J. 

usurped authority delegated to Congress, that he hated Repub- 
lican institutions, and was ambitious to make himself King/'*** 
Henceforth, for some years, America was divided between a 
French party and an English party — one shouting for liberty, 
the other for order. Worn out with the abuse which the 
extreme Republicans heaped upon him, Washington exclaimed 
that he would rather be in his grave than be President.''**"' 

262. ''Citizen" Genet. — Meanwhile "Citizen" Genet, the 
minister from France, had arrived (^ April S, 1793) at Charleston. 
He was a self-sutlicient young man, fully conscious of his own 
importance. He seemed to regard the United States not as 
an independent power, but rather as an appendage to the 
French Republic. Without waiting to consult Washington, he 
forthwith issued commissions to privateers which began captur- 
ing British vessels off our coast; he recruited men for the 
French service, and asked for the immediate payment of our 
debt to France, although that payment was not yet due.** 
Many people hailed Genet with delight, and numerous so-called 
"Democratic Clubs" were organized in imitation of the French 
Revolutionary Clubs. 

The Governhient stopped Genet's privateers, and warned him 
not to fit out any more. He was told that he must respect the 
proclamation of neutrality. In his rage he publicly accused the 
administration of having baselv abandoned the cause of France. 
He threatened to appeal to the people as the true sovereigns 
in America, in the belief that thousands of eager hands were 
ready to drag Washington from his house and force him to 
resign.*^^ The President met Genet's mad threats bv demand- 
ing and obtaining his recall (1794). A reaction speedily set in 
against the hot-headed Frenchman, and his influence subsided 
as rapidly as it had risen. 

263. The Whiskey Insurrection ; Wayne's victory over the 
Indians. — Not long after Genet's recall the Government resolved 
to take decided measures for enforcing the excise duty (^§ 250') 
in western Pennsylvania, where there was a great number of 




I. Fort Wayne; 2. Fort Defiance; 3. Fort Adams; 4 Fort Recovery; 5. Fort Loramie ; 
6. Fort Greenville ; 7. Fort Jefferson ; 8. Fort Harmar. The Connecticut and the Virginia 
Reserves were portions of the original land claims of those States which they reserved when 
they ceded their territorv northwest of the Ohio to the United States. 

The Ohio Company (see § 25S) lield an immense tract bordering on the river. Connecticut 
ceded her Reserve to the United States in iSoo; Virginia did the same in 1S52. By the Treaty 
of lygs the Indians ceded all lands east and soutli of the treaty line shown in map, and six- 
teen smaller tracts — the sites of forts and trading posts — west and north of the line. 



1794.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 233 

small distilleries. In that section of the State, transportation 
over the mountains was excessively difficult, and the farmers 
found it more profitable to have their grain distilled into 
liquor than to try to haul it in bulk to eastern markets. Coin 
was so scarce among the people of that part of the country that 
whiskey was generally used for currency — a gallon jug of it 
passing for a shilling. The excise duty of nine cents a gallon 
(§250) bore with great hardship on the whole population of 
the district. They denounced the tax as unconstitutional and 
oppressive, and drove the excise officers out of the country .^"^ 

Washington feared that the rioters might threaten "the very 
existence of Government." ^"^ He accordingly despatched (1794) 
an army of 15,000 militia to enforce the law. The troops crossed 
the Alleghanies and restored order without bloodshed. 

Meanwhile an Indian war was raging in the Ohio country. 
General Harmar had been defeated, and the next year (1791) 
General St. Clair, who succeeded him, saw his own army cut to 
pieces. Washington then sent out Anthony Wayne, of Revo- 
lutionary fame (§ 224), to conquer a peace. The savages had 
risen with the determination to kill or expel every white settler. 
They now found that they must get the better of " the chief 
that never slept." Late in the summer of 1794, Wayne gained 
a decisive victory at " Fallen Timbers." The next year the 
Indians signed a treaty of peace at Greenville, by which they 
gave up all claim to about 25,000 square miles of territory. 
This treaty opened the greater part of what is now the State 
of Ohio to settlement.*"** 

264. Danger of war with England; impressment of 
sailors. — Meanwhile there was serious danger of trouble with 
England. Since that country and France had been at war (§ 261) 
both nations had ordered their cruisers to capture American 
vessels found carrying provisions to either belligerent. These 
decrees threatened to destroy a large part of our foreign com- 
merce. England as " mistress of the seas " could of course do 
us more harm than France, and hence the feeling rose higher 



2 34 1"HE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1794-1795. 

against her. But we had another grievance for which England 
was alone responsible: this was her assumption of the right of 
search and impressment. The English navy was so short- 
handed that press-gangs made a business of kidnapping men 
in the English ports, and the royal Government issued orders 
to seize British sailors found in the merchant service anywhere 
on the open ocean. Thousands of these sailors, tempted by 
the high wages we offered, had shipped on our vessels, and in 
many cases had become American citizens. England denied 
the right of these men to leave her service or to swear allegiance 
to the American flag, and claimed them as her subjects. Brit- 
ish men-of-war constantly stopped our merchantmen and mus- 
tered their crews on deck for examination. Often it was a 
difhcult matter to tell an English sailor from an American. 
Generally speaking, the search was simply a farce, and His 
Majesty's officer carried ofT as many able-bodied seamen as 
he wanted without troubling himself about any question of 
nationality. 

265. The sixty days' embargo; the Jay treaty (1795).— 
The excitement over the action of England was so great that 
Washington feared the country would drift into war. To pro- 
tect our vessels from seizure in case hostilities should be sud- 
denly declared, he induced Congress to declare a sixty days' 
embargo (1794). Before the embargo expired Washington 
sent Chief-Justice Jay (§ 250) to London to endeavor to nego- 
tiate a treaty of amity and commerce with Great Britain. 

The five points we especially wished to secure were: (1) the 
renunciation of the assumed right of search and impressment ; 
(2) the surrender of the frontier forts held by the British 
(§ 249); (3) the grant of unrestricted trade with the West 
Indies ; (4) the recognition of the right of neutrals to claim, as 
we did, that free ships make "free goods," and were, therefore, 
exempt from seizure ; (5) damages for negroes carried off by 
the British armies at the close of the Revolution (1783), and 
compensation for the injury our commerce had since received. 



179r,.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 235 

Jay succeeded in making a treaty ; but it only partially cov- 
ered the ground, and the commercial articles in it expired, by 
limitation, in 1804. The treaty, as Jay signed it, provided: 
(i) that Great Britain should (by June i, 1796) give up the 
posts she held on our frontier (§ 249); (2) that she should make 
compensation for all American vessels which she had seized 
unlawfully. Under this clause our merchants eventually 
received more than $10,000,000 in damages; (3) Great Britain 
agreed to open her ports in the \\'est Indies, but only to 
vessels of less than seventy tons' burden. These were all 
the concessions that England would make ; she positively 
refused to pay a copper for the negroes she had carried 
off, to listen to our claim that free ships should make free 
goods, or to relinquish her assumed right of search and 
impressment. 

In return for such grants as we obtained we bound ourselves 
to: (i) pay all debts due to British merchants at the outbreak 
of the American Revolution; (2) to renounce the transportation 
to Europe of West India products, and furthermore, of Ameri- 
can cotton, of whose growing importance, as an export (§ 259), 
Jay seems to have known nothing. 

266. Action on the Jay treaty; excitement of the people. 
— The Senate of the United States in secret session accepted 
the treaty as a whole, but struck out the article by which we 
renounced our right to unlimited transportation and exporta- 
tion, and with it the privilege of West India trade which was 
part of that article.^"^ England agreed to the change. 

The Chambers of Commerce of New York and Boston 
approved the action of the Senate, but large numbers of people 
throughout the country vehemently condemned the treaty, 
declaring that England had got the oyster and had left us the 
shell. In Philadelphia an infuriated mob burned a copy of 
the treaty and guillotined an efifigy of Jay. In New York, 
Savannah, Charleston, and Portsmouth, there were similar 
riotous demonstrations.^ 



236 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1795-1796. 

When it was learned that Washington had actually signed 
(1795) the obnoxious treaty, the excitement rose to its highest 
pitch. The extreme journals of the opposition press accused 
the President of treason, threatened him with impeachment, and 
ridiculed him as the "step-father of his country."*"'^ Later the 
House of Representatives threatened to repudiate the treaty; 
but Fisher Ames, in what was practically his dying speech, 
persuaded them to accept it.*^"'^ Then a reaction set in, and 
eventually many of those who had denounced Jay's work most 
fiercely, admitted that, all things considered, he had done well 
in keeping us from war.^'^^ 

267. Algiers ; treaty with Spain ; Washington's farewell 
address; presidential election; new States. — In the autumn 
(1795) we made a treaty with Algiers,*^^*^ by which we bought 
the release of American sailors held in slavery in Africa and 
secured the temporary right of pursuing our commerce in the 
Mediterranean without molestation (§ 249). In taking this 
humiliating course we simply followed the example of European 
nations that had long paid tribute to these notorious pirates.*^" 
A little later we negotiated a treaty (1795) with Spain.''^- By 
it we secured: (i) the Florida boundary as claimed by the 
United States ; (2) the free navigation of the lower Mississippi 
— a point in dispute which had once threatened to dissolve the 
Union (§ 243); (3) the "right of deposit," or storage, at New 
Orleans for American exports and imports.'^^^ 

The following year (1796) Washington issued his farewell 
address. He warned his fellow-countrymen of the danger of 
sectional jealousy, and of parties divided by geographical lines, 
and urged the people to devote all their strength to the 
preservation of the Union. 

The presidential election (1796) resulted in the choice of 
John Adams, Federalist, with Thomas Jefferson, Republican, 
as Vice-President. The electoral vote stood 7 1 to 68, and, as 
Adams obtained only a bare majority, the opposition dubbed 
him the President of three votes. The closeness of the con- 



1789-1797.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 237 

test showed how much the Democratic-Republican Party had 
gained. A scurrilous Philadelphia paper dared to congratulate 
the people on the retirement of Washington, and denounced 
him as the man who had "debauched" and "deceived" the 
nation."* But the mass of the people remained unflinchingly 
loyal to the great leader who had secured our independence, 
and who in all things sought to establish the lasting welfare of 
the American Republic. 

Meanwhile three new States, Vermont (1791), Kentucky 
(1792), and Tennessee (1796), had been added, making the 
total number sixteen. The admission of these States was espe- 
cially significant in two respects: (i) it showed that Congress 
had adopted the policy of endeavoring to balance the slave and 
the free States in their division of political power; (2) these 
new States had framed constitutions which practically estab- 
lished "manhood suffrage." That fact stood out in striking 
contrast to the restricted suffrage which still generally prevailed 
in the original thirteen States (§§ 174, 247); it was significant 
of the democratic tendencies of the time.''^^ 

268. Summary. — The administration of Washington organ- 
ized the new Government on a broad and permanent basis. 
It funded the public debt, and thereby established our national 
credit at home and abroad. It forced the Indians to come to 
terms, and so threw open the Ohio country to peaceful settle- 
ment. It admitted the first three new States to the Union. 
It maintained neutrality with the hostile powers of. Europe, 
and by treaties negotiated with England, Algiers, and Spain, 
it secured the evacuation of the British forts on our frontiers, 
unrestricted commerce with the countries bordering on the 
Mediterranean, and the free navigation of the lower Mississippi. 
The invention of the cotton-gin opened up new fields of indus- 
try, but fastened slavery on the South, and made its mainten- 
ance and extension for many years one of the chief objects 
with a large body of the people. 



238 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1797. 

JOHN ADAMS (FEDERALIST), ONE TERM, 1797-1801. 

269. Inaugural address; trouble with France; the <<X. 
Y. Z. Papers." — The political opponents of Mr. Adams 
(§ 256) accused him of "an awful squinting" toward "a 
monarchy."®"^ He declared in his inaugural address (§ 267) 
that the Constitution had always impressed him as " a result 
of good heads prompted by good hearts," that it had established 
the system of Government which he had ever " most esteemed," 
and which he believed best reflected the " power and majesty 
of the people." *'^^ 

Mr. Adams had no sooner entered office than trouble broke 
out with France. The ratification of the Jay treaty (§ 265) had 
thrown the French authorities into a violent rage; they accused 
us of truckling to England, and retaliated by ordering the con- 
fiscation of American ships carrying English goods even when 
not "contraband of war." This action virtually annulled the 
treaty of 1778 (§219), which had stipulated that " free ships 
should make free goods." They furthermore decreed that 
American sailors found on English naval vessels — though im- 
pressed into the British service — should be considered pirates, 
liable to be hanged."'^ 

Not satisfied with these extreme procedures, the French 
Directory ordered our Minister, C. C. Pinckney, to leave 
Paris, and threatened to subject him to police supervision 
while he remained. "^^^ This action forced him to retire to 
Holland. 

In the hope of preserving peace, the President sent out 
Pinckney, Gerry, and Marshall to treat with France. Talley- 
rand, the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, did not receive our com- 
missioners officially, but sent three emissaries to confer with 
them privately. Talleyrand's agents had the effrontery to tell 
the American envoys that certain passages in President Adams's 
speech to Congress had offended the Directory, and that they 
must be satisfactorily explained away or toned down. They 



1797.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 239 

next demanded a loan from the United States to the French 
RepubUc. Finally, they told our envoys that they would be 
expected to make the members of the Directory a handsome 
present. "We must have money," said they, "plenty of 
money." They intimated that unless a quarter of a million 
of dollars was promptly handed over to them, orders would be 
given to French frigates to ravage the American coast.®-" The 
American commissioners transmitted full reports of these 
astounding demands to President Adams. He sent (1797) 
copies of the despatches to Congress, but substituted the letters 
"X. Y. Z." for the names of Talleyrand's three agents; hence 
the title, the "X. Y. Z. Papers/'^^^ 

270. The American war spirit roused ; France yields. — 
The publication of the "X. Y. Z." despatches was like the 
falling of a spark in a powder magazine. The war spirit was 
roused. President Adams declared: "I will never send another 
minister to France without assurance that he will be received, 
respected, and honored, as the representative of a great, free, 
powerful, and independent nation." "^^ 

Everywhere the cry was heard : " millions for defence ; but 
not one cent for tribute." *^^^ A few opposition newspapers 
ventured to suggest that we might as well buy peace from 
France as buy it from the Algerine pirates (§ 267), but no heed 
was given to them. Congress appointed Washington com- 
mander of a provisional army and voted (1797) to complete 
without delay the three frigates, "United States," "Constella- 
tion," and " Constitution," which were then on the stocks. 
The first of these ships was launched that year (1797). It was 
the beginning of the modern American navy. Orders were 
given for the construction of twelve additional men-of-war, 
and commissions were issued to the commanders of several 
hundred private armed vessels. Intercourse with France was 
suspended, the treaty of 1778 (§ 219) was pronounced void, and 
the streets rang with the new songs of "Hail Columbia," and 
" Adams and Liberty." 



240 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1798-. 

War, though not formally declared, actually began, and 
Commodore Truxton of the "Constellation" captured a French 
frigate (1799). When France saw that America was not to be 
bullied into purchasing peace, the adroit Talleyrand denied the 
demands which his agents had insolently made for a loan and 
gifts (§ 269), and pledged his Government to receive any 
minister we might think proper to send. 

271. A new naturalization act ; the Alien and the Sedition 
Laws. — ■ Meanwhile, the French Revolution, and the reaction 
against it in Europe, had driven thousands of refugees to our 
shores. We were glad to welcome many of these men ; but 
others who came were agitators and anarchists. They put 
liberty and law to shame, and, like the wild ass of the desert, 
rushed madly about kicking at everything. 

To meet this state of things Congress passed a new natural- 
ization act (1798). It required fourteen years' residence (instead 
of five) for admission to citizenship, and ordered all foreign 
residents to be registered.*^^* 

This stringent legislation was followed by the Alien Act 
(1798) limited to two years' duration. It was directed mainly 
against French residents, who were suspected of plotting to 
overthrow the Government. It empowered the President to 
banish, without trial, all aliens whom he believed to be danger- 
ous to the peace and safety of the United States. Should such 
persons refuse to obey the order to leave the country, they might 
be imprisoned for a term not exceeding three years. ®^ This 
act was never enforced, but several hundred Frenchmen took 
the alarm, and set sail for Europe. 

Congress next passed the Sedition Act (1798). It was lim- 
ited to two years, and was directed against the opposition press. 
It punished, by a fine not exceeding $2000 and by imprison- 
ment not exceeding two years, any person convicted by jury of 
the three following offences : (i) of having written or published 
"false, scandalous, and malicious" statements, with intent to 
bring the President or Congress into contempt ; (2) of exciting 



1798-.] THE UNION, NATIUNAI. DEVELOPMENT. 24 1 

against them " the hatred of the good people of the United 
States"; (3) of stirring up "sedition within tlie United States." 
The act granted the accused tlie right of giving " in evidence in 
his defence the truth of the matter contained in the publication 
charged as a libel"; this privilege, as we have seen (§ 69), was 
not granted by the common law. The act furthermore provided 
that the jury might " determine the law and the fact."^'" 

1272. Opposition to the Alien and Sedition Acts. — A multi- 
tude of petitions were at once sent to Congress praying for the 
immediate repeal of this legislation. The petitioners declared 
that the Alien Act violated the Constitution by depriving the 
States of their right to admit foreigners (Appendix, p. x, Sect. 
9), and by denying trial by jury. They called for the repeal of 
the Sedition Act on similar grounds. They considered that it 
was in direct conflict with the first amendment to the Constitu- 
tion which guaranteed the freedom of the press (Appendix, 
p. xvi), though Judge McKean of Pennsylvania had pointed out 
the fact that the liberty of the press " consists in laying no 
previous restraint upon publication, and not in freedom from 
censure for criminal matter when published." ^'^'^ 

The Alien Act remained a dead letter ; but the Sedition Act 
was vigorously enforced in a number of instances.^"^** The two 
most notable cases (1798) were those of Matthew Lyon, a 
Republican member of Congress from Vermont, and secondly, 
that of the proprietor of the *' Vermont Gazette." Lyon was 
accused of having charged President Adams with " ridiculous 
pomp " and " selfish avarice." He had also publicly read a 
letter from abroad in which the writer wondered why Congress 
did not send the President to a " madhouse." ^^^ Lyon was 
convicted, sentenced to four months' imprisonment, and con- 
demned to pay a fine of $1000. The proprietor of the "Gazette" 
made some sharp comments on this sentence, and he was fined 
and sent to the same " Federal Bastille " where the unfortunate 
Lyon had nearly frozen in his cell. When their sentences 
expired, both offenders received an enthusiastic public recep- 



242 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1798-1799. 

tion from those who regarded them as martyrs in the cause of 
Republican liberty. 

273. The Kentucky and Virginia nullificatien resolutions. 
— In the South the opposition to the Alien and the Sedition 
Acts took a very serious form. The legislature of Kentucky 
adopted (^1798) a series of resolutions, which were substantially 
the work of Jefferson. He believed that the makers of these 
two laws deliberately intended to violate the Constitution^ over- 
throw the Republic, and prepare the way for the establishment 
of a monarchy. The Kentucky Resolutions declared that 
" whenever the general Government assumes undelegated 
powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force." '^° 
Virginia followed with resolutions drawn by Madison. They 
affirmed that when the federal Government exceeds its authority, 
the " States " (Madison was careful to use the plural) have the 
right "to interpose for arresting the progress of the .evil." '^^^ 
Both sets of resolutions professed entire loyalty to the Repub- 
lic; but both distinctly declared that they regarded the Union 
simply as a "compact" made between "sovereign States,'^' *'^- 
and that no "common judge" existed to determine disputes 
between them and the national Government. 

Kentucky and Virginia appealed to their sister States to sus- 
tain them. Ten replied. All of them denied the right of a 
State to assume to sit in judgment on a federal law, and Rhode 
Island declared that the Supreme Court of the United States 
alone had authority to decide whether an act of Congress was 
or was not constitutional.'"'^ 

The following year (1799) the legislature of Kentucky reaf- 
firmed its original resolutions in stronger form, and declared 
its conviction that "nullification" was the "rightful remedy"; 
but having stated this principle, the legislature prudently 
added " this commonwealth will bow to the laws of the 
Union." "^ 

After Jefferson's death South Carolina did actually proceed 
(1831) to nullify an act of Congress, but Madison then was the 



1799-1801.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 243 

first to protest against the "colossal heresy" of a State's pre- 
suming to set the federal Government at defiance.'^ 

274. Death of Washington ; the new national capital ; the 
presidential election. — Near the close of the century (1799) 
the country was called to mourn the sudden death of Washing- 
ton. John Marshall, in announcing the sad intelligence to Con- 
gress, spoke of him as the man who " stood first in war, first in 
peace, and first in the hearts of his fellow-citizens." ^^ 

The next Congress assembled (1800) in the unfinished 
national capitol which was rising on the banks of the Potomac, 
in the city named in honor of the great leader who had gone 
to his reward. 

In the presidential election Aaron Burr and Jefferson, the 
Democratic-Republican (§ 256) candidates, each received 
seventy-three electoral votes. This tie threw the election into 
the House of Representatives (Appendix, p. xi), which was 
strongly Federalist. After balloting for a week, ten votes were 
cast for Jefferson, and four for Burr; under the Constitution, 
as it then stood (Appendix, p. xi), this made Jefferson President 
and Burr Vice-President of the United States. 

275. The <* midnight judges " ; fall of the Federalists. — 
It was known that the next Congress would have a large Dem- 
ocratic-Republican majority. The Federalist Congress, then 
in session, passed (1801) a Judiciary Act creating eighteen 
new judges for federal courts.®"'" During the last few weeks of 
his presidency Mr. Adams was busy signing commissions for 
these judges whom he selected from his own party. It was 
currently reported that he was occupied in this work up to the 
last hours of the last night of his administration, and the oppo- 
sition nicknamed the men he had chosen " the midnight 
judges.""'^ 

The ofiice of Chief-Justice having become vacant, President 
Adams appointed John Marshall, a man of " majestic intellect," 
to that position. He held it with honor to himself and to the 
nation for the next thirty-five years. His masterly decisions 



244 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [I801-. 

on constitutional points favored the "broad-construction" 
theory (§ 256); the importance of these decisions gained for 
him the title of the "second maker " of the Constitution.^^^ 

The passage of the Alien and Sedition Laws (§ 271) destroyed 
the popularity of the Federalist party, and with the election of 
Jefferson it fell, never to rise again as a national power. That 
party had organized the federal Government. Hamilton, 
Adams, and Marshall were among its leaders, and Washington 
sympathized largely with their views. They were conservatives, 
and deemed it prudent to make haste slowly; but they have 
never been surpassed in devotion to what they believed to be 
the highest welfare of the American Republic.*^*" 

276. Summary. — The principal events of Adams's admin- 
istration were: (i) the difficulty with France, represented by 
the X. Y. Z. papers ; (2) the passage of the new Naturalization 
Act, followed by the Alien and Sedition Acts ; (3) the Kentucky 
and Virginia nullification resolutions ; (4) the death of Wash- 
ington, and the fall of the Federalist Party. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON (DEMOCRATIC-REPUBLICAN), TWO TERMS, 

1801-1809. 

277. Jefferson and '< political revolution." — Jefferson 
regarded his election (§ 274) as a "political revolution." 
It was, he said, " as real a revolution in the principles of our 
Government as that of 1776 was in its form."®^^ The Federal- 
ists had held control for twelve years; for the next forty years 
the opposite party was to stand at the helm and, in Jefferson's 
words, put the ship on her "Republican tack.""*^ Henceforth 
there were to be " no more coaches-and-six, no more court-dress, 
no more levees," or "half-monarchical state," as in the days of 
Washington, but only plain democratic simplicity. 

The inauguration at what was called the "palace" — in 
reality a "palace in the woods" — marked the transfer of 
power from the conservative Federalist Party which had 



1801.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 245 

successfully organized the Government to the Democratic- 
Republican Party. The first believed in the " broad construc- 
tion " of the Constitution (§ 256), in limited suffrage, and laid 
stress on National Sovereignty; the second advocated "strict 
construction " (§ 256), and favored manhood suffrage (§ 267) ; 
Jefferson, its founder, was strongly inclined to uphold State- 
Rights, or what was later called State-Sovereignty (§ 273). 

These opposite political tendencies were personified in the 
President-elect and Chief-Justice Marshall (§ 275) as they met 
face to face on the 4th of March, 1801, one to administer, the 
other to take, the oath of office (Appendix, p. xii). Jefferson, as 
a Democrat, was " bent on restricting the power of the national 
Government in the interests of human liberty"; Marshall, as a 
Federalist, was resolved to enlarge that power " in the interests 
of justice and nationality.'"^^ 

278. The United States in 1801 ; material obstacles to 
union. — The second census (1800) showed an increase of 
over thirty-five per cent (§ 258), It reported the total popula- 
tion of the United States, including nearly 900,000 slaves, at a 
little over 5,300,000 — or less than the single States of New 
York or Pennsylvania have to-day. The country west of the 
Alleghanies had perhaps 500,000 settlers. It attracted a steady 
stream of emigrants, but the wilderness was so vast that Jeffer- 
son thought it might require a " thousand generations " to fill 
it.'^'" Pittsburg, Cincinnati, Knoxville, and Louisville were slowly 
gaining ground. Nashville was then the farthest outpost in the 
southwest. In the northwest less progress had been made, 
and it was not until three years later (1804) that Fort Dearborn 
was erected as a frontier defence on the ground where Chicago 
now stands. 

Facilities for travel and transportation had not essentially 
improved since Columbus first set foot on the shores of the 
New World. Only three roads had been cut through the 
forest to the West. These were of the roughest soft, and 
wagons did well when they crept over them at the rate of three 



246 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [I8OI-. 

miles an hour. In point of time it was actually farther from 
New York City to the Mississippi then, than it is now from New 
York to Japan. The long mountain range which separated the 
eastern from the western settlements seemed to many the geo- 
graphical limit of the Republic. Nature had apparently allied 
the West with the Mississippi, and, unless canals could be cut 
between the Atlantic States and the section beyond the Appa- 
lachians, it was difficult to see how both could be held together 
under a single central Government. Statesmen like Fisher 
Ames did not hesitate to declare: "Our country is too big for 
union '';"*'' and Jefferson, notwithstanding his ardent patriotism, 
said: "Whether we remain in one confederacy or form into 
Atlantic and Mississippi Confederations I believe not very 
important to the happiness of either party." "*^ 

279. Appointments to office; repeal of Federalist laws; 
admission of Ohio. — Jefferson had no sooner come into power 
than he was beset with applications for office. His first inten- 
tion was to let those who held positions remain undisturbed. 
"Probably," said he, "not twenty will be removed, and those 
only for doing what they ought not to have done." ^" But a 
little later he felt that he must yield to pressure and give his 
own party "a due participation of office," from which, he 
declared, they had been wholly excluded.^ The only way to 
do this was to remove a certain proportion of Federalists ; for, 
said he, "few die and n^ne resign." He declared that as soon 
as he had secured to the Republicans "their just share," he 
should make no more appointments for party purposes, but 
"gladly return' to that state of things when the only ques- 
tions respecting a candidate would be : " Is he honest ? Is he 
capable ? Is he fg.ithful to the Constitution } '''''^^ 

Trr the course of the first fourteen months, the President 
made only sixteen removals without showing cause, and in the 
whole course of his administration he made, according to Von 
Hoist, but thirty-nine. Other authorities claim that this esti- 
mate is far too low; and Jefferson himself stated in 1803 



1803.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 24/ 

that out of 316 offices only 130 continued to be "held by 
Federalists.""'" 

In its turn Congress proceeded to pass the sponge over the 
slate of recent Federalist legislation. It repealed the Judiciary, 
Naturalization, and Excise Acts (§§ 275, 271, 250). The 
obnoxious Alien and Sedition Laws had already expired by 
limitation (§ 271). Congress next passed the Xllth amend- 
ment to the Constitution (Appendix, p. xvii). It changed the 
form of the presidential election to that which has ever since 
been followed. 

Early in 1803 the admission of Ohio raised the total number 
of States to seventeen. Like the three new States which had 
preceded it (§ 267), Ohio declared in favor of "manhood suf- 
frage." The old States were meanwhile reconstructing their 
constitutions on the same broad lines. The change was in the 
direction of Jefferson's principle of trusting everything to " the 
good sense of the people " (§ 256). It meant that the time was 
speedily coming when the votes of the masses, rather than those 
of the select few, would control the destinies of the Republic. 

280. Spain cedes Louisiana to France; we purchase the 
province (1803). — The year following Jefferson's inauguration 
news was received that Spain had ceded Louisiana (§ 172) to 
France. This change hemmed us in between two powers 
hostile to each other, — Great Britain on the north, and France 
on the south and west. Jefferson fully realized the gravity of 
the situation. He wrote to Chancellor Livingston, our minister 
at Paris, saying that although we had always regarded France 
as our "friend." yet we could no longer do so if she held New 
Orleans. The possession of that spot, added Jefferson, makes 
her "our natural enemy." Through New Orleans, said he, the 
produce of three-eighths of our territory " must pass to market. 
France, placing herself in that door, assumes to us the attitude 
of defiance.'""' 

It was the intention of Bonaparte to establish a military des- 
potism at New Orleans. "From that moment," said Jefferson, 



248 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



[1803. 



"we must marry ourselves to the British fleet and nation.""^ 
Much as he disliked war, he declared that, rather than abandon 
our claim to the free navigation of the Mississippi and see the 
Western States severed from the Union, we would draw the 
sword on France and "throw away the scabbard."*^' 

But the President hoped to come to an amicable under- 
standing with Bonaparte. " Peace," said he, " is our passion.'' ^* 




The United States in I 803 after the Purchase of Louisiana, with boundary of I 8 I 9 (§ 3 I 8). 

(West Florida, as far eastward as the Perdido River, was claimed as part of the purchase. 
Congress had divided (iSoo) the territory north of the Ohio and east of the Mississippi 
into " Indiana Territory " and the " Northwest Territory " ; the " Oregon Country " 
was held jointly with Great Britain.) 

Monroe was despatched to Paris to join Livingston. The com- 
missioners were instructed to offer as high as $10,000,000 for 
New Orleans and the East and West Floridas — or at any rate 
to secure, if possible, the permanent "right of deposit'' (§ 267) 
at New Orleans. Before Monroe reached his destination, 
Bonaparte had resolved to renew the war with England 
(§ 264); and to our amazement offered to sell us not only 
New Orleans, but the entire province of Louisiana. The com- 
missioners negotiated a treaty of purchase for $15,000,000. 



1803-.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 249 

Thus, at one stroke of the pen (1803J, as Jefferson declared, 
we "more than doubled the area of the United States." 

The boundaries of Louisiana were not clearly defined, and it 
was a question whether Texas or any part of West Florida 
was included in the purchase. The treaty, as it was finally 
agreed upon, gave us the absolute control of the Mississippi, 
and secured to us the whole region west of that river and 
north of Texas, as far back as the Rocky Mountains. The 
foreign population of Louisiana held slaves at New Orleans 
and St. Louis. The purchase treaty virtually recognized their 
legal right to such property, and guaranteed that all free white 
inhabitants of the territory should be incorporated as citizens 
of the Union. 

281. Question of the constitutionality of the Louisiana 
purchase. — Jefferson, as the leader of the "strict-construc- 
tion" party (§ 256), admitted that the Constitution did not 
authorize the Government to purchase new territory, yet he felt 
constrained to sign the treaty. He believed that the preserva- 
tion of the Union depended on keeping the navigation of the 
Mississippi open.*^ There was no time to discuss questions of 
limitations of authority, and the President resolved, as he said, 
"to shut up " the Constitution until the acquisition of Louisiana 
should be ratified; then he proposed asking the nation to justify 
the act by an amendment to that instrument, but the amendment 
was never called for.''*' 

The extreme Federalists opposed the ratification of the pur- 
chase of "an unmeasured world beyond the Mississippi."'""" 
They declared that it would destroy the existing political 
balance, and render the New England States insignificant.^* 
Others feared that it would increase the power of slave repre- 
sentation, while at the same time it would dangerously weaken 
us by greatly extending the line which we must defend against 
foreign invasion.''^'-' Then, too, there was the question whether 
the federal Government could successfully exert its power over 
such an enormous territory. 



250 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [\m.t \h\\. 

282. Secession plot; Quincy's threat; results of the 
Louisiana purchase. — A little later a few ultra Federalists en- 
deavored to organize a plot for separating New England and 
New York from the Union. Their purpose was to form an 
independent Northern Confederacy; but the conspiracy failed 
to receive any substantial encouragement.'^*^" 

When the question of the admission of the lower part of 
Louisiana as a slave State (§ 280) came up for debate (18 11), 
Josiah Quincy of Massachusetts violently opposed it in the 
House. He said: "If this bill passes, it is my deliberate 
opinion that it is virtually a dissolution of the Union; that it 
will free the States from their moral obligation, and as it will 
be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some, definitely to 
prepare for a separation, amicably if they can, violently if they 
must." '^^ 

Senator Grundy of Tennessee admitted, a little later, that 
when the recently acquired territory should become " fully 
peopled," the Northern States would "lose their power," and 
would then be at the mercy of the Southern section.*'^^ This was 
the danger which the representative from Massachusetts had in 
mind. His speech was the first unmistakable announcement 
in Congress of the doctrine of secession. But Quincy in this 
respect practically stood alone, for Massachusetts gave its 
assent to the admission of the new State.^^ 

In reviewing the acquisition of the province of Louisiana, we 
see that it eventually had five important results : (i) it secured. 
to us the port of New Orleans, the entire control of the Mis- 
sissippi, and it doubled the area of the United States ; (2) it 
strengthened the bond of Union in the Southwest ; (3) it gave 
new force to arguments for internal improvements — the build- 
ing of roads and canals to connect the East and the West ; and, 
taken in connection with the acquisition of California, it later 
made the Pacific railway a necessity ; (4) it added a foreign 
population that held slaves at New Orleans and at St. Louis 
(§ 280), and it opened up an immense field for the "conflict 



1804-1806.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 2$ I 

between slavery and freedom "; (5) finally, it weakened "strict 
conslruction " (§ 256) and encouraged the opposite interpreta- 
tion of the Constitution. 

283. Expedition of Lewis and Clark (1804-1806). — In 
the spring following the purchase of the province of Louisiana, 
Jefferson sent out Lewis and Clark to explore the Missouri to 
its source, and to push forward to the Pacific. The expedition 
started in three boats from St. Louis (May, 1804). The party 
spent the entire summer laboriously working their way up 
stream against the powerful current, their average progress 
not exceeding nine miles a day. At the end of the season they 
went into winter quarters at a point not very far above the site 
of the present city of Bismarck, North Dakota. 

The next spring, taking an Indian woman for their guide, 
they set out again on their journey through the great "Lone 
Land." By midsummer they had passed through the wild 
gorge of the Missouri known as the " Gates of the Rocky 
Mountains," and soon afterward reached the site of what is 
now the capital of Montana. In August (1805) they arrived 
at a point where they could bestride the head-waters of that 
great stream which they had so long been ascending and which 
had seemed to them well-nigh endless. 

A few days later they stood on the " Crown of the Conti- 
nent," in the midst of that wonderful knot of ridges and peaks 
from which rise the Columbia (§ 258), the Colorado, and the 
Missouri. Early in October (1805) they embarked in log 
canoes on the Clear Water, a tributary of the Columbia, and 
began to paddle their way downward toward the setting sun. 
In November they heard the roar of breakers through the 
fog; when it lifted they beheld the Pacific — that ocean, says 
Lewis, which was "the object of all our labors, the reward 
of all our anxieties.'"'"* On their return Clark's party struck 
northward and came down the valley of the Yellowstone ; the 
joint expedition reached St. Louis in the autumn of 1806. 
(See map, § 405.; 



252 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1804-1806. 

In the course of about two years and a half the exploring 
party had travelled over eight thousand miles, through a region 
which no white man was known to have crossed before. They 
had found practicable passes through the Rocky Mountains, 
confirmed our claim to the Oregon country (§ 258), and opened 
the way to the valley of the Columbia and the Pacific slope. 
Furthermore, they furnished us with our first definite knowledge 
of that magnificent territory in which ten great States, with a 
population of many millions, have since "arisen in the wilder- 
ness."^^ Meanwhile Zebulon Pike explored (1806) the inte- 
rior of what is now Northern Minnesota, and found, as he 
supposed, the true source of the Mississippi.*'*'® 

284. Prosperity of the country; the presidential election. 
— When Jefferson entered ofiice the national debt amounted to 
nearly $83,000,000, and the rate of taxation was heavy; by 
judicious management Gallatin, Secretary of the Treasury, paid 
off a large part of the debt, and at the same time reduced the 
taxes. Meanwhile commerce was making rapid gains, and the 
country generally enjoyed a high degree of prosperity. 

The Democratic-Republicans nominated Jefferson (1804) for 
a second term; he was elected (with George Clinton as Vice- 
President) by an overwhelming majority over C. C. Pinckney, 
the Federalist candidate, the electoral vote standing 162 to 14. 

Jefferson said, "the people in mass have joined us"; the 
truth was that a fusion of parties had gradually taken place, 
the Federalists having been Republicanized, and the Republi- 
cans or Democrats Federalized.^®'' 

285. Jefferson's second inauguration (1805); "internal 
improvements"; peace with Tripoli. — In his second inaugural 
Jefferson bade the people look forward to the extinction of the 
entire public debt. Then, he said, an amendment to the Con- 
stitution would enable Congress to expend the surplus revenue 
in making roads, canals, and other " internal improvements." 
The next year (1806) Congress, without waiting for such an 
amendment, appropriated $30,000 toward constructing "a 



1805-1811.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 253 

national road " from Cumberland, Maryland, to the Ohio 
River ; but the " first mile of this famous highway was not 
begun until five years later (181 1). 

Before the year closed our navy (§ 270) gained a brilliant 
triumph over the Barbary pirates (§§ 249, 267). When near 
the end of Adams's administration Captain Bainbridge was sent 
out (1800) to pay the Dey of Algiers his annual tribute (§ 267); 
that potentate treated him with such insolence that Bainbridge 
indignantly wrote : " I hope I shall never again be sent to 
Algiers with tribute unless I am authorized to deliver it from 
the mouths of our cannon." ^'^ Shortly afterward the Pasha of 
Tripoli declared war against us because we had not promptly 
met his exorbitant demands for money. 

Jefferson despatched a squadron to blockade Tripoli ; the 
vessels drew too much water to be very effective, but Rodgers, 
Decatur, and Hull made themselves a memorable record. When 
the squadron was reinforced with lighter vessels, Commodore 
Preble (1805) speedily compelled the Pasha to drop his demands 
and beg for peace ; a final treaty, however, was not made with 
the Barbary States until a number of years later (1814). 

The Pope was especially pleased at the chastisement which 
Preble had inflicted on the Mohammedan corsairs, and declared 
that the American officer had done more to humble those inso- 
lent barbarians than all the Christian nations of Europe had 
ever accomplished. ^^^ 

But the most important result of the war with the pirates of 
the Mediterranean was that it served as a training-school to 
our victorious naval commanders for the War of 18 12.*'''' 

286. The first steamboat on the Hudson (1807) and in 
the West (1811). — We have seen (§§ 258, 278) that one of 
the most perplexing questions in the growth of the United 
States was how to secure cheap and rapid communication and 
transportation between the East and West. The political unity 
of the nation seemed to depend on the successful solution of 
this difficult problem. It had taken Lewis and Clark (§ 283) 



254 THE STUDENTS AMERICAN HISTORY. [1807-1811. 

a full year to cross the national territory west of the Mississippi. 
There was something disheartening in the thought of endeavor- 
ing to bring such an unbounded wilderness under the control 
of a Government which had its capital on the Atlantic slope, 
thousands of miles away. Few men of that time seriously 
believed that a Union so vast could be permanently main- 
tained;"" certainly Jefferson did not, for one (§ 278). 

Meanwhile an inventor was devising the first successful 
means for navigating the great rivers and inland waters of the 
United States. His work would go far toward making it pos- 
sible to unite the two sides of the continent. 

Many experiments had already been made in propelling boats 
by steam. At one time John Fitch and Oliver Evans seemed 
likely to accomplish it, but they were doomed to disappoint- 
ment. Latrobe, the most eminent engineer in the country, 
reported as late as 1803 that nothing had been done which 
promised practical success.*^" Fitch came nearest to it; but 
lack of capital forced him to abandon the field, and in despair 
he took his own life. He left this prophecy: "The day will 
come when some more powerful man will get fame and riches 
by my invention." Robert Fulton was that "more powerful 
man." Aided by Chancellor Livingston's purse, he built and 
launched the "Clermont" at New York. The vessel was a 
side-wheel steamboat equipped with an engine imported from 
England. Late in the summer of 1807 Fulton made his first 
voyage up the Hudson to Albany. 

Sailing vessels usually took three days to reach that point; 
Fulton accomplished the journey in thirty-two hours. The 
problem was solved — a vessel had at last been constructed 
that would push its way against wind, tide, and current. The 
steamboat soon began making regular trips on the Hudson, and 
Fulton and Livingston secured the monopoly of steam naviga- 
tion in New York State for twenty years. 

In 181 1 Fulton launched a steamboat at Pittsburg which 
made the voyage to New Orleans. Within seven years from 



.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 255 

that date steamboats were carrying passengers and freight not 
only on the Mississippi and its tributaries, but on the Great 
Lakes. Fulton said with truth that he had given the country 
"the most efficient instrument yet conceived for developing the 
West";'^''^ or, as he might have added, for maintaining the 
stability of the Union. 

287. The Burr conspiracy. — Singularly enough, while 
Fulton was occupied in perfecting the material means for 
binding the country together, a formidable plot against the 
nation's life was discovered. Aaron Burr, while Vice-President 
of the United States (§ 274), challenged Hamilton, his political 
opponent and personal enemy, and killed him in a duel (1804). 
Burr was indicted for murder and fled South to escape arrest. 
His prospects were ruined, and he became desperate. Miranda, 
a citizen of one of the Spanish provinces in South America, was 
then concocting a scheme for overthrowing the power of Spain 
on the American continent.^" Miranda's expedition may have 
suggested the project which Burr conceived. His plan was 
to raise an armfed force in the Southwest, drive out the 
Spaniards from Mexico, and establish a great Southern Con- 
federacy composed of the States and territories west of the 
Alleghanies, united with the Mexican possessions. He hoped 
to get the aid of Great Britain in carrying out this gigantic 
plot, and endeavored to persuade General Wilkinson, com- 
mander of the United States Army in the West, to join him.®'" 
Ijurr had made the acquaintance of an Irish gentleman named 
Blennerhasset who resided on Blennerhasset Island in the 
Ohio, nearly opposite Marietta. The smooth-tongued con- 
spirator easily induced the latter to mortgage his estate to 
raise money for carrying out the scheme. By this means 
Burr obtained boats and arms, and recruited about a hundred 
men. 

General Wilkinson, who was then at New Orleans, sent 
information of the plot to the President."'^' Jefferson issued a 
proclamation (1806) ordering the arrest of the expedition. 



256 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1803-1805. 

Burr hastily disbanded his men at Natchez, and took to the 
woods. He was speedily apprehended, and was tried (1807) 
for treason before Chief- Justice Marshall, Marshall ruled 
that no satisfactory evidence of overt treason had been offered, 
and the jury brought in a verdict of "not guilty.""''' Burr soon 
afterward disappeared from public life, and died in obscurity 
in New York many years later. 

288. The French and English war vs. American com- 
merce. — After a brief peace (§ 280) Bonaparte and George 
III. had resumed hostilities (1803). Fleets of English cruisers 
swept the French merchantmen from the seas, and thus threw 
all trade between France and her colonies into the hands of 
American shipowners. In order to prevent France from getting 
the relief given by our merchant vessels, England revived the 
" Rule of 1756." That rule declared that no European nation 
which shut its colonial ports against freedom of trade in time 
of peace (as France did in common with other mother-countries) 
should be permitted to open its ports to direct neutral trade in 
time of war."'** By enforcing that regulation "England hoped to 
destroy all commercial communication between France and her 
foreign possessions, and so cripple her enemy's resources for 
carrying on the war. This measure, however, proved ineffec- 
tive, and indeed, so far as America was concerned, it actually 
increased our commerce, l^'or though our merchantmen could 
no longer act as direct carriers between France and her colo- 
nies, nothing prohibited us from bringing the products of the 
French West Indies to the United States and then shipping 
them to France as American exports. By taking that course 
we easily evaded the "Rule of 1756," and obtained double 
freights on our own terms."'" 

Later, when Spain and Holland became involved in the 
European conflict, the neutral ships of the United States secured 
a practical monopoly of the carrying-trade of the world.*^ Sir 
James Stephen denounced this indirect commerce carried on 
by American sliijiownors ns a fraud committed undtM- the pro- 



1806-1807.] I'HE UNION, NA'llONAl. I )I<;V1';L()1'MENT. 25/ 

tection of a neutral flag and as a species of "war in disguise.'"*' 
England then (1805) declared this trade an evasion of the spirit 
of the " Rule of 1756," and ordered her cruisers to put a stop 
to it.'''*" This decision virtually restricted American commerce 
to American productions.""'' 

289. British «< Orders in Council" vs. Napoleon's Decrees; 
the << Leopard" and the <' Chesapeake." — The next year (1806) 
Great Britain issued an " Order in Council," which declared 
the coast of Europe from Brest to the Elbe in blockade. Napo- 
leon retorted with his " Berlin Decree" (1806), proclaiming the 
blockade of the British Isles, England retaliated by a new 
"Order in Council" (1807) which forbade Americans or other 
neutrals carrying any products to France or her allies except 
on two conditions. These were that such vessels should 
undergo search by English authorities for goods " contraband 
of war," or that they should enter an English port and pay 
duties on their cargoes. 

Napoleon at once issued (1807) his "Milan Decree." It 
prohibited all trade with Great Britain or her colonies, and 
ordered the seizure of any vessel which should submit to 
search by England or should pay any duties to the English 
Government. The Emperor's threat, however, did not prove 
very serious, for the battle of Trafalgar (1805) had so crippled 
the French navy that they could not enforce his decree on 
the Atlantic. 

Meanwhile English men-of-war blockaded our ports, searched 
every out-going vessel, and impressed great numbers of Ameri- 
can seamen (§ 264). Congress remonstrated, and put in force 
(1807) a Non-Importation Act which shutout English goods from 
American markets; but search and impressment continued to 
go on as before. As a matter of fact many sailors deserted 
English men-of-war when in our ports, and openly entered the 
American service. England was determined to recover her own 
seamen, but stated that she had no intention of seizing ours. 
On the other hand, we declared that we had no desire to harbor 



258 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [I807-. 

or employ her runaway men; but notwithstanding" these avowals, 
neither government found an effective remedy for the grievance 
of which it complained. 

Finally matters reached a climax. Vice-Admiral Berkeley of 
the British service, having lost a number of his seamen by deser- 
tion, issued orders to stop the American frigate " Chesapeake " 
and search for the missing sailors. In taking this action, he 
declared that he recognized our right to pursue the same 
course toward any English man-of-war,®^* Under these instruc- 
tions His Majesty's frigate "Leopard" (1807) overhauled the 
" Chesapeake " and forcibly removed four seamen, one of 
whom was hanged at Halifax as a deserter. This outrage, 
said Jefferson, roused the United States to a pitch of excite- 
ment not equalled "since the battle of Lexington.'"'-^ 

The President at once issued a proclamation (1807) ordering 
all British-armed vessels to leave our waters ; and Congress 
demanded reparation for the insult to our flag. Eventually the 
English Government restored (181 1) the three surviving sailors 
to the decks of the " Chesapeake." ''^'^ 

290. The Embargo Act (1807); opposition to the act in 
New England. — It now seemed probable that both England 
and France would impose new and more stringent restrictions 
on American trade with Europe. In such a crisis w^ar was 
imminent. Jefferson, therefore, resolved to try the effect of 
what he called " peaceable coercion." Before news of the 
Milan Decree was received (§ 289) he recommended Congress 
to pass an unlimited Embargo Act. Such a measure by detain- 
ing our vessels in port would save them and their crews from 
capture ; next it would, it was hoped, cut off large supplies of 
food from both combatants and perhaps starve them into making 
terms with us. Congress passed the act late in 1807, and sub- 
sequently strengthened it by additional legislation (1808-1809). 
The embargo entirely closed our ports to all trade with foreign 
countries. American merchantmen were forbidden to sail. 
Coasting and fishing-craft were permitted to go out, but only 



1807-1809.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 259 

on condition that their owners gave bonds in double the value 
of vessel and cargo that they would not land goods or produce 
outside of the United States.^'*'' 

The opposition party denounced the suppression of commerce 
as suicidal. They declared that it would be far better to risk 
vessels and crew in foreign trade than to give up that trade 
altogether. They spelt the hated word "embargo " backward and 
so formed it into the " 0-grab-me Act." They called it the 
boa-constrictor which was crushing the life out of every Ameri- 
can industry ; and the youthful Bryant wrote a satirical poem 
on it, for which there was a great demand. Prices dropped 
ruinously ; the farmer could not sell his wheat, the planter 
found no market for his cotton, rice, or tobacco. But the 
heaviest loss fell on New England, where capital was most 
largely invested in commercial pursuits. The once busy ports 
seemed smitten with a pestilence ; dismantled ships rotted in 
the docks, merchants became bankrupt, and thousands of 
sailors were reduced to beggary. In a single year our 
exports fell off from $49,000,000 to $9, 000, 000. '''^^ The 
custom-houses were closed, and the Government ceased to 
draw any revenue from commerce. Smuggling soon sprang 
up on an extensive scale on the Canada and the Florida 
borders. 

291. The " Force Act" ; Napoleon and the embargo. — To 
stop evasion of the embargo. Congress passed the " Force Act" 
(1809). It prohibited the loading of any boat or vessel except 
by permit from the collector of the port, and under the eye of 
a revenue officer.*'®'' Furthermore, the collector had orders to 
seize produce or goods found in any wagons or other vehicles 
going toward the seacoast or toward the boundary line, and 
hold them until the owner gave bonds that they should not be 
taken out of the country.™ To prevent resistance the act 
authorized the President to employ the land and the naval 
forces of the United States and the State militia in carrying 
out the law. 



26o THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1809. 

In New England the ■' Force Act" was denounced as despotic, 
and the Legislature of Massachusetts virtually nullified it by 
declaring it " unconstitutional and not legally binding." ''"^'^ The 
Federalist newspapers of Boston came out in mourning : one 
said, '"Liberty is dead"; another took for its motto, "Resistance 
to arbitrary laws is duty to God." Numerous handbills were 
distributed, warning the people that the Constitution and the 
Union were destroyed, and that they must now choose between 
" civil war or slavery." '^''' A hundred towns in Massachusetts 
sent in resolutions to the General Court condemning the Presi- 
dent and the embargo.'*" In the other New England States the 
same spirit manifested itself.*^^ 

Abroad the embargo failed to coerce the combatants into 
respect for American rights. Our minister to Paris wrote that 
in France it was "not felt," and that in England it was "for- 
gotten."''^'' Napoleon declared that he positively liked it, and 
ironically added that he would help President Jeflferson enforce 
it. He accordingly ordered the confiscation of all American 
vessels then found in French ports, or that should enter them 
later,^^® on the ground that they had violated the embargo. 

292. Results of the embargo; its repeal (1809); Non- 
Intercourse Act ; presidential election. — But at home the 
embargo had two advantageous results : one economic, the 
other political. The shutting out of European goods and 
the prohibition of commercial intercourse forced the capital 
and industry of New England to establish home manufactures. 
The looms of the farmers' wives were soon able to supply "two- 
thirds of the clothing and house-linen of the United States out- 
side of the cities," while in less than two years, the number of 
spindles in the cotton-mills increased from "eight thousand to 
eighty thousand." Shoe, hat, and other factories prospered ; 
Massachusetts sent nails, and Connecticut tinware and clocks, 
to all parts of the country.®'^" Furthermore, many new and 
important industries sprang up not only in New England, but 
in other States. 



ISOSt.] rilE L'MDN, NATIONAL PKVKLOl'MENT. 26 1 

l*olitically the embargo postponed war for a luiinber of years. 
lUit whatever advantages were reaped from Jefferson's " peace- 
able coercion," it created dangerous irritation in the Northeast. 
Jolin Quincy Adams at length (1S09) told tlie President that 
tlie embargo could no longer be safely enforced in that ciuarter. 
lie stated that he had good reason to believe that some leading 
Now England Federalists luul formed a plot to tlotach the 
Northeastern States and to enter into an alliance with England. 
The men who were accused of being engaged in this plot indig- 
nantly denied it;"'* but the pressure on the Government for 
the removal of the embargo became irresistible. Jefferson said 
a majority in Congress were convinced that they must choose 
between repeal or civil war.'^'*' The result was that the law was 
repealed early in 1809. Congress then (1S09) passed a Non- 
Intercourse Act, or partial embargo, which opened our ports to 
all nations except England and France. '°° 

Meanwhile the presidential election had taken place. The 
chief candidates were James Madison, Democratic-Republican, 
and C. C. Pinckney, Federalist. Madison was elected, with 
George Clinton as Vice-President ; the electoral vote stood 
122 to 47. 

Jefferson had lost his popularity, and was anxious to retire 
to "the shades of Monticello." " Never," said he, " did a pris- 
oner released from his chains" "feel such relief as I shall on 
shaking ofif the shackles of power." '"' 

293. Summary. — JeiTerson's administration began, as he 
believed, a "political revolution." By his election the Repub- 
lican or Democratic Party came into power, and continued to 
hold it without a break for nearly forty years. Under Jefferson 
the United States effected the purchase of Louisiana, by which 
the area of the Republic was more than doubled, and the ques- 
tion of slavery extension west of the Mississippi was opened. 
Soon afterward the Lewis and Clark expedition explored the 
far West and helped to confirm our title to the Oregon country. 
Fulton's steamboat made rapid communication with the greater 



262 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [I809-. 

part of the country possible, and so materially strengthened 
the bonds of Union which the Burr conspiracy attempted to 
break. Abroad the insolence of the Barbary pirates was hum- 
bled. Later, the interference of England and France with our 
foreign trade joined to impressment disputes led to an embargo 
which produced important economic and political effects ; when 
the Embargo Act was repealed, it was succeeded by the Non- 
Intercourse, or partial embargo. Act. 



JAMES MADISON (DEMOCRATIC-REPUBLICAN), TWO TERMS, 

1809-1817. 

294. Temporary renewal of trade with Great Britain — 
Not long after Madison's inauguration (§ 292) Erskine, the 
English Minister at Washington, announced himself "author- 
ized to declare" that the British " Orders in Council " (§ 289) 
would be withdrawn on the tenth of June. Madison at once 
issued a proclamation which suspended the Non-Intercourse 
Act (§ 292) and renewed friendly relations with England. 
Great were the rejoicings among shipowners and sailors. 
Hundreds of vessels were quickly made ready for sea, and in 
a few weeks upwards of a thousand American merchantmen 
had left our ports laden with " the accumulation of nearly two 
years' produce." ™- 

Three months later, despatches came from England stating 
that Erskine had not followed his official instructions, and that 
the " Orders in Council " still remained in force. President 
Madison, angry and perplexed, found himself "under the mortify- 
ing necessity" of issuing a new proclamation (1809) reviving 
the Non-Intercourse Act (§ 292) against Great Britain.™^ 

295. The Macon Act; Napoleon's policy. — The next spring 
\iSio) Congress passed the Macon Act. It took off restrictions 
on commerce, but so far as England or France was concerned, 
it forbade intercourse with the nation that continued to maintain 
measures hostile to our trade.'"* 



1810-.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 26^, 

Napoleon, by his Rambouillet Decree (1810), had ordered the 
sale of American ships and cargoes to the value of ^10,000,000, 
and had thrown several hundred American sailors into prison.™^ 
While the Emperor was making ready to sweep this goodly sum 
into his "strong box," he received a copy of the Macon Act. 
He immediately assured our Government that he loved the 
Americans, and he pledged himself to revoke or suspend all of 
his decrees (§ 289) against our commerce, provided Great Brit- 
ain would withdraw her " Orders in Council " (§ 289), or that 
the United States would cause its " rights to be respected by 
the English." ''^ President Madison was so moved by the 
Emperor's assurance that he issued a proclamation declaring 
all trade restrictions against France revoked. Later, when it 
was found that Great Britain had no intention of withdrawing 
her "Orders in Council," Congress reaffirmed non-intercourse 
with that country. Napoleon had won his game. First, he 
had embroiled us anew with England; secondly, by his pre- 
tended good will, he had drawn more of our ships into the trap 
set to catch them when they should arrive in French ports; 
finally, he kept his cruisers busy burning or plundering our 
vessels on the ocean. 

296. Tecumseh and the " Prophet." — While our relations 
with England and France were becoming strained almost to the 
war-point, a decisive battle with the Indians was fought in the 
West. It was perhaps inevitable that conflicts should spring 
up between the Western settlers and the aborigines. The 
interests of the two races clashed (§ 31). The whites were 
eager to get possession of the Indian hunting-grounds, and 
many of the Red Men, debased by drink and harassed with debt, 
were ready to sell their lands for the first offer. The better 
class of Indians saw clearly that unless this process could be 
checked, the tribes must soon choose between starvation and 
emigration. Tecumseh and his brother, the "Prophet," two 
Indians of the Wabash Valley, were the leaders in a great move- 
ment of reform and reorganization.™^ Their object was to sup- 



264 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY [I8II-. 

press the use of liquor among their people and to create a league 
of all the Northern and Southern tribes. In this proposed Indian 
republic a congress of warriors was to have absolute control 
over all lands, so that none could be sold without their consent. 
As a center for this movement, Tecumseh and the " Prophet" 
founded a village in the Territory of Indiana at the mouth of 
Tippecanoe Creek, a tributary of the Wabash. 

297. Harrison and Tecumseh ; Tippecanoe. — William Henry 
Harrison, the military Governor of the Territory, had recently 
(1809) purchased for the United States an immense tract of 
land from remnants of tribes in the Wabash Valley. Tecumseh 
believed that this purchase had not been fairly made. He said 
to Governor Harrison: "You are continually driving the red 
people; at last you will drive them into the Great Lake."'"* 
He insisted that the recent land cession should be annulled ; 
in that case he pledged himself to be our faithful ally; otherwise 
he threatened to make war. Believing that war was inevitable. 
General Harrison, late in the autumn of 181 1, advanced toward 
Tippecanoe village with a force of about a thousand men. The 
Indians attempted to surprise him ; a battle ensued, in which 
the attacking party was decisively defeated. Harrison then 
advanced and burned the deserted Indian village. At the time 
of the battle Tecumseh was absent in the South; when the War 
of 18 1 2 began, he joined the English forces in Canada. The 
victory of Tippecanoe was important, because it effectually 
checked Tecumseh's project of establishing a powerful and 
perhaps hostile Indian confederation. 

298. The <* Little Belt"; the war party; the Henry letters. 
— Meanwhile (181 1) the English sloop-of-war "Little Belt" had 
attacked, either purposely or by mistake, the American frigate 
"President." The "Little Belt " got the worst of the battle and 
barely escaped destruction.™^ Our grievances against England 
were great. Aside from her exercise of search (§ 289) and her 
impressment of from six to ten thousand of our sailors, she had 
captured since 1803''^" more than nine hundred of our vessels. 



181-J-.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 265 

On the other hand, France had confiscated or destroyed 
American property worth many millions, and cast hundreds of 
our sailors into prison; when we asked for redress. Napoleon 
deliberately deceived and insulted us (§ 295). 

A strong war party, led by Henry Clay and John C. Calhoun, 
was growing up in the South. They held, with Madison, that 
" the original sin against neutrals " lay with Great Britain.''^ 
The "war hawks," as the Federalists nicknamed them, called 
on the country to rise in arms against the King our fathers 
fought. We had gained our independence on land; they declared 
that the time had now come to gain it on the sea. 

The President was reluctant to draw the sword, but he at 
length yielded to pressure.""^ In the spring of 18 12 he sent to 
Congress a number of letters which he had bought for $50,000 
from John Henry. Henry was an Irish adventurer who asserted 
that Governor Craig of Canada sent him (1809) as an emissary 
to New England at the time of Jefferson's embargo (§ 290). 
His mission then was to find out whether the Federalists favored 
secession from the Union. 

His letters were copies, and not "honest copies," of the 
original correspondence with Governor Craig.''" They contained 
nothing which "compromised any one except Henry himself."'" 
But they served to excite the war party in Congress to still 
greater exasperation against the policy of England,''^ and an 
embargo of ninety days was declared as a preliminary to 
hostilities. 

299. Madison's *' war message "; war declared (1812). — 
Less than three months later the President sent his "war mes- 
sage " to Congress, in which he virtually recommended an 
appeal to arms. The three chief grievances cited were: (i) the 
impressment of American citizens into the English navy (§§ 
264, 289); (2) the British Orders in Council (§ 289), and the 
establishment of "pretended blockades" by which "our com- 
merce" had been "plundered in every sea"; (3) the belief 
that " British traders and garrisons " on the Canadian fron- 



266 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1812-. 

tier had encouraged the recent Indian outbreak (§ 297) in 
the West/'" 

When the question came up for debate in the House, the 
Eastern and Middle States, with tlie three exceptions of New 
Hampshire, Vermont, and Pennsylvania, voted against the war 
on the ground that we were unprepared for it, and that it would 
be disastrous to the best interests of the country. All the 
Southern and Western States, which were mainly agricultural 
and had comparatively small commercial interests at stake, 
voted for it. Thirty-four members of the opposition joined in 
an address to their constituents in which they stated in sub- 
stance that the United States was composed of eighteen inde- 
pendent sovereignties united by bonds of moral obligation only, 
and that if we entered upon the contest with England we did 
so "as a divided people." ^^^ But on June 18, 18 12, Congress 
declared the "second war of independence" against Great 
Britain. Before the declaration reached London, English trade 
interests had forced Parliament to revoke the obnoxious "Orders 
in Council" (§ 289). The war, therefore, was practically to be 
fought on the impressjnent grievance alone, which England 
refused to discontinue."'*^ 

300. The American army and navy ; Clay and the invasion 
of Canada; the war loan. — Our regular army numbered less 
than seven thousand men. The officers of this small force were 
mainly "decaying veterans" who had been appointed not for 
their military ability, but for political reasons.'^''-* Among the 
younger men, Harrison had his Tippecanoe fame (§ 297), and 
Winfield Scott and Andrew Jackson were only waiting for an 
opportunity to make a brilliant record. The country had to 
depend for soldiers mainly on the State militia and on volun- 
teers. The Governors of Massachusetts and Connecticut refused 
to furnish their quota of militia, but^ew England contributed 
a very large number of volunteers. 

The navy consisted of six frigates and about a dozen smaller 
vessels; but some of these were the "best of their class in the 



1812-.J THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 267 

world." England, on the other hand, had nearly a thousand 
war-ships. The chief officers of our little navy w^ere all young 
men, and Hull, Decatur, Rodgers, Bainbridge, and Porter had 
shown in the wars with the Barbary pirates (§§ 249, 285) that 
they knew how to give and take hard knocks. But Clay, and 
the war party generally, placed their main reliance not on 
battles at sea, but on an invasion of Canada. They believed 
that a majority of the Canadians would flock to our standard, 
and that we should speedily dictate "peace at Quebec or 
Halifax.""" 

The war would demand a liberal supply of money; but when 
the Government called for a loan of $25,000,000, it could not 
obtain half that sum."-^ Later, the United States Treasury con- 
fessed itself unable to meet the interest due on the national 
debt; and had not John Jacob Astor and Stephen Girard come 
to the rescue, the Government would have been unable to pay 
the wages of its soldiers and sailors. '^^^ 

301. Hull's campaign and surrender. — The campaign was 
opened in the summer of 18 12 by General William Hull. He 
was a Revolutionary veteran M'hom Washington had commended 
as " an officer of great merit." Hull advanced with a force of 
about two thousand men, and crossing the Detroit River into 
Canada, issued a proclamation declaring that he had come to 
restore the people of that province "to the dignified station of 
freemen."'-'^ Practically the proclamation had no effect on the 
Canadians. After some skirmishes with the Indians, Hull fell 
back to Detroit. His effective force was soon reduced to about 
a thousand men, and he received no proper support from the 
Government. General Brock, aided by Tecumseh (§ 296) with 
a body of Indians, marched on Detroit and demanded its sur- 
render. Brock had a somewhat larger force than Hull; but the 
American General was behind his works, and his men stood 
ready to defend them. Hull, without firing a single gun or 
consulting his officers, gave up the fort. His object, he said, 
was to save the women and children of Detroit from the scalp- 



268 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [l812. 

ing-knives of the savages. Hull had not only failed in his 
expedition against Canada, but he had lost the whole territory 
of Michigan, and Fort Dearborn (Chicago) besides. He was 
tried by court-martial, found guilty of cowardice and neglect of 
duty, and sentenced to be shot ; but the President pardoned 
him on account of his age and his honorable Revolutionary 
record. ^^* 

In the autumn (1812) a second attempt was made to invade 
Canada; but the expedition, which was made up chiefly of raw 
militia, was badly managed, and was defeated and driven back. 

302. The "Constitution" vs. the << Guerriere"; other 
American naval victories. — A few days after Hull sur- 
rendered at Detroit (§ 301) his nephew. Captain Isaac Hull, 
commander of the frigate " Constitution," 44 guns, fought 
(August 19, 18 1 2) the British frigate "Guerriere," 38 guns, off 
the coast of Nova Scotia. Admiral Farragut said : " Captain 
Hull was as able a seaman as ever sailed a ship." In less 
than thirty minutes after the engagement began, the "Guer- 
riere " struck her colors. She was so terribly cut to pieces 
that Hull could not tow his prize into port, so he set her on 
fire and blew her up. The "Constitution," henceforth popularly 
known as "Old Ironsides," came off without serious damage. 
Before the close of 181 2 we had gained three more memorable 
victories at sea, — the "Wasp" had captured the "Frolic"; 
the "United States" had taken the "Macedonian"; and the 
"Constitution," the "Java." 

Speaking of the surrender of the " Guerriere," the " London 
Times," forgetful of Paul Jones's exploit (§ 224), said: "Never 
before in the history of the world did an English frigate strike 
to an American." Before the contest ended the same journal 
had to confess : " Scarcely is there an American ship-of-war 
which has not to boast a victory over the British flag."'-^ In 
fact, out of eighteen naval engagements between single vessels, 
we gained no less than fifteen. '^-'^ In most cases our ships were 
larger than those we fought; furthermore they gene^rally had 



1812.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 269 

more men, and often threw heavier broadsides; but after all, 
the real secret of our remarkable victories lay in the fact that 
we handled our ships and guns far better than our opponents 
did theirs. '^^ Success in the past had made the English care- 
less; they aimed their shot badly, while our sailors not only hit 
the mark, but hit to kill. In these battles the enemy lost, on 
the average, about five men to our one.™ 

The English declared that the crews of the American vessels 
were made up largely of deserters from the Royal Navy, and 
that their ships had been beaten by their own countrymen fight- 
ing under the " stars and stripes." The log-books, however, 
show that nearly all of our officers were born in America, and 
that not more than one man in twenty of our crews was a 
native of Great Britain. In the end English naval writers 
admitted that the American people, "rod in hand," had taught 
them their " first lesson " in the art of gunnery.™ 

303. The "Essex" in the Pacific; American privateers; 
the British blockade ; the presidential election ; the ' ' Chesa- 
peake" and the "Shannon." — While we were gaining this 
series of successes on the Atlantic, Captain Porter of the 
" Essex " was destroying British whalers by wholesale in the 
Pacific. American privateers beset the coast of England to 
such an extent that English merchantmen did not dare leave 
port except under the protection of a man-of-war. Within two 
years we had captured more than eight hundred vessels, and 
before the close of the war the total number of our prizes 
reached twenty-five hundred.'^" 

On the other hand, the British not only captured hundreds 
of our merchantmen, but they kept up a strict blockade along 
the coast of the United States. If one of our war-ships left 
port it ran the risk of being taken by a superior force, and " the 
American flag ceased for a time to wave on the ocean from 
any national vessel." '''^ 

Meanwhile the presidential election had occurred (18 12), and 
notwithstanding the efforts of the peace party, Madison received 



270 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1813. 

128 electoral votes to 89 cast for DeWitt Clinton, his opponent. 
Elbridge Gerry was elected Vice-President. 

The first decided American defeat at sea occurred in the 
summer of 1813. Captain Broke of the "Shannon," cruising 
off Boston, challenged Captain Lawrence of the " Chesapeake" 
to fight him. Lawrence's crew was larger than Broke's, but it 
consisted mainly of raw men, and some of these were mutinous. 
Broke declared that he had long been drilling his crew into a 
state of " perfect discipline " with reference to such a contest.''^" 
In the course of the action a large number of the officers of the 
" Chesapeake " were struck down, and Lawrence himself fell 
mortally wounded. His dying order was : " Don't give up the 
ship ! " The command came too late, for the enemy leaping 
on board the " Chesapeake " captured the vessel (June i, 18 13) 
and ran up the English colors in triumph. This engagement 
was the last important battle of the war between single 
ships.'^^ 

304. Perry's victory on Lake Erie. — While these events 
were taking place on the Atlantic, Oliver Hazard Perrj^, a young 
man of twenty-seven, was busy preparing for the defence of 
Lake Erie, then held by the enemy's ships. Perry captured a 
British brig, bought three small American schooners, and then, 
by almost incredible labor, completed the construction of five 
more vessels from green timber which he cut on the western 
shore of the lake. With this fleet of nine vessels, of which two, 
as Perry said, " were growing in the woods last spring," the 
young commander attacked the British squadron. Perry had 
certain advantages in the engagement. He had three more 
ships than the enemy; he probably had more men fit for duty, 
and his guns, though fewer in number than those of the English, 
could throw far heavier broadsides."^ The battle (September 
10, 18 13) was fought with indomitable courage on both sides. 

In memory of the lamented commander of the "Chesapeake," 
Perry had named his vessel the " Lawrence " and had hoisted 
a flag bearing Lawrence's last words : " Don't give up the ship! " 




WAR OF 1812. 



18I3-18N.] THE UNION, NATIONAL OKVKI.OI'MKNT. 2/1 

(§ 303). The British made this vessel the target of their fire; 
Perry fought until nearly every one of his men had fallen. He 
saw 111 It it would be madness to remain longer in his shattered 
ship. The enemy had literally "hammered him out of it." 
Leaping into a row boat with his brother, a boy of twelve, he 
pulled with splintered oars amid a storm of flying shot for the 
" Niagara." Having reached her, he again hoisted the famous 
flag he had brought with him from the " Lawrence," and bore 
down on the enemy's fleet. The fight was renewed more 
furiously than ever, with the result that at length the British 
commander was forced to strike his colors. Perry then taking 
a pencil wrote on the back of an old letter this laconic despatch 
to General Harrison, commander of the Army of the West : " We 
have met the enemy and they are ours."'^"^ 

It was the first entire squadron that Great Britain had ever 
surrendered,"^ and she had surrendered this to Americans. The 
victory gave us the absolute control of Lake Erie. Perry trans- 
ported Harrison's army, 3500 strong, across to Canada. The 
British, who had only about 700 men, were compelled to abandon 
Detroit, and retreat up the Thames. Tecumseh (§ 297) with 
about a thousand Indians joined them on that river. Harrison 
completely routed the enemy, and Tecumseh was killed. We 
recovered Detroit (§ 301), and the British never again got a 
foothold on the Territory of Michigan. In consequence of the 
death of Tecumseh most of the Indian tribes in the Northwest 
now made haste to declare their submission to the United 
States.''''' 

305. Macdonough's victory (1814). — Meanwhile the Brit- 
ish, having captured Oswego, had despatched a force of about 
twelve thousand men from Canada down the western shore of 
Lake Champlain. This movement was supported by a British 
fleet on the lake. To oppose this advance we had a small force 
at Platt.sburg, and a few war-vessels stationed on the lake. The 
American squadron was commanded by ('aptain Macdonough, 
a young man about Perry's age (§ 304). In this instance the 



272 THK STUniCNT S AMEKiC'AN HISTORY. [l814. 

British had more ships, more men, and more guns. The weight 
of metal which each side could throw was equal almost to a 
pound, but the enemy was far superior in the important matter 
of long-range guns.'"- 

Macdonough got his ships into an advantageous position for 
the fight, and then handled them so admirably that in less than 
three hours (September 11, 1814) he had won the day. The 
British army retreated to Canada and made no further attempts 
to penetrate the State of New York. 

306. The campaign in Canada; the <<Bladensburg races"; 
capture of "Washington; the <* Star Spangled Banner." — 
Meanwhile there had been a movement on Montreal, and fight- 
ing had occurred (November 1 1, 18 13) at Chrysler's Farm; there 
had also been sharp engagements at Chippewa and Lundy's 
Lane (July 5 and 25, 181 4). In the first instance we came off 
second best; in the last two battles General Brown and Win- 
field Scott drove the enemy off the field; but our forces were 
too small to maintain a foothold on Canadian soil. 

Late in the summer of 18 14 Admiral Cockburn and General 
Ross landed about five thousand men — mostly sailors and 
marines — on the banks of the Patuxent and marched on 
Washington. General Winder with a force of six thousand 
men met the enemy at Bladensburg within sight of the national 
capital. Five hundred of Winder's army were sailors; most of 
the rest were raw militia. The sailors made a brave stand, but 
the militia ran, and Madison, who was with the troops, was 
swept along with them, in what the newspapers called the 
" Bladensburg races." 

Later, the President fled to the Virginia woods for safety. 
The enemy entered Washington in triumph (August 24, 1814); 
their first act was to burn the capitol. They next entered the 
Executive Mansion, and, according to their own account, drank 
the King's health in the President's wine, and then set fire 
to the house. They then proceeded to destroy the Treasury, 
and most of the other government buildings.™ The English 





^r" ^3^ ^^ -^ ^^-^ ^f^. ^«f ^ ^-^^^^^^/L^ 

(^!!S^. /tof" //w,*^ , .^'t--^ y<=^v> 7ir;^,L -ttl ^.^-z-^m^ S^. 




J8M.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 2/3 

declared that they perpetrated this act of vandaHsm in retaUa- 
tion for our having burned the ParHament House at York (now 
Toronto). '^^ 

The British fleet next (September 12, 18 14) moved on Fort 
McHenry, the chief defence of Baltimore. The fort held out 
valiantly against the furious bombardment; if it fell, the chief 
city of Maryland must fall with it. Among those who anxiously 
watched the attack was Francis S. Key, a young Baltimorean, 
detained as a temporary prisoner by the British. When the 
sun rose on the second morning he saw with delight that the 
fort held out and that " our flag was still there." The enemy 
had ceased firing and were preparing to withdraw. Taking an 
old letter from his pocket, Key hastily wrote on the back of it 
the first draft of the national song of the " Star Spangled Ban- 
ner"; the whole country was soon ringing with its patriotic 
strains. 

307. Fort Mims; Jackson at Tohopeka and Pensacola. — 
Meanwhile important events were happening in the Southwest. 
The powerful Indian tribe of the Creeks in the Alabama coun- 
try had risen against the settlers in that section. In the sum- 
mer of 18 13 they attacked Fort Mims near Mobile, and massacred 
more than five hundred men, women, and children who had 
gathered there for safety. General Andrew Jackson of Ten- 
nessee marched against the Indians and completely routed them 
(March 14, 18 14) at Tohopeka, or Horseshoe Bend, on a branch 
of the Alabama River. 

The Spanish authorities had perfidiously permitted the Eng- 
lish forces to land at Pensacola, Florida, and make it a base 
of operations for attacking Louisiana. Jackson repulsed a 
movement of the enemy against Mobile ; then, without wait- 
ing for orders from Washington, he pushed forward to Pensa- 
cola, took the place by storm (November 7, 18 14), and drove 
out the British. This success left " Old Hickory," as his men 
called him, free to go to the defence of New Orleans, which was 
the real point at which the enemy was aiming. 



274 'i'HE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1813. 

308. New England's opposition to the war. — While Jack- 
son was throwing up entrencliments at New Orleans a move- 
ment was in progress in New England which many believed 
threatened a dissolution of the Union. The New England 
States had suffered heavily by the war, and the commercial 
distress of that section could hardly be overestimated. 

A strong party opposed the further prosecution of the con- 
test. They denied that we had made any real progress. Our 
invasion of Canada (§§ 301, 306), said they, has ended in fail- 
ure; our national capital has been captured and burned, and 
our coast is strictly blockaded; the enemy has secured pos- 
session of the seaboard of the District of Maine, and threatens 
to advance farther south. 

They admitted that we had gained remarkable victories on 
the ocean ; but they called attention to the fact that the fall of 
Napoleon now left England free to employ an overwhelming 
naval force against us, and that a powerful British fleet carry- 
ing a thousand guns was at that very time moving on New 
Orleans. 

Again, the opposition declared that the war had already cost 
the Government more than $100,000,000 ; that the National 
Treasury was empty; and that the financial condition of the 
country seemed to forebode'a general crash. Many banks had 
suspended payment, and it was feared that sooner or later all 
must close their doors. ^'^^ 

Now that the first enthusiasm had spent itself, it had become 
difficult to secure recruits. Outside of New York, Tennessee, 
Kentucky, and perhaps Ohio, very few States gave to the war 
the earnest support which it demanded. Volunteering had 
practically ceased, and the Secretary of War proposed a draft, 
and suggested that minors over eighteen should be enlisted 
"without the consent of their parents." In the navy the 
lack of men was so serious that the Secretary of that depart- 
ment urged the Government to adopt the British expedient 
of impressment of seamen.'*^ 



1813-1814.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 2/5 

309. Call for the Hartford Convention; the ** Richmond 
Enquirer " on secession. — The Senate of Massachusetts had 
aheady (June 15, 1813) resolved that the war was "waged 
without justifiable cause," and had solemnly remonstrated 
against its continuance.'*^ A few months later the Legislature 
issued a call for a convention at Hartford, and invited the 
other New England States to send delegates " to confer upon 
the subject of their public grievances." But in issuing this 
call the Legislature explicitly limited the action of the pro- 
posed convention to matters " not repugnant to their obliga- 
tion as members of the Union." The Legislatures of 
Connecticut and Rhode Island — the only remaining States 
which chose delegates — imposed a similar restriction.''^ Not- 
withstanding the above proviso, the report got abroad that 
the real object of the convention was nothing less than 
secession. The President was greatly alarmed and " looked 
heart-broken." 

The •' Richmond Enquirer " condemned the meeting in 
advance. It declared that: "No State, or set of States, has 
a right to withdraw itself from the Union of its own account." 
It added: "The majority of the States which formed this Union 
must consent to the withdrawal of any branch of it. Until that 
consent has been obtained, any attempt to dissolve the Union 
— is treason.'"'' '■*■' 

310. The Hartford Convention and its work. — The Con- 
vention met at Hartford (December 15, 18 14), and by unani- 
mous vote chose George Cabot of Boston chairman. It continued 
in secret session for three weeks. The report of the Convention 
recommended seven amendments to the Constitution. One of 
these proposed amendments, which was styled "indispensable," 
demanded that the power of Congress to admit new States, as 
in the recent case of Louisiana (§ 282), should be restricted; 
the next most important of the proposed amendments demanded 
the limitation of the authority of the Government to declare 
" offensive war." ''*" 



276 rill'. sri'i)i':N'i''s amkrican iiistokv. fiHii-iHir,. 

I'he Convention furthermore recommended the Legislatures 
of the three States represented to protect their citizens against 
forcible drafts or impressments (§ 308) not authorized by the 
Constitution. It also advised these States to ask permission of 
the national Government to use a part of the federal taxes for 
defending their territory against British attack/^' In case the 
Government refused to grant such permission or neglected to 
take measures for the protection of New England, and insisted 
on prosecuting the war, the Convention recommended that 
another convention should be called to act as " a crisis so 
momentous may require." '^* Several delegates had been 
strongly urged to advocate secession, but declined to do so.'^'"' 
They declared, however, that "if the Union be destined to 
dissolution by reason of the multiplied abuses of bad adminis- 
tration, it should, if possible, be the work of peaceable times 
and deliberate consent." "'* 

The Hartford Convention gave the finishing stroke to the 
Federalist Party (§ 275). Its enemies accused its delegates of 
having committed " moral treason." The fact that it repre- 
sented only the extreme Federalists had no weight with those 
who violently denounced all who belonged to that party. 

311. The battle of New Orleans (1815;. — Three days 
after the Hartford Convention closed its session. General 
Jackson won the ever-memorable battle of New Orleans. The 
British army of ten thousand men was largely composed of 
veterans who had fought under Wellington. They were com- 
manded by Sir Edward Pakenham, brother-in-law of the " Iron 
Duke " and one of his bravest officers. Their object was to 
take New Orleans and thereby get control of Louisiana and the 
mouth of the Mississippi. Jackson had only about half as many 
men as Pakenham, and less than one-fifth of these were " regu- 
lars." The remainder were made up of Louisiana militia, 
Lafitte's pirates, free negroes, and volunteers from Tennessee 
and Kentucky. The latter were all " dead shots " with the 
rifle. 



1814-lHir).] THE UNION, NATIONAL OiaKLOPMENT. 2/7 

Jackson's main line of defence consisted of a canal, or broad 
ditch, backed by a rampart of muddy earth which extended 
eastward from the Mississippi to an impassable cypress swamp. 
On this rampart he had mounted thirteen cannon. Fighting 
began on the last of December (18x4), but the great attack and 
linal assault by the British came at daylight on Sunday morning, 
January 8, 1815. The artillery men and the sharpshooters 
mowed down the enemy as they advanced against our works, 
while Jackson ran along the line crying to his men, "Give it to 
them, my boys, let's finish the business to-day ! " "' 'I'hey did 
" finish " it. The assaulting party was driven back with ter- 
rible loss. They died as brave men die, falling wilii their faces 
toward our guns. The British rallied again and again, but it 
was useless; they could not scale our entrenchments, and at 
length, after three hours of desperate fighting, they turned 
and fled in confusion, in that short time the enemy had lost 
more than twenty-five hundred men, including Pakenham, their 
leader; Jackson reported our loss at "only seven killed and six 
wounded."'''^ It is probable that this decisive victory would 
in itself have put an end to the war, and the moral effect of it 
would certainly have saved tlu; Union had it stood in any real 
danger of disruption. 

312. The treaty of Ghent. - After the first overthrow of 
Napoleon, England fell back exhausted by the tremendous 
struggle in which she had been engaged on the continent. Her 
people, crushed by debt and taxes, were eager to make peace 
with the United .States, and thereby reopen their American 
trade. Our commissioners — Gallatin, Bayard, and J. Q. Adams 
— met the English commissioners at Ghent in the summer of 
181 3; the negotiations dragged on for a year and a half. A 
short time before Jackson fought the battle of New Orleans, 
the treaty was signed at Ghent (December 24, 18 14); but in 
those days of slow-sailing ships, the news did not reach us in 
season to prevent the last great conflict of the war. 

We had entered upon the contest of 181 2 with the cry of 



2/8 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1815-. 

" Free Trade and Sailors' Rights." Our chief object was to 
compel England to renounce the impressment of American sea- 
men (§ 264). The treaty of Ghent, however, did not mention 
impressment at all nor did it protect the rights of neutrals. 
Hence it wholly failed to secure either of the objects for which 
we took up arms. But the progress of events gained both these 
points without a treaty. When England exiled Napoleon to 
St. Helena all questions about neutral ships, free goods, and 
impressment were dropped, and so far as the United States 
was concerned, were never again revived in a threatening form.* 

With regard to territory the treaty stipulated that England 
should restore the seizures she had made, — these were parts of 
Maine and the trading-post at Astoria, Oregon; provision was 
also made for the settlement of the dispute respecting the 
boundary line between the United States and Canada. 

However unsatisfactory the treaty was on the leading points 
in discussion, the fact that it brought peace caused it to be 
hailed with delight. Federalists and Republicans were wild 
with joy. Party hatred was forgotten, and old political enemies 
rushed into each other's arms and " kissed each other like 
women." '*' 

313. Political results of the War of 1812. — The War of 
181 2, though disappointing in some of its results (§ 312), was, 
nevertheless, our " second war of independence." The splendid 
victories which we gained on the sea and on the lakes won for 
us the respect of foreign nations, and henceforth Great Britain 
and all other European powers silently conceded our rights 
on the ocean. 

Next, the war emancipated us from the belief that we stood 
in need of European alliances. Nothing more was heard of a 
French or of an English party (§ 261); America felt able to 

* Note. — In 1856 the chief commercial nations of Europe adopted the 
Declaration of Paris which abolished privateering, and made the neutral 
flag cover all goods not contraband of war ; the United .States declined to 
accede to this Declaration. See " Lalor's Cyclopaedia," " Alabama Claims." 



1815-.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 2/9 

go forward in her own chosen path without leaning on any 
foreign power or asking for any foreign approval. Finally the 
war strengthened the bond of Union which it had at one time 
threatened to break. We heard no more expressions of New 
England discontent, and no more hints of possible secession 
in that quarter, Jackson's notable victory at New Orleans 
came to complement and round out the naval successes of 
Hull, Decatur, Porter, Perry, and Macdonough. It sent a 
thrill of pride through the whole nation, and made North and 
South feel that they were one people. 

314. Economic results of the war ; Second United States 
Bank; tariff; emigration; << internal improvements" ; new- 
States; presidential election. — The charter of the "Bank of 
the United States" (§ 255) had expired (181 1) just before the 
outbreak of hostilities with England. An attempt to renew it 
failed ; but at the close of the war the suspension of specie 
payment by State banks encouraged the friends of a national 
bank to propose the reestablishment of such an institution. 
They were successful, and the second " Bank of the United 
States," one of the first results of the war, was chartered (18 16) 
for twenty years. Its capital was fixed at $35,000,000, of which 
one-fifth was to be subscribed by the Federal Government. 
Like its predecessor, it had its headquarters in Philadelphia 
with numerous branches throughout the country.''^* 

A second result of the war, considered in connection with the 
preceding embargo (§ 290), was the encouragement it gave to 
manufacturing, especially in New England and New York. In 
18 1 4 Francis C. Lowell, with others, introduced the power- 
loom from England, and opened at Waltham, Massachusetts, 
the first completely equipped cotton mill in the world. It was 
followed by the establishment of the colossal factory systems of 
Lowell, Fall River, and Lawrence. At the close of hostilities 
fleets of English merchantmen laden with English goods began 
to arrive at our ports. The cotton mills of New England, 
claiming to represent a capital of $40,000,000, demanded legis- 



28o THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [I8I5- 

lation which should check this deluge of cotton cloths pouring 
in from abroad. Woollens were likewise in danger from the 
same source. They were said to employ a capital of about 
$12,000,000. 

A third result of the war was that Henry Clay came for- 
ward as the champion of the protection of home industry against 
foreign competition. He urged the adoption of a tariff which 
should lay a heavy duty on the class of imported goods which 
our manufacturers could produce. His arguments were warmly 
supported by Calhoun and other Southern members interested 
in cotton-raising for the home market. Daniel Webster repre- 
sented New England commercial interests. He declared him- 
self friendly to such manufactures as we then possessed, but 
he strongly opposed any action on the part of the Government 
which should tend to stimulate their artificial increase. ^^ 
Eventually a tariff with protective features in favor of cotton, 
woollen, iron, and sugar was established (18 16); it imposed 
duties of from twenty to thirty-five per cent.'^'' 

A fourth result of the war was that a great impulse was given 
to emigration, especially toward the South and West which did 
not suffer from the depression felt in the New England States. 
In the six years following the treaty of peace (1816-1821) the 
territorial population increased so rapidly that a new State was 
admitted each year. 

A fifth important economic result of the war was that it 
showed the military as well as the political weakness of a vast 
domain destitute of lines of connecting roads and canals. This 
fact moved a powerful party in Congress to advocate a compre- 
hensive system of " internal improvements " (§ 285) which 
would facilitate means of communication and transportation 
between the States. One object of the increased tariff rates 
was to obtain a revenue that would justify larger expenditures 
in this direction, Hence the general political result of the 
war was to strengthen the " broad-construction " theory of the 
Constitution (§ 256). 



1817-.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 28 1 

During Madison's first administration the State of Louis- 
iana (§ 282) entered the Union (18 12), and near the close of 
his second administration (18 16) Indiana was admitted, making 
the whole number of States nineteen. 

The presidential election (18 16) was a complete triumph for 
the Republicans. James Monroe, who was Secretary of State 
under Madison and, in the language of that day, " heir appar- 
ent " to the presidency, was chosen to succeed Madison, with 
Daniel D. Tompkins as Vice-President. Monroe's opponent was 
Rufus King, Federalist. The electoral vote stood 183 to 33. 

315. Summary. — The principal event of Madison's two 
administrations was the War of 18 12 — commonly known as 
"the second war of independence." The contest made our 
power respected on the ocean; it ended by strengthening the 
Union and rendering it self-reliant. It encouraged the " broad- 
construction " policy which called the second Bank of the 
United States into existence, established a tariff with protective 
features, and gave a new impulse to measures favoring the 
building of roads, canals, and other "internal improvements" 
by the national Government. 

JAMES MONROE (DEMOCRATIC-REPUBLICAN), TWO TERMS, 1817-1825. 



316. The '^-^BBBr Good Feeling." — Congress had made 
large appropriations for strengthening the coast defences of the 
United States. The President (§ 314) thought it his first duty 
to visit and personally inspect all the military posts on the fron- 
tier. Starting from Washington he took the steamboat to Bal- 
timore, and thence passed along the seaboard of the Middle and 
Eastern States as far as Portland. Then turning westward he 
journeyed to Detroit, and after a tour of more than three months 
(1817), returned through Ohio to occupy the unfinished "White 
House " at the national capital. In the West much of the 
country through which he travelled was still covered by the 
primeval forest, broken here and there by Indian villages or 



282 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [iei7-1818. 

scattered white settlements. Later (1819), Monroe made a 
similar journey through the South. 

No President since Washington had made such a journey, 
and Monroe was everywhere welcomed with enthusiasm. 
Dressed in the handsome blue and buff uniform of an officer 
of the Revolution, tlic President recalled the stirring days of 
'76, when American patriots fought for the liberty they now 
enjoyed. The bitter sectional feelings roused by the late war 
had subsided, and no sharp political issues had since arisen. 
Federalists and Republicans seemed to forget their old preju- 
dices and animosities. They declared that all things now made 
for peace, ami that the "Era of Good Feeling" had begun. "^ 

317. The first Seminole War, 1817 1818. — -Many Indians 
of the Creek nation had emigrated to Florida where they had 
united with native tribes of that section. The Creeks called 
these emigrants " Scminoles," or "Wanderers.'' After Gen- 
eral Jackson had subdued the Creeks (§ 307) and forced them 
to give up a large tract of their country, many of the defeated 
and angry savages crossed the border and joined the Semi- 
noles. Led by their chief, " liilly Bowlegs," they declared 
implacable hatred to the United States. They made a treaty 
with Colonel Nicholls, commander of a British force, who en- 
couraged them in their determination to compel the federal 
Government to restore their lands in Georgia and Alabama. 

Runaway slaves from Georgia uniting with bands of Semi- 
noles seized an empty stronghold which Nicholls had built ; 
henceforth it was known as the "Negro Fort." The occupants 
of that fort made raids across the border and plundered the 
Georgia settlers, driving off cattle and enticing slaves to join 
them. General Gaines despatched an expedition against the 
negro stronghold, and a well-directed, red-hot ball passing 
through the powder magazine blew the fort and its defenders 
to fragments (18 16). 

This effectually destroyed the negro settlement, but as the 
Seminoles remained unsubdued. General Jackson was ordered 



1818-1819.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 283 

to move against them. Jackson made short work with the 
Indians he encountered. Believing that the Spanish garrison 
at St. Marks secretly encouraged the hostile Seminoles, he 
compelled the commander to surrender that post (1818). 

A little later he seized Arbuthnot and Ambrister, two British 
subjects who were engaged in trade with the Indians, and 
accused them of stirring up the savages to make war against 
the United States. The men were convicted by court-martial 
and hanged. Jackson then marched on the Spanish post of 
Pensacola and seized it (18 18), on the ground that the Governor 
encouraged the Indians to make raids into Alabama. 

318. Jackson and Florida; purchase of Florida. — Jackson 
thus ended the first Seminole War. In doing this he prac- 
tically conquered Florida, for whose purchase we were then 
negotiating with Spain. The Government had strictly pro- 
hibited his seizing any Spanish post unless expressly ordered 
to do so. Spain protested against this armed invasion of her 
territory ; Jackson justified his action by appealing to the neces- 
sity of self-defence. He declared that if the Spanish authorities 
could not or would not restrain the Seminoles from committing 
outrages on American citizens, he had the military right to 
seize such fortified points as would effectually secure our 
frontier. The administration, however, took a different view 
of the matter. The President promptly disavowed Jackson's 
capture of St. Mark's and Pensacola, and restored the posts to 
the Spanish authorities (i8i8)."* 

Spain now thought it expedient to dispose of a province, 
which on account of its situation was likely to breed more wars 
with the United States. John Quincy Adams negotiated a 
treaty of purchase (1819) — ratified in 1821. By its terms 
Spain ceded to us the whole territory of East and West Florida 
for the sum of $5,000,000, and at the same time renounced her 
claim to any part of the Pacific coast north of the forty-second 
parallel. This' act helped to confirm our title to the Oregon 
country (§ 258). On the other hand, we gave up whatever 



284 



THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1818-1819. 



territorial right we had obtained to Texas through our purchase 
of the province of Louisiana (§ 280). 

319. Business crash and panic ; separation of Church and 
State; the steamship <' Savannah." — Meanwhile the coun- 
try was suffering from ''hard times," and the outlook was most 
discouraging. The introduction of the steamboat into western 
waters (§ 286) had greatly stimulated emigration, and this, in 




The United States after the Purchase of Florida in 1819. 

(The " Oregon Country " was held jointly with Great Britain ; all the territory east of the 
Upper Mississippi had been organized (1805, iSiS) as " Michigan Territory.") 



turn, had encouraged widespread and reckless land specula- 
tion. To accommodate borrow^ers, banks sprang up by scores, 
so that before the close of 18 18 nearly four hundred such insti- 
tutions were doing business in twenty-three States and Terri- 
tories. Most of these banks had no adequate capital, and 
many of them were guilty of gross fraud, and recklessly issued 
" five times as much paper as they could ever redeem." '*^ The 
"Bank of the United States" (§314) resolved to force these 
worthless State banks to redeem the notes with which they 



1818-1833.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 28$ 

had flooded the country. This action hastened the inevitable 
crash (1819).''*'^' Business came to a standstill, laborers were 
thrown out of employment, and the jails were crowded with 
penniless debtors. 

While these dismal events occupied the public mind, a great 
political movement was in progress in New England, which 
resulted in the final separation of Church and State (§ 179). 
This change began in the adoption of a new constitution by 
Connecticut (1818). It extended to New Hampshire (1819), 
then to Maine (182 1), and finally (1833) to Massachusetts. 
It granted the right of suffrage to all tax-payers, and released 
them from the compulsory support of any form of religious 
worship.''®^ 

Meanwhile another and very different revolution was fore- 
shadowed. In the spring of 1819 the "Savannah," an Amer- 
ican-built sailing-vessel, provided with paddle-wheels which 
could be moved by steam, crossed from New York to Liver- 
pool. She was the first rude attempt at an ocean steamer. 
She made the passage in twenty-six days. There were packet- 
ships then that could easily beat that record; but the "Savan- 
nah" appears to have suggested the first permanent line of 
steamships. These vessels were launched in England in 1840, 
and were the forerunners of our modern "greyhounds of the 
sea."^'''-' 

320. The question of slavery extension ; alternate admis- 
sion of free and slave States. — For many years there had 
been no serious discussion of slavery in Congress ; apparently, 
that question had been put to final rest (§ 257). Now it sud- 
denly sprang to life in a more dangerous form than ever. 

We have seen (§ 176) that Washington, Franklin, and 
Jefferson believed and hoped that slavery would die a natural 
death. But the occurrence of two events rendered their labors 
in the cause of emancipation useless. These were Whitney's 
invention of the cotton-gin (1797) (§ 259), and the purchase of 
the Territory of Louisiana (1803) (§ 280). The first made 



2 86 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1818-. 

slave labor enormously profitable at the South ; the second 
secured its extension west of the Mississippi River. Thus 
at the very time when the Northern States were passing acts 
of gradual or immediate emancipation, negro bondage was 
strengthened at the South, and was gaining the support of 
much Northern manufacturing and commercial capital. 

Congress had prohibited the foreign slave-trade (§ 257), 
but it still flourished; and Judge Story declared (i8ig) that 
American citizens were "steeped up to their very mouths 
in this stream of iniquity." ''^^ Unexpectedly the question of 
the maintenance of slavery had risen to be the chief economic, 
political, and moral factor in the history of the United States. 

From this period the Republic became " a house divided 
against itself." Every year made it more and more difficult 
for the federal Government to legislate satisfactorily for the 
two sections with their antagonistic tendencies and systems of 
labor. In order to secure an even division of political power. 
Congress had adopted the policy of admitting new States by 
alternation, so that a free State should balance a slave, or a 
slave a free (§ 267). Thus Vermont was followed by Kentucky, 
Tennessee by Ohio, Louisiana by Indiana, Mississippi by Illi- 
nois. After the admission of Illinois (18 18) there were eleven 
free to ten slave states in the Union. The expected speedy 
admission of Alabama — which in fact soon occurred — would 
restore the political equipoise and make the Union half slave 
and half free. 

321. Missouri applies for admission as a slave State; 
Tallmadge's amendment. — At this juncture the Legislature 
of Missouri Territory petitioned Congress (1818) for permis- 
sion to form a State government. At St. Louis and elsewhere 
about ten thousand negroes were held in bondage under terri- 
torial laws (§ 280), and no one doubted that the people of 
Missouri intended to make it a slave State. The petition was 
referred to a committee which brought in a favorable bill. 
This action was a surprise to the North ; for since the admis- 



1819- ] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 28/ 

sion of the State of Louisiana (1812) the people opposed to 
slavery had taken it for granted that no further attempts would 
be made to extend it west of the Mississippi. 

When the Missouri bill came up in the House, Tallmadge, 
of New York, moved an amendment (February 13, 1819) pro- 
hibiting " the further introduction of slavery " into Missouri, 
and requiring that " all children born within the said State, 
after the admission thereof into the Union, shall be free at the 
age of twenty-five,"^*^ » 

322. Debate on Tallmadge's amendment. — This proposi- 
tion roused a fierce and prolonged debate, in which Southern 
threats of secession were met by cool defiance.''''^ While the 
question was before the House, a bill was introduced to provide 
a territorial government for the Arkansas country where, as in 
the Missouri country, slavery already existed. Following the 
example of Tallmadge, Taylor, of New York, moved that 
slavery should be prohibited in the new Territory. After a 
sharp contest his motion was lost, and Arkansas was Organ- 
ized (March 2, 18 19) without the proposed restriction. 

This act seemed to foreshadow the extension of nejrro 
bondage and greatly excited the North. But the discussion 
of the Missouri question far outranked that of the Territory 
of Arkansas, and it roused passions which shook the founda- 
tions of the Republic. Jefferson said that the angry debate 
startled him "like a fire bell in the night," and seemed "the 
knell of the Union."™ 

Henry Clay led the opponents of Tallmadge's motion. He 
argued that it would be inhuman to coop up the slaves on the 
exhausted soil of plantations east of the Mississippi, and he 
implored Congress to throw open Missouri and let the poor 
negroes "share the fat plenty of the new West." 

He and his followers denied that Congress had the consti- 
tutional power to impose Tallmadge's restriction (Appendix, 
p. xiv, Sect. 3). They furthermore declared that the purchase 
treaty of 1803 (§ 280) guaranteed to the white inhabitants of 



288 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [I819-. 

the entire Louisiana country the right to hold slaves. Finally, 
they contended that Congress could not prevent emigrants 
from the Southern States going to Missouri and taking with 
them their negroes — which in law were as truly their property 
as their horses and cattle were. The Northern members replied 
that Congress, under the Confederation, had shut slavery out 
of the entire Northwest Territory by the Ordinance of 1787 
(§ 237), and had done it by means of Southern votes. If that 
celebrated act was constitutional, — and no one denied it, — so, 
too, they argued, was the measure now proposed, since it simply 
applied to the region beyond the Mississippi, a rule which had 
been successfully applied east of that river. 

Slavery, said they, is not national, but local and accidental; 
it is contrary to the real spirit of American institutions. To 
extend it would be to deliberately propagate a system which 
leading Southern men have always admitted to be a moral and 
political evil.'"' 

Thus supported, Tallmadgc's amendment passed the House 
by a vote of 97 to 56, but it was rejected by the Senate. The 
House stood firm, and Cobb, of Georgia, declared that the 
Northern members " were kindling a fire " which nothing but 
blood could extinguish. Later, Senator Barbour, of Virginia, 
proposed calling a convention to dissolve the Union."'''' 

323. The people discuss the Missouri question ; action of 
Congress on Maine and Missouri. — After the adjournment of 
Congress in the spring of 18 19, the people of both sections 
took up the Missouri question. Public meetings in Boston, 
New York, Philadelphia, and even in Baltimore, demanded 
that Congress should put a stop to the spread of slavery 
beyond the Mississippi. The Legislatures of Pennsylvania, 
Ohio, and Indiana warmly seconded this demand. 

The South generally took the opposite stand. Virginia and 
Kentucky called for the admission of Missouri without condi- 
tions, declaring that the attempt to restrict slavery was a direct 
attack on State-rights.''" 



1819-1830.] IIIE UNION, NAllONAI. IM'.VKl.OPMKNT. 



289 



A new Congress met in Deccinbei, 1819, ami Missouri again 
petitioned for admission. The discussion of the question of 
restriction was then laken up in the Senate and very ably 
argued. Rufus King, of Now \ Ork, was the champion of free 
soil, and William Tinkney, the brilliant Maryland lawyer, 
defended the cause of slavery.'"" Missouri had no sooner 
presenteil her petition in the House than the District of 
Maine, recently separated from Massachusetts (§ 105), asked 











IE 



^S'.> 







^ 




7 



' M.\p illustrating tlio IVIissmiii Compromiso Act of I fl'.MV 

(The Act did not mention the Imitory simlh of ^fi" :(o', lint tlic undcisuiiulinj; was lint 
it w.is to In- opi'tu'd lo sl.U'i'fy.) 

permission to enter the Union. 'I'he House, by a .sectional 
vote, granted Maine her prayer; after a long debate the 
Senate did the same, but added a " rider " to the bill which 
provided that Missouri should be admitted without restriction 
of slavery. As neither branch of Congress would yield, legis- 
lation on this point came to a standstill. 

324. The Missouri Compromise proposed and passed (1820). 
— Senator Thomas, of Illinois, broke the deadlock. He had 



290 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [l8LJU-lti->l. 

already proposed the famous measure which got the name of 
the Missouri Compromise. He now presented the bill again 
(February 17, 1820). It provided that the State of Missouri 
should be admitted with slavery, but that in all the remaining 
territory west of the Mississippi, north of the line 36° 30', — or 
the southern boundary of Missouri, — slavery should be " for- 
ever prohibited." ^'^ It was understood that if the North 
accepted this proposition no further opposition would be made 
on the part of the South to the admission of Maine. The 
Senate voted in favor of the Missouri Compromise ; when it 
came to the House it was carried (March 2, 1820) by the help 
of eighteen Northern members. 

Benton spoke of it later as " an immense concession " by 
the South to the non-slave-holding States ; but the friends of 
free soil looked upon it as a defeat. John Randolph, of Vir- 
ginia, stigmatized the Compromise as a "dirty bargain," and 
nicknamed the Northern men who had voted for it " Dough- 
faces"; only three of these men were reelected to Congress."" 

Before signing the Missouri Compromise Bill, President 
Monroe asked his Cabinet, " Has Congress the constitutional 
right to prohibit slavery in a Territory ? " All of his Cabinet, 
including Calhoun, replied, "Yes." The President then signed 
the bill."' 

The entrance of the two States of Maine and Missouri 
(1820, 1821) made the whole number twenty-four — twelve 
slave and twelve free. 

325. "What Jefferson and John Quincy Adams thought of 
the Compromise. — Thus peace was obtained; but Jefferson 
declared that an irritating geographical line had been estab- 
lished, and he feared that the question of the further extension 
of slavery would eventually make "separation preferable to 
eternal discord." "We have the wolf by the ears," said he, 
"and we can neither hold him nor safely let him go.""^ But 
notwithstanding Randolph's sneer, there were Northern men 
who had no "dough" either in face or character who had 



1820-1821.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 29 1 

given the measure their support. John Quincy Adams, Secre- 
tary of State, the " first leader in the long crusade against 
slavery," was one. He said, " I have favored the Missouri 
Compromise, believing it all that could be effected under the 
present Constitution, and from extreme unwillingness to put 
the Union to hazard. If the Union must be dissolved, slavery 
IS precisely the question on which it ought to break. For the 
present, however, this contest is laid asleep." '^'^^ The phrase 
" laid asleep " was wisely chosen, for the terrible question 
gained new strength through repose ; when it awoke many 
years later, it showed itself, as Jefferson predicted it would, 
more irrepressible and more formidable than ever. 

326. The second Missouri Compromise ; admission of the 
State (1821). — When Missouri formed her State constitution 
she forbade the entrance of free negroes. This provision 
raised another storm. The great majority of Northern mem 
bers in the House voted against admitting the State unless this 
article should be dropped. Henry Clay effected a compromise 
by which the Missouri Legislature pledged the State not to shut 
out any colored person who was a citizen of another State ;'^'^ 
Missouri was then admitted (182 1). Fifteen years later (1836) 
the Missouri Compromise was practically violated by an act of 
Congress which extended the area of the State on the northwest. 
The portion added was as large as Rhode Island ; the Com- 
promise of 1820 had included it in territory which was to be 
free soil "forever," but this act made it part of a slave State. 

327. The Crawford Act ; '* machine politics"; the presi- 
dential election. — Meanwhile important political changes had 
been taking place. Throughout the States it had now become 
the practice on the incoming of a new Governor to remove officers 
who did not agree with him in politics. The tendency was to 
nationalize this system by applying it to federal officers. 

William H. Crawford, Secretary of the Treasury, an aspirant 
for the presidency, procured the passage of an act (1820) 
which greatly increased the power of Federal patronage. 



292 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1820-1825. 

Hitherto it had been the custom to continue the subordinate 
ofificers of the Treasury Department in service during good 
behavior. The Crawford Tenure of Office Act now limited 
their term to four years."'' This was the commencement of 
that regular system of rotation in office and of " political 
rewards " which continued until overturned by the Civil Ser- 
vice Reform movement, more than half a century later (1872). 

Less than ten years after the passage of the Crawford Act, 
party leaders, since known as " bosses," began to manage 
presidential nominations and elections by means of methods 
nicknamed "machine politics." The so-called "gerrymander," 
— a political trick for securing elections by unfairly redistrict- 
ing a State, — had come into use since 1811. At the presi- 
dential election (1820) there was no division of parties, and 
Monroe obtained every electoral vote but one. 

328. The Cumberland Road veto ; Texas. — The Cumber- 
land Road (§ 285), the first great national undertaking of the 
kind, — projected in 1806, — had been completed across the 
mountains. It extended to Wheeling, on the Ohio, and 
the entire work had cost about $1,700,000."^ Congress now 
passed a bill appropriating $9000 for the repair of the road ; 
Monroe, who was a "strict constructionist " (§ 256), vetoed it, 
on the ground that the Constitution gave Congress no power 
to make this class of "internal improvements." '^'^^ Later, he 
reconsidered his objections, and on the last day of his adminis- 
tration (1825) signed a bill for extending this important road to 
Zanesville, Ohio.^** Eventually this broad, straight, well-built 
national highway was pushed through to the Mississippi. The 
whole question of the constitutionality of " internal improve- 
ments " continued to excite sharp debate until the advent of 
railroads (1830), built by stock companies, put an end to the 
discussion, except in the case of the great transcontinental 
undertakings of recent times. 

We have seen (§318) that when we purchased Florida 
(18 1 9) we renounced all claim to Texas ; but this renunciation 



l8'-in-lSi6.] Till": UNION, NATIONAL DKVELOI'MICNT. 293 

did not prevent tilibustering expeditions (1819- 182 1) from 
some of the Southern States. Many people in that section 
believed that the President had exceeded his powers in giving 
up our claim to Texas. They resolved to make efforts to 
obtain re-possession of that province. All those who sought 
to extend the area of slavery, either for political reasons or in 
order to raise the market price of negroes in the East, encour- 
aged those efforts.'''' 

329. Emigration to Texas. — Stephen F. Austin, of Mis- 
souri, obtained a large grant of land in Texas, in the vicinity 
of the Brazos and Colorado Rivers, tronx the Mexican Govern- 
ment; and many emigrants from the Southwestern States went 
out to settle on it. The Texan Government (1827) had emanci- 
pated all slaves, and enacted a law forbidding their importa- 
tion, though it permitted peonage, a form of bondage, worse in 
some respects than negro servitude. The American colonists 
in Texas paid no attention to this law ; they continued to hold 
negroes in servitude, and to bring them into the province from 
the States. Under the leadership of General Sam Houston, 
of Tennessee, these colonists (1836) declared themselves inde- 
pendent of Mexican rule, and after the successful battle of 
San Jacinto, they raised the flag of the " Lone Star State " at 
Austin, the capital. From that time onward a strong party in the 
South made incessant efforts to secure the annexation of Texas 
as a slave State. We shall see that, in spite of powerful oppo- 
sition, they at length (1845) succeeded. 

330. The "Holy Alliance"; Russian America; suggestion 
of the "Monroe Doctrine." — After the final overthrow of 
Napoleon, Russia, Prussia, and Austria formed the " Holy Alli- 
ance." Its object was to restore absolute monarchical power 
in Europe and in European dependencies."*^ 

The Alliance encouraged Spain to prepare to subjugate her 
revolted and independent South American colonies ; at the 
same time the Czar thought it a favorable moment to make 
an attempt to extend the area of the province of Russian 



294 J^'^lE student's AMKKICAN lUSTOKV. [I833-. 

America (now Alaska) on the Pacific coast. John Quincy 
Adams, Secretary of State, opposed the phms of Russia. He 
declared that it was a "law of nature" that we should eventu- 
ally make the whole of North America our own. He told the 
Russian jSIinister (1S23) that "we should contest the rights of 
Russia to any territorial establishment on this continent," and 
that we should assume "that the American continents are no 
longer subjects for any new European establishments." "''^ 

A few months later Mr. Canning, Prime Minister of England, 
proposed that the United States should cooperate with Great 
Britain in protecting the Spanish American Republics against 
the designs of Spain and the "Holy Alliance." '■** President 
Monroe consulted Jefferson in regard to the matter. Jelferson 
said : " Our tirst and fundamental maxim should be never to 
entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe ; our second, never 
to sutfer Europe to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs," "^ 
After discussion at a cabinet meeting, it was thought best to 
respectfully decline Canning's invitation of cooperation. 

331. The President promulgates the << Monroe Doctrine." 
— In his annual message (December 2, 1S23) the President 
called the attention of Congress to the schemes of the Czar and 
of the " Holy Alliance." Speaking of Russia, he said : " The 
American continents, by the free and independent condition 
which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to 
be considered as subjects for colonization by any European 
powers," 

Passing next to the projects of Spain and the " Holy Alli- 
ance" with respect to the colonies which had declared their 
independence, he said: "We should consider any attempt on 
the part of the allied powers to extend their system to any 
portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety." 
He added that should Europe make such an attempt we could 
not view it "in any other light than the manifestation of an 
unfriendly disposition toward the United States." '** This mem- 
orable declaration obtained the name of the " Monroe Doctrine." 



I>j23-lf)96.] TIJE UNION, NA'JIOXAJ. DI, Vi-,I.OI'MENT. 295 

332. Application of the << Monroe Doctrine." — The "Mon- 
roe I-)octrine " received the commendation of Webster and 
other eminent statesmen. It has been popularly understood 
to mean that v/e claim "America for Americans " — or that, in 
other words, we say to the European powers, " since we do not 
meddle with your continent, you must keep your hands off 
ours," Practically, however, the "Monroe JJoctrine" at the 
time it was promulgated was not held to commit us to anything 
more belligerent than what John Quincy Adams called "the 
mild compulsion of reason." ^"^ 

In the next administration (1826J the question came up 
whether the United States should undertake the defence of 
the Spanish American Republics including Mexico^ by armed 
force. President Adams and the House of Representatives 
both declared that we were under no such obligations.^** 

As it now appears to be understood, the Monroe Doctrine 
expresses the determination on our part not to interfere with the 
existing American colonies or possessions of any European 
power ; secondly, to resist by formal protest, or by such means 
as we may deem most expedient, the interference of any nation 
of Europe with the affairs of either of the American continents; 
and, finally, to endeavor to secure the settlement of such ques- 
tions — as in the case of Venezuela (1896) — by international 
arbitration.^'*''' 

After the enunciation of this principle, Russia made a treaty 
with the United States. The Czar gave up all claims on the 
Pacific coast of America south of 54'' 40', — or the present 
southern boundary of Alaska, — and granted to American 
citizens the right to trade on the coast north of that parallel 
and to fish in its waters. '^''* 

The " Holy Alliance " ceased to encourage projects for the 
overthrow of the Spanish Republics. This change was due 
partly to the decided language we had used in the Monroe 
Doctrine, and partly to the fact that England, following our 
example, had recognized the independence of those Republics. 



296 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [l824- 

333. The tariff of 1824. — The tariff of 1816 (§314) was 
decidedly protective with regard to cotton and woollen goods, 
but not conspicuously so with respect to other articles. The 
Middle and Western States, with certain sections of New Eng- 
land, now demanded higher duties on wool, iron, and hemp. 
Clay wished to make the United States, as far as possible 
independent of the industries of Europe. With this aim he 
came forward as the great champion of what he called " a 
genuine American policy." He carried through a bill (1824) 
in favor of " protection for the sake of protection." W^ebster 
spoke against it, and the South, which had now changed its 
attitude (§ 314), was almost solidly opposed to such a measure. 
That section now had a constantly increasing foreign demand 
for their cotton, and found it for their interest to purchase 
English goods in exchange. The new tariff enacted by Con- 
gress (1824) fixed the average scale of duties at thirty-three 
and a third per cent.'^'" The South denounced the measure as 
"sectional, unconstitutional, and unjust." '^^' Later, this denun- 
ciation culminated, as we shall see, in open nullification and 
threats of secession. 

334. Lafayette's visit. — In 1824 Congress invited Lafay- 
ette to visit the United States as the " nation's guest." He 
reached New York in the summer of that year, after more than 
forty years' absence. He came, as he said, to see the "beloved 
land " of which it had been his " happy lot to become an early 
soldier and an adopted son." ™', 

In the dark days of the Revolution he had generously opened 
his purse and risked his life in our cause. He was now old 
and poor ; but America convinced him that he was not for- 
gotten. He spent more than a year (1824-182 5) in travelling 
through the country, and visited every State in the Union. It 
has been said that " Only Washington himself, had he risen 
from the grave, could have called forth deeper feelings of 
reverence and affection."' '"^ Clay welcomed him in an eloquent 
address made in behalf of the nation, and with his own hands 



1824-.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 297 

Lafayette laid the corner-stone of Bunker Hill Monument. 
Congress voted him the sum of $200,000 and a township of 
land in Florida, and he returned to France in the new frigate 
"Brandywine" (§ 215), named in honor of his services in that 
battle. ^'•'^ 

335. The presidential election (1824); charge of '*a cor- 
rupt bargain." — The four leading candidates for the Presi- 
dency were John Quincy Adams, who, as Secretary of State 
under Monroe, was "heir apparent" (§ 314), Henry Clay, 
W. H. Crawford (§ 327), and Andrew Jackson, who was wholly 
unknown in politics. As three of them had never before tried 
their powers in such a contest, the campaign was called " the 
scrub race for the presidency." All four were nominally mem- 
bers of the Democratic-Republican Party— the only national 
party then in existence. Adams and Clay were " broad con- 
structionists " (§ 256) who strongly favored the expenditure of 
a part of the public money for the building of roads, canals, 
and other " internal improvements." Crawford and Jackson, 
on the contrary, held "strict-construction" views (§ 256) on 
this point, and believed such " improvements " should be made 
by the States themselves at their own expense. Again, Adams 
and Clay both favored " protection," while Crawford declared 
himself for a revenue tariff only. Jackson's views on this ques- 
tion were unknown, but he was supposed to incline toward 
"protection."™' 

In the end the contest narrowed itself down to the choice of 
either Jackson or Adams. Previous to this time the presidential 
electors had generally been chosen by the State Legislatures, 
but in 1824 they were chosen, in eighteen States out of twenty- 
four, by the people.^''" It was estimated that the Jackson elec- 
tors received upwards of 50,000 more votes than the Adams 
electors.™ Hence, so far as the direct voice of the people 
could decide it, Jackson was successful. None of the presi- 
dential candidates, however, obtained a clear majority of the 
electoral votes; the Constitution, therefore, required the House 



298 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1824-1825. 

of Representatives to "choose by ballot one of them for 
President" (Appendix, p. xvii). 

In the House Clay's friends united with those of Adams 
and chose the latter, John C. Calhoun having been elected 
Vice-President. The excitement over this announcement was 
intense. The House of Representatives had followed strictly 
constitutional methods; but Jackson's friends did not hesitate 
to declare that he was entitled to the presidency since, of the 
two chief candidates, he had received a majority of the popular 
vote.'"'^ They denounced the coalition of Clay's and Adams's 
supporters as a "corrupt bargain," asserting that Clay had sold 
himself to Adams in return for the promise of the appointment 
of Secretary of State in the latter's Cabinet. Clay indignantly 
denied this report ; but as Adams made him Secretary of State, 
his denial went for nothing. Jackson himself was hot against 
Clay, and privately declared that this "Judas of the West" had 
deliberately betrayed him.*"" 

336. Summary. — Following the chronological order, the 
most important events in Monroe's administrations were: (i) 
the purchase of Florida; (2) the Missouri Compromise, whereby 
slavery was admitted to that State, but " forever " prohibited 
from all other parts of the Louisiana Territory north of the 
parallel of 36° 30'; (3) the enunciation of the Monroe Doctrine, 
which denied the right of European powers to interfere with 
affairs in either of the American continents. 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS (DEMOCRATIC-REPUBLICAN), ONE TERM, 

1825-1829. 

337. Inaugural address ; "internal improvements." — The 
keynote of the President's (§ 335) inaugural address was his 
urgent recommendation that the national Government should 
encourage a great system of roads, canals, and other public 
works. Monroe strongly favored such a policy, but thought 
that it required an amendment to the Constitution to authorize 



1825-.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 299 

it. Mr. Adams did not think such an amendment necessary. 
As a "broad constructionist " (§ 256) he was positive that the 
Constitution did sanction works which " would bind the Union 
more closely together." ^"^ But Mr. Adams went further: fol- 
lowing the suggestions of Washington he earnestly recommended 
the establishment of a national university and a naval school. 
The latter he considered a necessary complement to the United 
States Military Academy founded (1802) at West Point. 

Congress was ready to grant appropriations to facilitate com- 
munication which would render every part of the country "more 
accessible to, and dependent on, the other." The Cumberland, 
or National Road (§ 328), was pushed westward from Zanesville, 
Ohio, toward the Mississippi; extensive coast and river surveys 
were made, and the construction of important canals under- 
taken. The activity of the Government was so great that this 
has been called " the epoch of internal improvements." In the 
course of Mr. Adams's administration nearly $14,000,000 was 
spent on works of " permanent benefit to the country." Of this 
sum more than $4,000,000 was laid out on roads and canals. 
This amount exceeded the total expenditure for such purposes 
of all Mr. Adams's predecessors. The President congratulated 
the nation that these public enterprises had been carried out 
'' without adding a dollar to the taxes or debts of the com- 
munity." ^" Later, he had an unexpected oppDrtunity to show 
his faith by his works. He was to throw the first shovelful of 
earth at the opening of a new canal between the East and the 
West. He chanced to meet with some obstacle, and he at 
once pulled off his coat and began to handle his spade with 
such energy that the delighted multitude cheered to the echo.*"' 
It was perhaps the only act of his entire presidential career 
v/hich the people hailed with applause, for Mr. Adams was a 
man whose virtues made few friends; he never gained popularity, 
and he certainly never coveted it. 

338. The Erie Canal and its results. — As early as 1808 
Judge Forman, of Onondaga, New York, moved in the Legis- 



300 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1817-1825. 

lature that steps be taken toward connecting the waters of 
the Hudson with those of Lake Erie. The motion was not 
carried into effect at the time, but later James Geddes was com- 
missioned to make a preUminary survey. The War of 1812 
convinced the people of New York that the work of construct- 
ing the proposed canal could not be safely postponed. The 
cost of transportation from the seaboard to Detroit was fifty 
cents a pound for ammunition and sixty dollars a barrel for 
fiour.^ It was evident that a continuous water-way between 
New York city and the West would be of incalculable advantage 
to both sections. On the one hand, it would open a market to 
the Western farmer for his produce; on the other, it would fur- 
nish an outlet for Eastern goods and imports. Governor Clin- 
ton urged the Legislature to begin the important work without 
further delay. Finally his zeal overcame all opposition, and in 
the summer of 18 17 a gang of laborers began to excavate the 
trench which opponents ridiculed as "Clinton's Big Ditch." 

The entire canal was completed in the autumn of 1825. It 
extended from Albany to Buffalo, a distance of 363 miles, and 
tapped Lake Erie at a height of several hundred feet above 
tide-water. The average cost was nearly $14,000 a mile, and it 
was built by the State when its population hardly exceeded a 
million, and when it had no surplus revenue to spare. The 
work was substantially done, with " immense embankments, 
noble aqueducts, and massive locks." 

When (October 26, 1825) the waters of Lake Erie were let 
into the great trench. Governor Clinton, attended by many dis- 
tinguished men, made the journey from Buffalo to Albany, and 
thence to New York city in a fleet of gaily decorated canal 
boats. Fieldpieces had been placed along the entire route, at 
intervals of about five miles ; and when the canal was opened 
this cannon-telegraph flashed the news from Buft'alo to New 
York in ninety minutes. Kegs of water from Lake Erie were 
carried on the boats from Buffalo to the mouth of the Hudson. 
The Governor completed the celebration by emptying the con- 



1825-.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 3OI 

tents of one of the kegs into the salt water. By this act he 
commemorated, as he declared, " the navigable communication 
accomplished between our mediterranean seas and the Atlantic 
Ocean." ''' 

The canal shortened the time from Albany to Buffalo one- 
half; reduced rates on freight from $100 a ton to $10, later to 
$3; and greatly facilitated the movement of emigration to the 
West.*''" Furthermore, it stimulated settlements all along the 
line. These have since grown into prosperous towns and 
wealthy cities. Finally the canal helped to make the city of 
New York " the great distributing center of the North." *"'^ 

339. <'The great Western march." — On the day of Mr. 
Adams's inauguration the greater part of Ohio was still cov- 
ered with forests, and most of Illinois was a prairie wilderness.*"'* 
But on the Erie Canal and the National Road (§§ 337, 338) 
a procession of boats and wagons crowded with emigrants from 
the East was steadily moving toward the Mississippi. The 
Ohio, from Pittsburg, was alive with barges moving down the 
river and carrying whole households, with their cattle, hogs, 
horses, and sheep. A number of steamboats were regularly 
running, not only on the rivers of the West, but on the Great 
Lakes, and they contributed their part toward aiding the 
emigration. 

In the decade between 1820 and 1830, Michigan Territory 
gained 260 per cent in the number of its inhabitants; Illinois, 
180; Arkansas Territory, 142; Indiana, 133;**''^ and Ohio 
increased from a population of about 576,000 to nearly a 
million. 

The United States offered land at two dollars an acre, and 
gave the settler ample time to pay for it. Eventually the farmer 
could get a quarter-section, or 160 acres, for about $26, so that 
practically he received his homestead as a gift from the Gov- 
ernment. In every township one section, or a thirty-sixth of the 
public lands, was set apart to maintain free schools.*^'" Cheap 
land and free education both stimulated the emigrant's " great 



302 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1825-1831. 

Western march " to that land of promise destined to become 
the center of population and of political power. 

No official record of immigration from abroad was begun 
until 1820, but between 1820 and 1830 about 150,000 foreigners 
settled in the United States. A large proportion of them made 
their homes in the West. More than one-half of these new- 
comers were from the British Isles.*"' The great tide of immi- 
gration, however, did not begin until many years later (1847). 

340. Dispute with Georgia concerning Indian land ces- 
sions. — By a treaty made with the chief of the Creek Indians, 
all lands owned by that tribe in Georgia were ceded (1825) to 
the United States. The Creeks protested against this cession, 
declaring that it had been made by certain Indians without 
the sanction of the tribe. President Adams ordered the enforce- 
ment of the treaty to be suspended until General Gaines could 
confer with the Creek nation. Governor Troup, of Georgia, 
determined to have the ceded lands surveyed at once, as a step 
toward the expulsion of the Indians. He threatened to call out 
the military force of the State to resist General Gaines and his 
body of federal troops. The Creeks at length (1826) signed a 
new treaty by which they bound themselves to give up all their 
lands in Georgia and to emigrate across the Mississippi.®^^ 

Before the transfer was completed a serious dispute arose 
between the Governor of Georgia and the President of the 
United States respecting the survey of a part of the Creek 
country. At one time it seemed as if the controversy must be 
settled by the sword, but happily a way was found to compro- 
mise the difficulty. 

Later (1828), Georgia assumed jurisdiction over the lands of 
the Cherokee reservation held by that semi-civilized tribe under 
treaty with the federal Government. The President protested, 
but the House justified the action of the State.*'^ Practically, 
Georgia nullified the Cherokee treaty, and afterward (1831) 
refused to obey a decision of the United States Supreme Court 
which virtually sustained the rights claimed by the Indians.*'* 



1825-.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 303 

341. The Panama Congress; new political parties; the 
Temperance movement. — Meanwhile the Spanish-American 
Republics had invited the United States to send delegates to a 
Congress at Panama to discuss what action should be taken 
respecting European interference or colonization (§ 332). Con- 
gress accepted the invitation, but passed an informal resolution 
declining to take any definite joint action with the Spanish- 
American Governments. The Panama Congress met, but dis- 
solved before our delegates arrived, and nothing more was done. 

Shortly after Mr. Adams entered office, his friends and Clay's 
united in forming a new party which took the name of National 
Republicans, and later that of Whigs. They stood on the plat- 
form of "broad construction" (§ 256); they advocated a pro- 
tective tariff and demanded "internal improvements" (§ 337) 
by the national Government. The regular Democratic-Repub- 
licans, under the lead of the Jackson men, soon became known 
as Democrats ; generally speaking, they favored the " strict- 
construction " (§ 256) interpretation of the Constitution, and 
the Southern portion of the party laid stress on State-rights, 

Meanwhile a third political party had come into existence. 
A man named Morgan had published a book claiming to reveal 
the secrets of Free Masonry. Morgan suddenly disappeared, 
and many persons believed that the Masons had made away 
with him. The excitement caused the organization of an Anti- 
Masonic Party in western New York, which bound itself to 
oppose the election of any member of the Masonic Order to 
public office. The new party generally voted with the National 
Republicans; it exercised considerable influence for several 
years, but then lost power. 

When Mr. Adams entered office, liquor was freely used by 
all classes of society. The mechanic, the farm-laborer, and the 
merchant all thought that they must have it ; it was bountifully 
supplied at weddings, funerals, college commencements, and 
ministerial ordinations ; and children used to buy it by the 
cent's worth at the corner groceries. 



304 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1811-1896. 

Dr. Lyman Beecher of Connecticut appears to have led the 
movement of reform (1811). The result of his work was the 
establishment of the " Massachusetts Society for the Suppres- 
sion of Intemperance " (1813), followed in 1S26 by the 
organization of the " American Society for the Promotion of 
Temperance," which ten years later (1S36) took its stand on 
the platform of total abstinence. Four years afterward (1840), 
the Washingtonian Temperance Society was formed at Balti- 
more to reclaim habitual drunkards. Eventually, the Total 
Abstinence movement began to demand the entire suppression 
of liquor-selling, and in 185 1 Maine passed the first prohibitory 
law. Later, a number of other States made experiments in the 
same direction, and decided against prohibition, but five — 
Vermont, New Hampshire, Kansas, and North and South 
Dakota — now (1896) join with Maine in absolutely forbid- 
ding the sale of all intoxicating drink as a beverage. The law, 
however, has encountered many serious obstacles which have 
generally checked its rigid enforcement in the large towns. 

In 1872 a political party entered the national field pledged 
by its platform to add a prohibitory amendment to the Consti- 
tution of the United States. 

342. Commercial treaties ; West India trade ; the Harris- 
burg Convention. — The President negotiated a great number 
of commercial treaties which secured a large and prosperous 
trade with the Spanish- American Republics and with other 
powers. But, on the other hand, the English Government cut 
us off (1826) from the very lucrative direct trade we enjoyed 
with the British West Indies. Mr. Adams made energetic 
attempts to induce England to reopen those ports to us, but 
failed to accomplish anything. Finally, by virtue of a law 
passed under the preceding administration, he issued a procla- 
mation (1827) of retaliation, and declared that all commercial 
intercourse with those ports was prohibited.'-^'' 

In the summer of 1827 a National Convention of Protection- 
ists met at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. They were dissatisfied 



I8-J7-1828.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 305 

with the tariff of 1824 (§ ^ss), and demanded that higher 
duties should be levied on woollens, iron, hemp, and other 
products. The object of the Convention was twofold: first, to 
protect home industries; and secondly, to retaliate on Great 
Britain for her exclusion of these articles.'^^® 

343. The so-called << tariff of abominations." — At the next 
session of Congress (1827) a tariff bill embodying the measures 
of the Protectionists was brought in. The division on it was 
almost purely sectional: the North and West advocated it, 
while the South opposed it. In the case of the tariff of 1824 
(§ ss3)f Daniel Webster had declared himself the champion of 
a free-trade or revenue tariff except in the case of manufactures 
already established, and which seemed to require defence 
against foreign competition. He now came out strongly for 
protection. He took the ground that since New England had 
been forced by the act of 1824 to invest a large part of her 
capital in woollen manufactures, it was the duty of the national 
Government to guard that capital against sudden and ruinous 
loss.*^'" 

Southern men protested against this policy. Cotton, rice, 
and tobacco then constituted the chief American exports, and 
they were exchanged for articles of European manufacture on 
advantageous terms. The South wished, therefore, to keep up 
this trade as it stood, and to purchase her goods where she 
could get them cheapest. 

A Senator from Maryland denounced the proposed system of 
protection as a "tariff of abominations," ^^^ and John Randolph, 
of Virginia, said it should be called " a bill to rob and plunder 
nearly one-half the Union for the benefit of the residue."*''* 
Haynes, of South Carolina, went further and declared that the 
proposed law " was calculated to sever the bonds of the 
Union." ''-'' 

344. Passage of the tariff bill. — After a violent debate of 
six weeks the new tariff bill was passed (1828) amidst the wildest 
excitement. The vote in the Senate stood 26 to 21, and in the 



306 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1828-. 

House 109 to 91. The act increased the duties from the pre- 
vious rate of S3}^ P^r cent to an average of 45 percent.*-^ The 
rate on cottons was left unchanged, but that on woollens was 
more than double that of the tariff of 1824..^'^'- Some of the 
most obnoxious features of the act were incorporated in it by 
its enemies. They hoped, thereby, either to kill the measure, 
or to kill Adams's chances for a second presidential term if he 
signed the bill. 

345. Opposition of South Carolina to the tariff. — The 
people of many towns in South Carolina held mass-meetings at 
which they resolved to wear homespun, and to refuse to buy 
any cloth made north of the Potomac. South Carolina, North 
Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama declared the new tariff a 
violation of the Constitution.**^ 

Calhoun drew up an " Exposition and Protest " which, after 
some changes, was adopted by the Legislature of South Caro- 
lina. The " Exposition " denounced the tariff as an act of 
tyranny on the part of the majority, and as directly contrary to 
the plain spirit of the Constitution. The manifesto further de- 
clared that, should the federal Government persist in enforcing 
the protective system, it would be " the sacred duty " of his 
State " to arrest the progress of a usurpation which must cor- 
rupt the public morals and destroy the liberty of the country." *^^ 
Webster considered the situation very grave. He wrote: "In 
December, 1828, I became thoroughly convinced that the plan 
of a Southern Confederacy had been received with favor by a 
great many of the political men of the South." ^^ 

346. The presidential election. — At the presidential elec- 
tion (1828) the candidates were John Quincy Adams, National 
Republican (§ 341), and Andrew Jackson, Democrat. Jackson 
easily carried the day, and with John C. Calhoun as Vice- 
President, was elected by a large majority, the electoral vote 
standing 178 to 83, and the popular vote 647,231 to 509,097. 

347. Summary. — The principal events of President Adams's 
administration were: (i) the impetus given to the making of 



1829-.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 307 

roads, canals, and other " internal improvements " by the 
national Government; (2) the completion and opening of the 
Erie Canal by the State of New York; (3) the great movement 
of population westward; (4) the enactment of the high protec- 
tive tariff of 1828, which excited the violent opposition of the 
South. 

ANDREW JACKSON (DEMOCRAT), TWO TERMS, 1829-1837. 

348. Jackson's election and inauguration. — The election 
(§ 346) and inauguration of the new chief-magistrate showed 
that a political revolution had taken place. Every one of the 
seven preceding Presidents, from Jefferson to John Quincy 
Adams (1801-1829), had filled the office of Secretary of State. 
All were of Eastern birth and had been educated at college. 
Now, the rough, self-willed, strong-limbed pioneers who were 
clearing and planting the wilderness beyond the Alleghanies 
(§ 339) had resolved to put a fresh man at the helm. They 
felt that Jackson was one of themselves. He was the son of a 
Scotch-Irish immigrant (§§ 52, 173), and was born in a log- 
cabin in the backwoods. He had never been Secretary of 
State, but the West believed him "heir apparent" (§ 314) to 
the presidency by right of nature. They put him forward 
to break up the routine of " cabinet succession." 

The old and conservative sections of the country had been 
fully represented in the Executive; in Jackson, the Indian 
fighter, the "hero of New Orleans," the new forces at work in 
America were embodied, and were to come to the front. Never 
had such a multitude been seen in Washington as on the day 
of his inauguration. Men stood with their muddy boots on 
the satin-covered chairs in the White House to get a sight at 
the President of their choice. ^^'^ Eastern men looked on in dis- 
may, and Judge Story wrote home that " the reign of King 
Mob seemed triumphant." *^^' 

349. Removals from office. — More than twelve years before, 
Jackson had written to Monroe, after the latter's election to the 



308 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [lSi39-. 

presidency (^1817), urging him not to remove Government offi- 
cers for political reasons. He said then : •• Now is the time to 
exterminate the monster called party spirit " ;*-^ but since that 
period he had changed. He entered office fully convinced that 
he had once been cheated out of the presidency by a '• corrupt 
bargain '' (§ 335). He believed that "bargain " had deliberately 
thwarted the will of the people. He considered that the Gov- 
ernment belonged to those who had elected him. The editor 
of the "Washington Telegraph," the organ of the new adminis- 
tration, declared that he took it for granted that Jackson would 
"reward his friends and punish his enemies."^-' 

Jackson himself was eager to begin what he called " the task 
of reform." He was convinced that Adams and Clay had filled 
the public offices with " babbling politicians " who ought to be 
removed for the good of the country; but, as a matter of fact, 
Adams had kept his political and personal enemies in office, 
and had refused to give places to his friends and supporters.^^' 

Jackson's policy anticipated Senator Marcy's rule: "To the 
victors belong the spoils." "^^ He made removals by wholesale, 
and the working of the Crawford Act (§ 3^7) helped to make 
more vacancies. At Washington the distress and terror of the 
"ins "was only matched by the rapacity of the "outs." In 
the tirst month of his administration Jackson dismissed more 
men from office than all the Presidents who had preceded him 
(§ 279). Before the close of the first year not less than two 
thousand office-holders had been replaced by adherents of the 
new Government. 

350. The President declares the removals necessary ; the 
<♦ Kitchen Cabinet"; foreign affairs. — The President believed 
that these changes were in every way an advantage. He 
declared that unless such removals were regularly made, sub- 
ordinate officials would consider their positions " as a species 
of property," and would "acquire a habit of looking with indif- 
ference upon the public interests."*'^' Hence he earnestly 
advocated " rotation," and urged Congress to extend it."^ Jef- 



1830-.] THE UNION', NATIONAI, DKVKLUl'MKNT. 3O9 

ferson aiul Madison had already protested against ilie introduc- 
tion of this system when applied to clerks in departments.'*"'^^ 
Webster, Calhoun, and Benton added their remonstrances,*" 
but in vain, for rotation in otHce, tirst systematically begun by 
the Crawford Act (§ 327), became tlrmly established. Through 
it the *' spoils system " held unbroken sway for more than forty 
years. 

Unlike his predecessors, Jackson did not hold cabinet coun- 
cils, but depended largely on the suggestions of a few intimate 
friends who were popularly known as the " Kitchen Cabinet." 
Amos Kendall, of Massachusetts, a man of considerable ability, 
with a "great talent for silence " and for work, was the leader 
of this influential group. 

In his foreign relations Jackson gained two signal triumphs 
early in his administration. He succeeded in negotiating a 
treaty with Great Britain which granted us the long-coveted, 
unrestricted, direct trade with the West Indies (§ 265); and he 
induced France to pay us 25,000,000 of francs to settle our 
claims for the spoliations which Napoleon had committed on 
our commerce (§ 295). 

351. Hayne vs. Webster on State vs. National sovereignty. 
— In the tirst Congress which met under Jackson, Senator Foot, 
of Connecticut, proposed (1830) making an inquiry respecting 
the sale of Government lands. His resolution led unexpectedly 
to the "great debate" between Webster and Hayne on the 
nature of the Union. This question went to the very founda- 
tions of the Government. It asked: Did the Constitution create 
an indestructible nation, or did it simply establish a league 
between sovereign States which may be broken by the action 
of any member of that league? Such a discussion necessarily 
involved an inquiry into the right of nullification and disunion. 

Senator Hayne, of South Carolina, spoke in the interest of 
the league theory of the Constitution. Addressing Mr. Calhoun, 
the presiding officer, the Senator said: " Sir, I am one of those 
who believe that the very life of our system is the independence 



3IO THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1830-. 

of the States, and that there is no evil more to be deprecated 
than the consolidation of the Government."*^® Webster replied: 
" Sir, ... I am a Unionist. ... I would strengthen the ties 
that hold us together." ®^^ 

Hayne rejoined by quoting Jefferson's declaration that "sub- 
mission to a government of unlimited power " was a greater 
calamity than "a dissolution of the Union." ^^'^ He further- 
more contended that both Jefferson and Madison considered 
the Constitution to be simply a compact made between sover- 
eign States.*^^ Finally, referring to the Kentucky Resolutions 
(§ 273), he insisted that in case Congress violated the Consti- 
tution, " nullification " by the sovereign States was, according 
to Jefferson, "the rightful remedy" (§ 273).^ 

The next day the Senate chamber was packed in anticipation 
of Webster's reply. On the morning of that day a New Eng- 
land Senator said to him: " It is a critical moment, . . . and it 
is high time that the people of this country should know what 
the Constitution is." Webster answered: " By the blessing of 
Heaven they shall learn this day, before the sun goes down, 
what I understand it to be."*^^ In his reply Webster reached 
the high-water mark of his power as an orator. He argued 
with consummate ability that the Constitution was not a com- 
pact made between sovereign States, but that it was an indis- 
soluble government " made for the people, made by the people, 
and answerable to the people."*'*^ The effect of his speech 
throughout the North was widespread, deep, and permanent; 
patriotism had a new birth, and thousands were made to feel 
that the American Republic rested on a foundation which could 
not be shaken. 

A few months later, at a public dinner given in honor of Jef- 
ferson's birthday, the President gave the significant toast: "Our 
federal Union : it must be preserved." Calhoun responded 
for the South with the sentiment: " Liberty dearer than Union." 
Shortly after this Jackson and Calhoun ceased to hold friendly 
relations with each other. They represented antagonistic prin- 



1826-1828.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 3II 

ciples ; the President upheld the sovereignty of the Nation, the 
Vice-President that of tlie States. In 1833 Calhoun offered a 
set of resolutions on State-sovereignty to which Webster replied. 

352. Rise of the Abolitionists. — Congress had hoped that 
the Missouri Compromise (§ 324) would put a stop to the 
discussion of slavery; but John Randolph, of Virginia, who was 
himself a slave-holder, declared it impossible. " You might as 
well," said he, " try to hide a volcano in full eruption.'"*''^ 

Many leading Southern men deplored holding human beings 
as property. Roger B. Taney, of Maryland, later appointed 
Chief-Justice of the United States Supreme Court, said of 
slavery that it was " a blot on our national character," which 
he hoped would in time be "wiped away." ^'^^ By 1826 more 
than a hundred anti-slavery societies existed at the South, or 
nearly three times as many as there were in the North. They 
advocated gradual emancipation and colonization. In an 
address (1827) before one of these societies Henry Clay 
declared that slavery was " the deepest stain upon the char- 
acter of our country." He added: "If I could only be instru- 
mental in ridding of this foul blot that revered State which 
gave me birth, or that other not less-beloved State which 
kindly adopted me as her son, I would not exchange the proud 
satisfaction which I should enjoy for the honor of all the tri- 
umphs ever decreed to the most successful conqueror." ^^^ 

But no one, not even John Quincy Adams, soon to become 
the great champion of the anti-slavery movement in Congress, 
could then point out a remedy for the evil. Dr. Channing later 
wrote from Boston to Daniel Webster (1828): " I know that 
our Southern brethren interpret every word from this region on 
the subject of slavery as an expression of hostility. ... It seems 
to me ... we ought to say to them distinctly: We consider 
slavery as your calamity, not your crime, and we will share with 
you the burden of putting an end to it. We will consent that 
the public lands shall be appropriated to this object, or that the 
general Government shall be clothed with power to apply a 



312 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1831-1833. 

portion of revenue to it. ... I am the more sensitive on this 
subject from my increased solicitude for the preservation of the 
Union. I know no public interest so important as this."**® 

353. Garrison's ''Liberator"; the Nat Turner insurrec- 
tion; the American Anti-Slavery Society. — Benjamin Lundy, 
in his paper, " The Genius of Universal Emancipation," pub- 
lished at Baltimore, asked that the negro be gradually freed 
and colonized. On New Year's Day, 183 1, William Lloyd 
Garrison, of Boston, published the first number of the " Lib- 
erator." He demanded " immediate and unconditional eman- 
cipation." His editorial was a war cry. "I am in earnest," 
said he ; "I will not equivocate — I will not excuse — I will not 
retreat a single inch — atid I will be heard.'''' ^"^ His words 
opened thirty years of conflict, which were to end in the war of 
secession and in the downfall of slavery. Garrison spared 
neither North nor South. Speaking of New England, he said : 
" I found contempt more bitter, opposition more active, detrac- 
tion more relentless, prejudice more stubborn, and apathy more 
frozen than among slave-owners themselves." ^^^ Later, Dr. 
Channing came over to Garrison's position and put emancipa- 
tion before the preservation of the Union. ''^^ 

That summer (183 1) Nat Turner, a Virginia slave, headed a 
negro insurrection in which more than sixty whites were mur- 
dered. The excitement over that " Bloody Monday " was 
terrible, and Garrison was accused of having stirred up the 
insurrection by his articles in the " Liberator." He denied 
that he countenanced negro rebellion, but the South refused to 
believe him. As a matter of fact. Garrison never condemned 
slavery in stronger terms than a number of leading Virginians did 
in discussing the Nat Turner insurrection in the Legislature, and 
in demanding that measures be taken for gradual emancipation. 

The next year (1832) the New England Anti-Slavery Society 
was organized, and the year following (1833) the American 
Anti-Slavery Society came into existence at Philadelphia. It 
declared: "Slavery is a crime." It affirmed that all slaves 



1833-1843.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 3I3 

"ought instantly to be set free "; it, however, took the ground 
that Congress had no Constitutional right to interfere with 
slavery in the Southern States, but demanded the suppression 
of the domestic slave-trade, and the abolition of negro bondage 
in the Territories.-^'- Finally the Society declared that the 
people of the free States were under the highest obligations 
" to remove slavery by moral and political action, as prescribed 
in the Constitution of the United States." ^^^ This declaration 
on the part of the Society marks an era in American history. 
Within less than seven years from that date the anti-slavery 
organizations in the free States numbered two thousand, with a 
membership of two hundred thousand. 

354. Abolition publications destroyed ; Garrison mobbed ; 
disunion agitation. — The excitement at the South over North- 
ern anti-slavery publications constantly increased. At length 
the citizens of Charleston (1835) broke open the post-office, 
and publicly burned all such matter found in the mails. A bill 
was introduced in Congress to exclude all such inflammatory 
material in future. Calhoun, then in the Senate, declared that 
if it should be rejected, he should say to the people of the South, 
"Look to yourselves — you have nothing to hope from others." ^^^ 
The bill did not pass, and the commotion in both sections of 
the country rose to a still more dangerous pitch. Garrison 
was assailed in Boston (1835) by a "highly respectable " mob. 
Had not the Mayor ordered the police to lock him up in jail 
for safety, the mob would probably have ducked him in the 
Frog Pond on the Common, dyed his face and hands an indel- 
ible black, and then given him a coat of tar and feathers.^*^ 

A number of years later (1843) the Massachusetts Anti- 
Slavery Society resolved that the Union ought to be immediately 
dissolved.^^* The "Liberator" later came out with two stand- 
ing mottoes. The first was: " No union with slave-holders." 
The second, adopting the words of the Prophet Isaiah, declared: 
"The United States Constitution is a ' covenant with death,' 
and an ' agreement with hell ' ! " '^^^ 



314 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1832-1835. 

Meanwhile a number of leading men at the South, who had 
formerly deplored the existence of African bondage, wheeled 
about in its defence. Clay (1835) denounced the Abolitionists, 
and declared that " two hundred years of legislation have 
sanctioned and sanctified negro slaves as property." ^^"^ Cal- 
houn had once said that slaverv was a scaffoldins: which must 
come down.^' He now (1837) denied that it was an evil, and 
declared that it was economically, politically, and morally " a 
good — a positive good." ^ " We love and cherish the Union," 
said he, " but we will not, cannot permit it [slavery] to be 
destroyed. . . . Should it cost every drop of blood and every 
cent of property, we must defend ourselves." *^' 

John Quincy Adams had written several years before (1S33): 
" Slavery is, in all probability, the wedge which will ultimately 
split up this Union." *** At the North the men of the Garrison 
school were laboring to secure a separation; at the South there 
were politicians who eagerly welcomed the Abolition agitation. 
They found in it an effective means of pushing their own sel- 
fish schemes at the risk of destroying the nation. Madison 
feared that these men would spur the South to enter upon a 
course, of which the first step would be " nullification, the next 
secession, and the last, a farewell separation." *^^ It w-as, as 
Seward later declared, the beginning of an " irrepressible con- 
flict between opposing and enduring forces." **®^ On the part 
of the North, Emerson, who was no fanatic, did not hesitate to 
say: "Slavery is not an institution, but a destitution": on the 
part of the South, Governor McDuftie, of South Carolina, boldly 
proclaimed slavery to be " the corner-stone of our Republican 
edifice." ^^''' 

355. South Carolina nullifies the tariff and threatens to 
secede (^1832). — While this bitter discussion in regard to 
slavery was going on, the discontent of South Carolina over 
the protective tariff of 1S28 (§ 343) was increasing. In his 
annual message of 183 1, the President recommended Con- 
gress to reduce the rate of duties. One reason which he 



183Q.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DKVKLOrMENT. 315 

urged for adopting this policy was that the Government would 
soon have an annual surplus revenue of about $15,000,000. 
Clay would not listen to any change in his favorite " American 
system " (§§ 314, 2,S3)i ^iid vowed that he would defend it if 
he had to defy the President, the South, and the Evil One.^*''* 
Congress, however, enacted a new tariff (1832) which reduced 
or abolished the revenue duties, but did not materially alter 
the protective duties.'"'^ Calhoun urged South Carolina to 
refuse to obey the law. He declared that peaceable resis- 
tance was entirely "consistent with the federal relations of the 
State." **'^ He argued that such resistance was essentially 
different from secession, and that instead of destroying the 
Union, it would help to preserve it.^'" He gloried in his 
advocacy of this measure, and said : "If you should ask me 
the word that I should wish engraven on my tombstone, it is 

' NULLIFICATION.' " ^'^^ 

The crisis soon came. , South Carolina held a State Conven- 
tion (1832) and adopted an ordinance of nullification (§ 273). 
It declared: (i) the tariffs of 182S and 1832 "null, void, and 
no law, nor binding upon this State, its officers, or citizens"; 
(2) it refused to pay any duties enjoined by those tariffs after 
February i, 1833 ; (3) it declared that, should the United States 
attempt to compel payment, " the people of this State will forth- 
with proceed to organize a separate government." The Con- 
vention deduced the right to secede from the nature of the 
Constitution, which they asserted was a compact made between 
sovereign States ; what they had freely made they claimed the 
power to freely break. This action was strongly resisted by a 
Union Convention of South Carolinians, but most of the influ- 
ential men in the State were on the side of nullification.**'^'"' 

Many years before, Jackson had declared that he would " die 
in the last ditch" before he would countenance disunion.®"*^ 
He now (1832) issued a proclamation in which he appealed to 
the fellow-citizens of his "native State" as a father might 
appeal to his children. But he took a decided stand. "The 



3l6 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [I83-2-1833. 

Constitution of the United States," said he, "forms a Govern- 
ment, not a league." He added: "The laws of the United 
States must be executed . . . disunion by armed force is 
treason ... to say that any State may at pleasure secede from 
the Union is to say that the United States are not a nation."^'' 
Jackson's friends hailed him as "the second Savior of his 
country." ^^^ Congress passed a " Force Act " to enable the 
President to compel obedience to the tariff, and Jackson sent a 
sloop-of-\var to Charleston, and ordered General Scott to collect 
the customs, if necessary, by military force.'^''" 

Meanwhile Clay, alarmed at the outlook, proposed a " Com- 
promise Tariff," which provided for a gradual reduction of 
duties. In anticipation of the success of this measure. South 
Carolina decided not to resist payment of duties under the 
existing tariff. The "Compromise Tariff" was enacted (1833), 
and South Carolina at once repealed her ordinance of nullifica- 
tion. Jackson wrote: " Nullification is dead"; but he added : 
"The tariff . . . was a mere pretext . . . disunion and a Southern 
Confederacy [was] the real object. The next pretext will be 
the negro or the slavery agitation." ^^'^ 

356. Opening of the first American railroad (1830). — The 
steamboat (§ 286) had revolutionized travel and transportation 
on the inland waters of the United States, and had greatly 
helped forward emigration to the West. Now a far more 
remarkable revolution was at hand. Stephenson, the English 
inventor, had put the first really successful locomotive on the 
tracks of the first railway opened in Great Britain, or in the 
world. The "steam wagon" promised to supersede the mail 
coach and the carrier's cart. Late in the summer of 1830, 
fourteen miles of the Baltimore and Ohio railway were opened. 
It was the first road of the kind in America which was con- 
structed for the express purpose of carrying passengers and 
merchandise. Peter Cooper, of New York, built a little engine 
called the "Tom Thumb," which made its trial trip from Bahi- 
more to EUicott's Mills. The first American locomotive was 



1830-1840.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 31/ 

an improvement on Stephenson's "Rocket," since it would go 
safely over sharp curves. At that time, when American com- 
panies had not capital to tunnel hills, but had to go round them, 
this improvement was of much practical importance. It settled 
the question in favor of steam over horse power.*'^ Before the 
close of that year (1830), ground had been broken for the 
"South Carolina Railroad" from Charleston to Augusta, a dis- 
tance of 135 miles. It was opened for traffic three years later. 
It was the longest continuous line of railroad in the world, and 
was the first to carry the United States mails. 

Meanwhile a part of the " New York Central Railroad " was 
opened (1831), and was followed by similar roads in Pennsyl- 
vania and Massachusetts. But the progress of these undertak- 
ings was slow. The first pufY of the locomotive was not heard 
in Ohio or on the prairies of Illinois vmtil 1838 ; and in 1840 
the total number of miles of railroad in the United States was 
less than three thousand."" 

The railroad may be said to have solved the problem of the 
unity of the States, so far as that could be accomplished by 
material means. It clamped the Republic together with iron 
bands, and in time made every part quickly and cheaply acces- 
sible to every other. From an economic point of view, it was 
no less important. It ultimately reduced the expense of travel 
to one-fifth that by stage coach, and it cut down the cost of 
transportation by wagons from an average of twenty cents a 
ton per mile to less than one cent. The freight traffic of the 
United States if moved by horses would cost, it is estimated, 
more in a single year than all the railroads of the country 
have required for their construction.*'' 

Finally, the railroad opened new lands to the emigrant and 
new markets for his produce. It built up thriving inland cities 
and towns at points inaccessible by water; and it greatly facili- 
tated the territorial division of labor. This made it possible 
for each section of the country to devote its energies to the 
industry it found most profitable, — coal, cotton, cattle, wheat, 



3l8 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1816-1847. 

mining for metals, or manufacturing.^''^ In i8g6 the total 
lengtli of railroads in the United States was more than iSo,ooo 
miles, and the total capital invested exceeded ^12,000,000,000. 

357. Rise of modern American literature ; cheap news- 
papers; the steam press. — The two pioneers of American 
prose and poetry, Irving and Bryant, had made themselves a 
name before Jackson entered office. Bryant's " Thanatopsis," 
published (18 16) in the " North American Review," then in the 
second year of its existence, so delighted Wordsworth that he 
learned it by heart. Sir Walter Scott was equally pleased with 
the originality and humor of Irving's writings, and offered him 
a handsome salary to undertake the editorship of a magazine 
in Edinburgh. 

Cooper, the first American novelist who found readers 
abroad, began to bring out his stories a little later, while 
Simms was working in like manner at the South. Webster 
published the first edition of his American dictionary (1828) 
just before Jackson's election ; and Whittier began to write his 
New England ballads shortly after Jackson entered office. He 
was followed by Longfellow, Bancroft, Holmes, Poe, Hawthorne, 
and Prescott; Lowell was soon to make his appearance in the 
same field. The last year of Jackson's second administration 
(1837) was rendered memorable in literature by Emerson's 
" Phi Beta Kappa " address on the " American Scholar." 
Holmes hailed it as our " intellectual Declaration of Indepen- 
dence." 

A little earlier (1833), the "New York Sun," the first perma- 
nent cheap daily paper, appeared. The price was one cent. 
That meant that for the first time since the invention of print- 
ing, the poorest laborer could afford to carry home the news of 
the world in his pocket. 

Later (1847), Hoe's steam cylinder press made cheap news- 
papers a success by reducing the cost of publication, and by 
rendering it possible to issue enormous editions in a very short 
space of time. A roll of paper five miles in length can now 



To face page 318. 



RAIL-ROAD ROUTE 



BETWEEN 




11 Ki-imffii li mm m lo. i«{5. 

M rn'mi ■ 

Those •who pay Mrou^Metween Albany andJBolfala,- 5 10-™ ike best cars, 

do. do. do. 8. in accomodation ears, 

■which have lieenTe-arranged, cushioned and lighted. 
Those who i>ay ttroupA "between. Albany & Rochester, §8. in the best cars: 

do. do. do. 6 . .50 in accomodatloocarsi 



TOmfODTuiglh fim SS Ih(i)mip^ 



GOING WEST. 



t€6ve 

Pasi 
Pass 
Pus 
Pics 



la Tnjn, 2d Tnin X Triifl. 
Albany. 6 A. M. UP. M. IIP.M. 

SthenecUdy, T, A, M. 3 P. >L 9 P. M. 



Wtici . 
Syracuse, 
Aubarn, 
Rochester, 



Arrive at BuSalcr. 



UP. M. 9 P.M. 4 A.M. 
5; P.M. 2 A.M. 8 A.M. 
7 P. M. 4 A. M. 10 A. M. 
2 A.M. 10 A. M. 4 P.M. 
7 A.M. 3 P.M. 9 P.JL 



GOING EAST. 



Lcsve 



J>ass 
Pass 



btlab 21lnK 3irn«i. 
BuMo, 4 A.M. 9 A. M. 4 P. M. 

Bochuttr. 9; A. M. 3 T> M. 10 P. M. 
Aiiburn, 3) P. M. 9 P. M. 4 A. M. 

Syracusev Si P. Mil P.M. 6 A.M. 
t'tica, 9i P. M. 4i A. M. ID A. M. 

SchfTicclxJy. 3; A. M. 10 A. M. 3 P. M. 



Art'veatAlfaany, 



5 A.M. I] A.M. 4; P.M. 



Passengers will procure tickets at the oHices at Albany. Bufihlo or Kocbcstcr 
Arough. to bo entitled to seats at the rednced rates. 

Fare will be received at each of the above places to any other plaijes 
named fm the route. 



By permission of the Superintendent of the " A . B. C. Pathfinder Raihvay Guide." 



The above Time-table shows that the rate of travel by express trains from Albany to 
Buffalo in 1843 was less than thirteen miles an hour. 

'i'he total length of railway operated in the United States in 1843 was but a little over 
4000 miles. 

Up to 1850 no line of railway had been built as far west as the Mississippi River. 

The 180,000 miles of railway now in operation in the United States employ an army of 
about 600,000 men : financially they constitute " the largest single interest in the country.'' 



1829-1832.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEV^ELOPMENT. 319 

be printed on both sides in a little more than thirty-two 
minutes. ^'^ 

358. The Black Hawk War ; growth of the West. — In 
the summer of 1832, an Indian insurrection, led by "Black 
Hawk," broke out in Illinois, and extended to parts of the ter- 
ritory now comprised in Wisconsin and Iowa. The govern- 
ment troops gained an easy victory, and the Indians ceded 
large tracts of land to secure peace. These cessions opened 
new fields for settlement in the rapidly growing West. 

Cincinnati now had a population of more than 30,000, and 
Buffalo and Detroit gave promise of becoming important cities. 
Chicago was a pushing little trading village gathered under 
the protecting guns of Fort Dearborn (§ 278). St. Louis was a 
frontier settlement which carried on a large traffic with the Mis- 
souri Indians; near the mouth of the Mississippi, New Orleans 
was making ready to contest the commercial supremacy of the 
great Atlantic ports. 

359. Beginning of the war against the United States 
Bank ; Jackson's message. — When Jackson entered office, 
the Bank of the United States (§ 314) seemed almost as solidly 
established as the Government itself. It had a capital of about 
$35,000,000; its assets were fully equal to its liabilities; it held 
more than $13,000,000 of deposits; and it issued notes to the 
amount of over $27,000,000, which were considered as good as 
gold, not only throughout the United States, but in Europe.*^" 
The headquarters of the bank were at Philadelphia, under the 
management of Nicholas Biddle, president of the institution, 
and it had twenty-five branches in different States. 

But some months after Jackson's inauguration, two of his 
most zealous supporters, both New Hampshire men, made a 
complaint against the bank. They stated that the Portsmouth, 
New Hampshire, branch was mismanaged. Jeremiah Mason, 
the head of that branch, was an opponent of the administration; 
he was accused of political favoritism in his dealings with 
applicants at the bank, and Secretary Ingham, of the United 



320 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [l)?a9-l832. 

States Treasury, wrote Nicholas Biddle, telling him of these 
complaints. Biddle, after investigating the matter, replied that 
the charges were groundless. He said he considered the bank 
accountable to Congress, but to Congress only. " The board 
of directors," said he, "acknowledge not the slightest respon- 
sibility of any description whatsoever to the Secretary of the 
Treasury touching the political opinions and conduct of their 
officers." '^^'^ This sharp retort provoked retaliation. 

The charter of the bank would not expire until 1S36, or three 
years after the term for which Jackson had been elected. But 
in his first annual message (1829) the President said: "Both 
the constitutionality and the expediency of the law creating 
this bank are well questioned by a large portion of our fellow- 
citizens " (§ 255). He next charged the bank with having 
"failed in the great end of establishing a uniform and sound 
currency." ^^"-^ He suggested that when the charter should 
expire it might be thought expedient to establish a new national 
bank "founded upon the credit of the Government."^ 

360. Congressional reports on the bank. — A Congressional 
committee reported (1830) that the Supreme Court of the 
United States had {McCulloch vs. Maryland, i8ig) recognized 
the constitutionality of the bank, and that it had proved itself a 
useful institution. Concerning the currency of the bank, the 
committee reported that "no country in the world has a circulat- 
ing medium of greater uniformity than the United States." *^ 

Jackson in his next two annual messages (1830, 1831) again 
attacked the bank. The following year (1832) a new Congres- 
sional committee examined the condition of the institution. 
The majority reported against its methods of transacting busi- 
ness; the minority defended it. John Quincy xA.dams, who was 
one of the committee, made an independent report. He criti- 
cized some of the bank's financial methods, but declared that, 
all things considered, it had managed its affairs " with as near 
an approach to perfect wisdom as the imperfection of human 
nature permitted."**^ 



1832.] THE UJMION, NAilU.NAL DEVKL01']\1ENT. 32I 

361. Jackson vetoes the bill to recharter the bank — In 
the summer of 1S32, Congress passed a bill to recharter the 
bank. The President promptly vetoed it, on the ground that 
some of the powers of the institution were " unauthorized by 
the Constitution, subversive of the rights of the States, and 
dangerous to the liberties of the people." ^^"^ He furthermore 
denounced the bank as a " monopoly," whose stock was held 
by a few hundred rich men here and a number of capitalists 
abroad. The existence of such a colossal money power, with 
its enormous political influence, '"might," he said, "make us 
tremble for the purity of our elections in peace, and for the 
independence of our country in war." If we must have such 
a bank, said he, " it should be purely American," ^'^'' With 
respect to the decision of the Supreme Court recognizing the 
bank as constitutional (§ 360), Jackson said: " The opinion of 
the judges has no more authority over Congress than the 
opinion of Congress has over the judges; and on that point the 
President is independent of both." *^* 

Webster declared that if the veto stood, " the Constitution 
had received its death-blow," '^^^^ Clay said that if the bank 
was compelled to call in its loans and wind up its business, the 
result would be " widespread ruin." *'-'" On the other hand, 
Benton said: " If the bank gains the day, there is an end of the 
Republic"; in that case, he added, "the president of the bank 
and the President of the United States will elect each other," ^"^ 
The veto triumphed, and Jackson's supporters were jubilant. 
They declared that, now that " Nick Biddle's bloated corpora- 
tion " had received its finishing stroke, the people would get 
plenty of "yellow boys " in place of " Old Nick's money " and 
" Clay's rags." ^^'' 

362. The presidential election. ^ The issue at the election 
(1832) was the question whether the bank should or should 
not be re-chartered. Jackson denounced the institution as a 
dangerous political machine which was ready to use its power 
to set up or cast down presidents. Piddle and the Clay party 



322 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1833-. 

retorted that Jackson had determined to make himself " lord 
and master of the United States," and that the safetv of the 
country demanded his defeat at the poUs.'^'^ 

The chief candidates, Clay and Jackson, were nominated (for 
the first time) by national convention instead of by Congres- 
sional caucus, the former by the National Republicans (§ 341), 
the latter by the Democrats (§ 341). Jackson was elected, 
with Martin Van Buren as Vice-President. The electoral vote 
stood 219 to 49, and the popular vote 687,502 to 530,189. 

363. The President withdraws the deposits. — Jackson 
began his second administration (1833) fully resolved to destroy 
the power of the United States Bank. He believed that it had 
used its funds to prevent his election, that it was "financially 
rotten," and that the government deposits in it were no longer 
safe. The House voted that the deposits were safe, but the 
President proceeded (1833) "on his own responsibility" to 
remove the government money amounting to nearly $10,000,000. 
The greater part of this sum was withdrawn in the course of 
four months. Jackson deposited most of it in about fifty State 
banks, — henceforth known as the "pet banks." The Senate 
voted that the President had violated the Constitution ; but 
before Jackson left office Benton succeeded in getting the 
record of the vote expunged. 

The removal of the deposits compelled the Bank of the 
United States to contract its loans. This caused "tight money"; 
many failures resulted, and " distress delegations " implored 
the President for relief. The great New York fire (1835) ni-T-de 
the situation worse by destroying property worth $20,000,000. 

364. Increase of State banks; an epidemic of speculation; 
the *< specie circular"; distribution of the "surplus." — 
State banks now began to increase at a rapid rate. Many of 
these institutions had little or no capital, and they issued floods 
of worthless paper. Plenty of cheap money stimulated specu- 
lation. In the course of two years enormous tracts of public 
lands were purchased; there were "booms" in cotton, in tim- 



It!34-is;i7.] THE UNION. NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 323 

ber, in real estate in Eastern and Southern cities, and in 
projected Western towns. 

Between 1S34 and 1836 the government hind sales rose from 
less than $5,000,000 to nearly $25,000,000.*"^ Everybody 
seemed to be getting rich at railroad speed. ^"-'^ In New York 
City the assessed valuation rose in two years from $104,000,000 
to $253,000,000, while in Mobile the craze of speculation was so 
furious that property estimated to be worth $1,294,000 in 1S31 
was six years later rated at $27,480,000."*^"^ 

The President became alarmed at these heavy sales of gov- 
ernment land for doubtful paper. He accordingly issued 
(1S36) the famous -specie circular," which required purchasers 
to make their payments in gold and silver. Speculators were 
aghast at the prospect. ^■'' The financial sky grew black with 
the gathering storm. The banks held less than $38,000,000 in 
specie, against an issue of $525,000,000 in notes. Very few of 
them could redeem their bills in coin. The result was suspen- 
sion of payment and great distress. There were bread riots in 
Xew York, and threats of mob violence on a wide scale; but 
the tempest did not strike the country in its full violence until 
after Jackson had retired from office. 

Meanwhile the United States had not only paid off every 
dollar of the public debt, but had actually accumulated a large 
surplus in the Treasury. At the recommendation of the Presi- 
dent. Congress passed an act (1836) ordering that the surplus 
which should be on hand at the beginning of 1837 should be 
distributed among the States. Accordingly the Government 
paid out over $28,000,000 (January to July, 1S37), and then 
stopped because its funds were exhausted. Some States 
divided their share of the money among the whole popula- 
tion, each person getting a few shillings ; others used the 
monev to besfin £:reat svstenis of roads, canals, and similar 
public improvements. These works were seldom carried to 
completion, and generally ended by piling up a heavy State 
debt.*^ 



324 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1834-. 

365. " Pocket vetoes"; anti-slavery petitions; the "gag- 
rule." — During this period the President refused to sign the 
Maysville Turnpike Bill, with several others for " internal 
improvements" (§ 337). He believed that these measures 
were unconstitutional, and that they tended to produce political 
corruption. *^^ Some of these bills were sent to him within ten 
days of the adjournment of Congress; the Constitution (Appen- 
dix, p. ix, Sect. 7) gave him the right to retain- them until the 
session closed, and so defeat them. He did retain them, and 
thus, by what was called a "pocket veto," effectually checked 
this kind of legislation for the time.^"" 

Later, many persons at the North petitioned Congress to 
abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. On motion of 
John C. Calhoun, the House (1836) passed the first "gag-rule," 
which laid petitions on the subject of slavery on the table — 
thus preventing discussion. John Quincy Adams vehemently 
protes.ted, declaring that this rule violated the first amendment 
of the Constitution (Appendix, p. xvi). 

366. Important inventions; the presidential election; new 
States. — Shortly after Jackson's administration began, McCor- 
mick's patent reaper and mower (1834) put a new power in the 
hands of the agriculturist, and greatly stimulated the rapid 
development of the West. Colt's revolver followed, and (1835) 
introduced a most effective military weapon, which made itself 
felt in the Seminole and the Mexican Wars. Gas (1825) had 
been in use for some years, and the friction match (1829) now 
generally superseded the bungling flint and steel (§ 182). 

Ericsson's screw propeller (1836) was destined to have an 
immense influence on ocean navigation, and Nasmyth's steam 
hammer (1838) gave a decided impetus to the iron mills of both 
England and America. Goodyear was experimenting on vul- 
canized rubber, and was soon (1839) to take out his patent 
leading to the manufacture of waterproof clothing. Two years 
later (1841) the first steam fire-engine made its appearance in 
New York; but it did not come into use until long afterward. 



1-1837.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELo'pMENT. 325 



1835 



By 1835 the National Republicans (§§ 341, 362) had taken 
the name of Whigs. The Democrats were for a time divided 
into two factions, — the regular party and the "Locofocos," or 
'• Reform Democrats." At the presidential election the two 
chief candidates were Martin Van Euren, who had been Secre- 
tary of State under Jackson, and General Harrison (§ 297) ; 
the former was nominated by the Democrats, the latter by the 
Whigs. Van Buren (Richard M. Johnson, Vice-President) was 
elected. The electoral vote stood 170 to 73 (beside 51 scatter- 
ing votes); and the popular vote stood 761,656 to a total (for 
all Whig candidates) of 736,656. 

The admission of the two new States of Arkansas (1836) and 
Michigan (early in 1837) raised the whole number to twenty- 
six. 

367. Summary. — The chief political events of Jackson's 
administration were: (i) the establishment of rotation in office 
and the "spoils system " on a national scale; (2) the negotiation 
of treaties securing unrestricted direct trade with the West Indies, 
and the payment of the French spoliation claims ; (3) the Web- 
ster and Hayne debate on the Constitution; (4) the rise of the 
Abolitionists; (5) the nullification movement in South Carolina; 
(6) the overthrow of the Bank of the United States. 

This period was memorable, too, for the opening of the first 
American railroad ; for the introduction of a number of important 
inventions ; for the development of American literature, and the 
publication of the first cheap newspaper. 



MARTIN VAN BUREN (DEMOCRAT 1, ONE TERM, 1837-1841. 

368. Van Buren's inaugural and slavery ; financial crash 
and panic (1837). — All preceding presidents had carefully 
avoided the exciting subject of slavery in their inaugurals, but 
Van Buren (§ 366) spoke directly on that topic. He said: "1 
must go into the presidential chair the inflexible and uncom- 
pro:nising opponent of every attempt on the part of Congress 



326 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1837-. 

to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia (§ 365) against 
the wishes of the slave-holding States; and also with a determi- 
nation to resist the slightest interference with it in the States 
where it exists."'*''^ 

John Quincy Adams, the first great anti-slavery leader in 
Congress, had just declared that he would not support any 
petitions "for the abolition of slavery in the District of Colum- 
bia."^"' More than a score of years later (i860) the Republican 
Party ^'^ and Charles Sumner explicitly denied that Congress 
had the right " to interfere with slavery in any State."'** Presi- 
dent Lincoln in his inaugural (186 1) took the same position.**^ 

But a more pressing question than that of slavery was now 
demanding solution. In his farewell address, President Jack- 
son said: "I leave this great people prosperous and happy." 
In his inaugural, Van Buren said: "We present an aggregate 
of human prosperity surely not elsewhere to be found." Yet 
at the very moment when he uttered these confident words the 
country was on the verge of the severest financial panic it had 
ever experienced. The overtrading and reckless land specula- 
tion (§ 364), which had been pushed higher and higher for a 
number of years, now toppled over with a crash. 

369. Business failures; application to the Government for 
relief. — In the spring of 1837 a large cotton firm failed in 
New Orleans; a New York house followed, and in ten days the 
failures in that city amounted to ^27,000,000. Property of all 
kinds fell rapidly in value, and tracts of land which had been 
purchased at fabulous prices could not be sold for enough to 
pay the taxes. Strange to say, the country was actually in 
want of food. Many farmers had neglected cultivating their 
fields in the hope of making money by speculation. A poor 
harvest diminished the yield of wheat and corn still further, 
and the American people, with millions of acres of fertile soil, 
found themselves compelled to import breadstuffs from Europe.'*"® 
All the necessaries of life rose in price, and there was great dis- 
tress among the poor in New York and other cities. 



1837-.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 327 

A committee of prominent merchants made a piteous appeal 
to the President for help. They stated that the losses by 
shrinkage of real-estate values and local stocks in New York 
city alone exceeded $60,000,000. They declared that within 
eight weeks two hundred and fifty large business houses had 
failed, and that twenty thousand laboring men were parading 
the streets, destitute of food and unable to find work. The 
committee believed that the "specie circular" (§ 364) was one 
of the chief causes of " tight money " and of the general dis- 
tress. Van Buren expressed his sympathy, but declined to 
make any change in this respect. He was convinced that the 
"specie circular" was not the real cause of the panic, but was 
simply the pin which had pricked the bubble of speculation.'-"'^ 
He said, in substance, that instead of praying to the Govern- 
ment for aid, men must put their shoulders to the wheel, get the 
load out of the slough, and so find that " Heaven helps those " 
— and those only — "who help themselves." ^'^ 

370. Bank failures; the Government suspends specie pay- 
ment; repudiation; causes of the panic. — One of the deposit 
or "pet" banks (§ 363) in New York failed, and shortly after- 
ward all the other banks in the city suspended payment. Those 
elsewhere speedily followed their example. Coin now disap- 
peared from circulation, and the country was soon flooded with 
all kinds of " shin-plaster " currency. 

The suspension of the deposit banks compelled the federal 
Government to refuse to make payments in gold and silver. A 
number of States, unable to raise money by taxation, repudiated 
the interest on their debts, and in some cases refused to pay the 
debts themselves. Later, however, these States resumed pay- 
ment, either partially or wholly.®*' John Quincy Adams believed 
that the distribution of the treasury surplus of $28,000,000 
(§ 364) was the chief cause of the financial distress. He said : 
" We present, at the present moment, a most astonishing and 
portentous spectacle to the world — without a dollar of national 
debt we are in the midst of national bankruptcy."®"' 



328 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1837-. 

Van Buren called a special session of Congress in the 
autumn of 1837 t^ consider what action should be taken 
respecting the deposit of the government funds. He attrib- 
uted"^^ the panic to four causes: (i) the enormous multiplica- 
tion of banks; (2) the borrowing of more than $30,000,000 of 
foreign money by individual States; (3) reckless speculation in 
wild lands (§ 364); (4) the expenditure of vast sums in "ruin- 
ously improvident " systems of internal improvements (§ 364). 

By the spring of 1838 the sharpest period of the panic had 
passed, but the next year there was a partial relapse in the 
South, owing to the sudden fall in the price of cotton from 
sixteen cents to five cents per pound. 

371. Van Buren proposes the independent treasury sys- 
tem ; socialistic experiments. — The President recommended 
Congress to abolish the system of depositing the government 
money in State banks, and to establish an independent treasury 
system. He argued that if the Government deposited its reve- 
nues in its own vaults, the money would not only be absolutely 
safe, but it could not be used for speculation or for political 
purposes. Congress did not then heed the President's recom- 
mendation, but later (1840) adopted it. The act establishing 
the independent treasury system was, however, soon repealed, 
but was reenacted some years later (1846) as it stands to-day. 

Meanwhile the hard winter of 183 7-1 838 bore fruit in 
other ways. Horace Greeley wrote a series of articles on "What 
shall be done for the Laborer? " This led to the suggestion of 
the establishment of communal farms, to be cultivated by the 
cooperation of several hundred families."^' The Shakers and 
the Rappites were successful examples of such communities. 
They, however, had been established on a religious basis, while 
Greeley and other thinkers proposed to make their experiments 
industrial and educational. 

In the course of a few years several such communities were 
started. One of the most noted of these was that at " Brook 
Farm," near Boston. It was begun by an exceptionally intelli- 



1840.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 329 

gent and earnest band of men and women. They believed that 
by honest, well-directed, harmonious labor they could succeed 
in showing the world the advantages of cooperative industry 
joined to "plain living and high thinking." Like most of these 
well-meant projects, it attracted its full proportion of "dreamers 
and schemers," and the pressure of untoward circumstances 
soon put an end to what Emerson called an attempt to organize 
" a perpetual picnic." Some of the purely industrial communi- 
ties founded about the same time still flourish. ^^^ 

372. The Mormons found Nauvoo ; Millerism and Spirit- 
ualism. — During the latter half of Van Buren's administra- 
tion, the Mormons, or "Latter Day Saints," attracted much 
attention in the West. The founder of the organization was 
Joseph Smith, a native of Vermont, who had in early life 
removed to western New York. Smith declared that an angel 
appeared to him (1827) and directed him where to dig up a 
remarkable volume called the "Book of Mormon." ^'^ Smith 
and his followers regarded this book as a special divine reve- 
lation made to the people of America. They declared that its 
authority was equal to that of the Bible, and that it was a nec- 
essary supplement to the Christian gospels. Smith proclaimed 
himself the " Prophet " of the new religion. He made a num- 
ber of converts, and planted missions in Ohio and Missouri. 

Later, the " Latter Day Saints " were driven out of these 
States ; they then settled in Illinois. There they obtained an 
unusually liberal charter, and founded (1840) the "sacred city" 
of Nauvoo on a bend of the Mississippi River. The population 
of Nauvoo eventually reached about 15,000. This made it the 
largest city in the State. 

Smith was the supreme head of the Church and of the civil 
and military power of this flourishing community which was 
noted for its industry, temperance, and thrift. As head of the 
Mormon corporation he could marshal an army of trained militia 
some four thousand strong, and another and still larger army 
of voters casting a solid ballot. Governor Ford said that with- 



330 THE STUDENTS AMERICAN HISTORY. [1843-1847. 

out their aid no one could hope to get office.^'* Political op- 
ponents accused them of plotting to obtain control of the State. 
They asserted that when the followers of Smith had acquired 
sufficient strength, they would drive the " Gentile " inhabitants 
out of Illinois as the " Children of Israel " drove the heathen 
out of Canaan. 

The Mormon leader professed to make the example of the 
Hebrew patriarchs his guide in many things. He now (1843) 
declared that he had received a new revelation from heaven 
respecting marriage. This revelation recommended the estab- 
lishment of polygamy,^^*^ though the formal, public declaration 
of the doctrine was not made until 1852. Shortly after this, 
several of the " Saints," who had either seceded from the Mor- 
mon body, or had been expelled from it, began the publication 
of a paper in Nauvoo in which they boldly accused the " Prophet " 
of leading a profligate life.^'^ The Mormon authorities at once 
broke up the paper, and the publishers fled to Carthage. Smith 
at first defied the officers of the law sent to arrest him, but 
finally gave himself up and was carried to Carthage and impris- 
oned. The report got about that Governor Ford intended to 
discharge him without a trial ; a mob collected, attacked the 
jail, and shot the "Prophet" (1844). 

After Smith's death Brigham Young, one of the " Twelve 
Apostles " of the " Latter Day Saints," became their leader. 
The feeling in Illinois continued to grow more and more bitter 
against the Mormons who then numbered about twenty thou- 
sand. Their peculiar religious teachings and their political 
power roused the fear and hatred of the "Gentiles." They 
were forced (1846) to abandon Nauvoo. Under the leadership 
of Brigham Young, they crossed the Rocky Mountains, then the 
western boundary of the United States, and settled (1847) ^^ 
Mexican soil in what is now Utah.^^® 

There, in the midst of an alkali desert where rain rarely fell, 
and in the vicinity of the Great Salt Lake, — the American Dead 
Sea, — they began to erect their new Zion. Starting with no 



1837-.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 33 1 

capital but their hands, they transformed the desolate wilderness 
into a garden, and made the desert "rejoice and blossom as the 
rose." Later, many non-Mormons were attracted to Utah. 

About the time that Mormonism was exerting its influence in 
Illinois, William Miller made an address in New York State, 
declaring (1843) that the end of the world was at hand. He 
readily found listeners to his teachings, and some enthusiastic 
followers stopped doing business, gave away their property, and 
prepared their ascension robes. '''^'•* In New York State a few 
years later (1848), certain mysterious rappings, known as the 
" Rochester Knockings," began to attract attention in that city. 
They were produced through the agency or " mediumship " of 
the Fox sisters. These rappings gave rise to the widespread 
movement known as modern Spiritualism.'*^ 

373. Slavery agitation in Congress ; the second Seminole 
War. — Meanwhile, notwithstanding the "gag-rule" (§365), there 
was intense excitement in Congress over slavery; Lovejoy, the 
editor of an anti-slavery paper in Alton, Illinois, was shot in a 
riot (1837) while defending his printing-office. His death gave 
fresh impetus to the abolition movement in New England, and 
added Wendell Phillips to the Garrisonian ranks (§ 353). 

Calhoun (1837) offered a series of six resolutions in the United 
States Senate on the subject of the relations of the federal 
Government to slavery. In the last resolution he declared 
that any "intermeddling" by the States or by Congress with 
slavery in the District of Columbia, or in the territories, under 
the pretext that " it is immoral or sinful," would be a " direct 
and dangerous attack " on Southern institutions.^'^^ Clay offered 
two amendments ; the first slightly changed the wording of 
Calhoun's resolution in regard to the interference with slavery 
in the District of Columbia ; the second declared that the peo- 
ple of any territory, when it should be admitted as a State, 
should decide the question " exclusively for themselves " whether 
they would or would not have slavery. The resolutions were 
then adopted by a large majority.'*'^^ In the House, John Quincy 



332 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1837-. 

Adams continued to ofifer (§ 365) petitions for the abolition of 
slavery in the District of Columbia, for the dissolution of the 
Union and for various other objects. In a single day he pre- 
sented several hundred such papers."-'' In one instance he 
offered a petition which professed to come from a number of 
slaves. The excitement became almost a riot ; members crowded 
around Mr. Adams, shouting, "Expel him!" "Expel him!" 
After the tumult had somewhat subsided, Mr, Adams dryly ex- 
plained that in this case the slaves had petitioned against 
abolition, not for it.'''-* He continued to fight against the "gag- 
rules," session after session, until finally after eight years of 
battle he succeeded in getting them repealed (1844). 

The Seminole War which had begun (18 17) under Monroe 
(§ 317) broke out anew under Van Buren. Osceola, chief of 
the tribe, visited the American camp under promise of safety; 
but he was thrown into prison and detained until his death 
(1838). This caused the outbreak. Colonel Zachary Taylor 
defeated the Indians in a decisive battle, but the war dragged 
on in the swamps of Southern Florida for several years longer. 
At length, after having spent more than $20,000,000, or four 
times what we originally paid for the Florida Territory, the 
Indians were compelled to remove to the far West (1842). 

374. Harnden's express; the daguerreotype; ocean steam- 
ship lines established ; immigration. — In 1839 W. F. Harn- 
den, of Massachusetts, began the business of carrying parcels 
in a handbag between Boston and New York City. In this 
humble way he founded the American express system, the most 
perfect of its kind in the world. It now extends to every town 
in the United States, employs a capital amounting to many 
millions, and keeps an army of men busy day and night.^^ 

In the autumn of the same year (1839) Samuel F. B. Morse, 
then in New York, took the first American photograph. He 
constructed his apparatus by means of drawings which Daguerre, 
the inventor of the process, sent him from France, and succeeded 
in greatly reducing the time required for taking a picture."-" 



1838-.J THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 333 

We have seen that the tirst American ocean steamship 
crossed the Atlantic in 1819 (§ 319). Nearly twenty years 
elapsed before the experiment was again tried; then two Eng- 
lish steamers, the " Sirius " and the " Great Western," arrived 
in New York on the same day (1838). Two years later (1840) 
Samuel Cunard, the son of a Philadelphia merchant, estab- 
lished the first regular line between England and America, by 
sending the " Britannia " from Liverpool to Boston. The Cunard 
Company soon put on a second regular line to New York.^^'' 

By means of fast packets, and later by steamers, immense 
numbers of immigrants soon began to pour into our ports. The 
terrible famine in Ireland (1845-1846) and political troubles 
on the Continent greatly stimulated this influx of settlers. In 
ten years (1840-1850) the number of arrivals averaged nearly 
four thousand a week. The greatest number came from Ire- 
land ; Germany ranked next, then England, and, last of all, 
France and the other countries of Europe. The total number 
of immigrants that arrived from the close of the Revolution 
to 1896 was upwards of 18,000,000.''-^ A large proportion of 
the foreigners now coming are Italians, and Russian and Polish 
Jews, 

The immigrants of the earlier period were generally young 
men and women, full of vigor, who came here eager to grapple 
with the Western wilderness. Their labor developed the 
resources of the country, and enormously increased its wealth 
and prosperity. They rarely went South, where free labor was 
not wanted; they generally voted the Democratic ticket, but 
had no interest in the extension of slavery; they knew nothing 
of the doctrine of " State-rights," and gave their influence and 
their votes to the cause of the Union. 

On the other hand, this immigration often indirectly encour- 
aged the municipal corruption which has disgraced so many of 
our city governments. Recently, many important reforms have 
been effected in this respect, and the prospects indicate that 
the improvement will go on. 



334 THE STUDENTS AMERICAN HISTORY. [1840-. 

375. The presidential election 1840; the "log-cabin and 

hard-cider" campaign The party which happens to be in 

power during a period of business and financial depression is 
sure to have much of the blame for " hard times " cast upon it. 
The Whigs believed Van Buren and his supporters were respon- 
sible for the panic of 1837 (§ 3^9)) and nominated William 
Henry Harrison for President, with John Tyler, of Virginia, as 
Vice-President ; the Democrats renominated Van Buren. The 
Abolitionists, or Liberty Party, now for the first time appeared in 
national politics, and nominated James G. Birney, one of their 
leading men, for the presidency. 

Harrison, the " old hero of Tippecanoe " (§ 297), was then 
living in a very humble way on a small farm in southern Ohio. 
An opposition journal ridiculed the idea of an attempt to make 
such a man the head of the nation. "Give him a log-cabin and 
a barrel of hard cider," said the editor, " and he will stay con- 
tent in Ohio.""-" The Whigs found their rallying cry in these 
words. They at once set up a great shout for " the log-cabin 
candidate." 

Then began the most exciting political campaign the country 
had ever seen. Clay, Webster, Everett, and Choate "took the 
stump " for " Harrison and Reform." The Whigs held gigantic 
mass-meetings, and marched in processions miles long. Every- 
where one saw log-cabins, barrels of hard cider, and live coons; 
the whole country rang with the rousing chorus of "Tippe- 
canoe and Tyler too." Harrison spoke to " ten acres of people" 
at Dayton, Ohio, and pledged himself, if elected, " to abridge 
the power and influence of the national Executive." '^ For the 
first time in forty years the Democrats were beaten, and Harri- 
son and Tyler were elected. 

Before the campaign Harrison had not clearly identified him- 
self with either the Whigs or the Democrats. Tyler had been 
a "strict constructionist" (§ 256) and a Calhoun Democrat, 
strongly favoring " State-rights," or " State-sovereignty." It 
was believed, however, that he would throw his influence on the 



1841-.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 335 

Whig side; his nomination was made as a bid for Southern votes. 
The electoral vote stood 234 to 60; the popular vote 1,275,017 
to 1,128,702. 

376. Summary. — Van Buren's administration began clouded 
by a disastrous panic which involved the whole country in ruin- 
ous loss. Through the President's earnest efforts Congress 
adopted the " independent treasury system," but it was not 
permanently established until after he left office. 

The Mormons made a strong settlement in Illinois, and when 
expelled from that State they emigrated to Salt Lake Valley in 
the Mexican Territory of Utah. 

The establishment of regular lines of ocean steamers and of 
fast packets tended to encourage immigration, and had an 
important influence on the West and on national politics. 

WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON (WHIG), ONE TERM, 1841-1845. 

377. Harrison's death; Tyler's succession. — General 
Harrison (§ 375) was an old man when he entered office. 
The excitement of the campaign. Clay's dictatorial ways, 
and the persistent demands of crowds of greedy office-seekers 
proved too much for his failing strength, — a month after his 
inauguration, the President lay dead in the White House. The 
whole country was startled, for his death raised Tyler to the 
presidency. Such an event had never occurred before, and 
Tyler's political principles (§ 375) were very different from 
those which Harrison had held. 

In their fancied security the people had jocosely dubbed the 
Vice-President, " His superfluous Excellency." Congress hesi- 
tated what title to give Mr. Tyler, but he promptly informed 
them that he was now President of the United States " by the 
Constitution, by election, and by the hand of God." ''^^ 

378. Tyler vetoes the "Fiscal Bank" Bill. — The first 
move made by the Whigs was to repeal the Independent 
Treasury Act (§ 371), and to attempt to pass a bill reviving the 



336 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1841-. 

national bank (§ 359) under the name of the "Fiscal Bank of the 
United States." The President vetoed the bill (1841) on the 
ground of unconstitutionality, since it granted the bank the right 
to establish branches in various States without asking their con- 
sent.^^^ Congress then prepared a new bill which the President 
vetoed (1841) on substantially the same grounds that he had 
the first.^^"' 

This second veto roused a storm of denunciation. Every 
member of the Cabinet, except Daniel Webster, Secretary of 
State, promptly resigned. The majority of the Whigs in both 
Houses united in an address to the people, in which they 
declared (1841) that "the President . . . has voluntarily sepa- 
rated himself from those by whose exertions and suffrages he 
was elevated to that office." They closed their address by 
protesting against the attempt of " one man " to control " the 
will of the nation." ^^ 

The Whigs of Massachusetts held a meeting at which they 
resolved that " all political connection between them and John 
Tyler was at an end from that day forth." ^^ In future only a 
few members of Congress, nicknamed the "Corporal's guard," 
upheld the President. The deadlock between him and the 
Whigs was not broken until just as he was leaving oiiice, 
and the policy of the administration throughout was virtually 
Democratic. 

379. The *<Dorr rebellion"; the <* anti-renters." — Mean- 
while a controversy in Rhode Island over a change in the State 
constitution threatened to end in civil war. Under its ancient 
charter the right of suffrage in that State was limited to land- 
owners (holding an estate valued at not less than $134) and to 
their eldest sons. 

This provision now caused great inequality of representation. 
Newport had six members in the Legislature, while the city of 
Providence, with a population nearly three times larger, had 
only four. Repeated efforts had been made to remedy this 
inequality, but without effect. In 1841 a popular Convention, 



1842.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 337 

or mass-meeting, framed the "People's Constitution"; it estab- 
lished universal suffrage and equal representation.*^^ A little 
later (1842) the Legislature summoned a Convention which 
adopted the "Landholder's Constitution"; it made universal 
suffrage the rule for all natives of the State, but withheld 
that right from naturalized citizens unless they owned landed 
property. 

Both constitutions were submitted to popular vote ; the 
" People's " was accepted, the " Landholder's " rejected. The 
Legislature believed that the victory had been gained by fraud,''"^ 
and forbade the Free Suffrage Party putting the new constitu- 
tion in force. The Free Suffragists paid no attention to this 
prohibition, and elected (1842) Thomas W. Dorr, Governor, 
though Samuel W. King then held that position under the old 
charter. King and Dorr both threatened to maintain their 
respective authority by force of arms, but Dorr's followers 
abandoned him. He was arrested, convicted of treason, and 
sent to prison for life; but was pardoned out a few years later. 
Before the close of 1842 a regularly organized State Convention 
adopted a new constitution which put an end to the old charter 
government, and practically granted manhood suffrage, or all 
that the Free Suffrage Party asked. 

While this bloodless revolution was going on in Rhode Island, 
the tenants of the Van Rensselaer and other old patroon estates 
(§§ 57> 58) in New York started an anti-rent movement. The 
dispute became serious, but was finally settled by the landlords 
consenting to sell the estates at a reduced valuation. ^^ This 
gave the purchasers a freehold title, and virtually put an end 
to the patroon system.^^^ n. 

380. The Webster-Ashburton Treaty ; slavery agitktion. 
— The boundary between the Northeastern States and Canada 
had not been definitely fixed by the treaty of peace with Great 
Britain made in 1783. The territory in dispute wa,s chiefly that 
between Maine and Canada; it was a little over iVooo square 
miles in extent, and the controversy in regard to ir threatened 



338 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1842. 

to involve the two countries in war. Negotiations for a settle- 
ment of this dangerous question were opened by Great Britain 
and the United States, through Lord Ashburton and Daniel 
Webster, aided by Judge Story. 

A treaty was made (1842) which: (i) secured to us more than 
half of the tract of land claimed by Maine; (2) it established a 
new boundary line from the Bay of Fundy to the Rocky Moun- 
tains; (3) it made provision for the mutual surrender of fugitives 
from justice. In the course of the negotiations, Mr. Webster 
wrote Lord Ashburton respecting the unsettled question of 
impressments (§§ 299, 312). He stated that henceforth it must 
be distinctly understood that the crew of an American vessel 
would "find their protection in the flag which is over them."^^ 

In the House, John Quincy Adams, the venerable champion of 
freedom and free speech (§§ 365, 373), found a young and vigor- 
ous coadjutor in Joshua R. Giddings, of Ohio. Giddings detested 
slavery as heartily as the most zealous of the New England 
Abolitionists. He offered a series of resolutions (1842) declar- 
ing that, since slavery was an abridgment of the natural rights 
of man, it could not be constitutionally extended beyond the 
States it then occupied.''''^ The House censured Giddings; he 
resigned, but was immediately reelected by a large majority, 
and returned to renew the battle in behalf of free soil. 

At the same time (1842) the Supreme Court of the United 
States {Pfigg vs. Petmsylvania) decided that under the law of 
1793 (§ 257), the national Government could not compel the 
local officers of a State to take part in the arrest or return 
of runaway negroes.^*^ This decision naturally created much 
excitement in the South, and that section demanded the enact- 
ment of a new and more stringent fugitive-slave law. 

The growing irritation on this subject was aggravated by the 
refusal of Governor Seward, of New York, to give up certain 
white citizens charged at the South with stealing slaves. This 
provoked Virginia and South Carolina to enact a law ordering 
the imprisonment, while in port, of all colored seamen arriving 



1842-184:!.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 339 

on New York vessels.'**" Later (1844), Mr. Hoar, of Boston, 
was sent by his State to Charleston to secure the liberation of 
several such seamen who were citizens of Massachusetts, — a 
State which had declined to give any aid in enforcing the return 
of fugitive slaves. The people of Charleston retaliated by com- 
pelling Mr. Hoar to leave the city.''** 

381. The question of the annexation of Texas But the 

question of the extension of slave-holding territory in the South- 
west was now coming to the front. When Houston became 
President of the "Lone Star Republic" of Texas (§ 329), he 
was fully resolved to secure its annexation to the United States. 
The South was eager to aid him to accomplish his object. ^^ 
The people of that section felt that the annexation of a large 
area of slave-holding territory was demanded by the law of 
political self-preservation. They furthermore declared that 
the market price of negroes would thereby be greatly in- 
creased.'**" 

The Missouri Compromise Act of 1820 (§ 324) had made 
the whole territorial area of the Louisiana purchase, free soil 
north of the parallel of 36° 30', — the State of Missouri alone 
excepted. It seemed plain that unless the South could obtain 
Texas, slavery must soon be girdled by free States; in that 
case, the power of the slave-holding class in Congress would be 
driven to the wall by an ever-increasing majority of Northern 
representatives.'**'' 

Calhoun urged immediate annexation, not only as a measure 
necessary to the political and commercial welfare of the South, 
but as the only effective method of preventing Great Britain from 
getting control of Texas. ^*^ Lord Brougham (1843) implored 
Parliament to use its influence to effect the emancipation of the 
slaves in Texas, saying that the success of such a movement 
" must end in the abolition of slavery throughout the whole of 
America." '^*'* Calhoun believed that by adopting this course, 
England hoped to secure a monopoly of the production of sugar, 
cotton, rice, and tobacco for her colonies.''^" 



340 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1843. 

On the other hand, Benton, one of the leaders of the Demo- 
cratic Party, who was himself a slave-holder, denounced the 
annexation project. He ridiculed the idea that Great Britain 
had any designs on Texas."^^ He declared that the annexation 
scheme was urged mainly, by three classes: first, by certain 
politicians who were intriguing for the Presidency; secondly, by 
those who were plotting to dissolve the Union in order to form 
a Southern slave-holding Confederacy; and thirdly, by Southern 
speculators who held Texas scrip or Texas lands.''^^ 

382. Sectional excitement over the question of annexation. 
— The excitement over the discussion of the Texas question 
rose to fever heat. Webster and Clay strongly opposed the an- 
nexation of "another acre of slave territory," and eight North- 
ern Legislatures protested against it. They declared that it 
would tend to nationalize slavery, and that it would involve us 
in a war with Mexico, which absolutely refused to recognize 
Texan independence. 

John Quincy Adams, with twelve members of Congress, 
published an address, declaring that annexation would not 
only "result in a dissolution of the Union," but would 
fully "justify it.""'^ 

On the other hand, mass-meetings were held in various parts 
of South Carolina, at which it was resolved that it would be 
better " to be out of the Union with Texas than in it without 
her."^* But both at the South and the North there were strong 
protests on the part of influential citizens and prominent 
journals against the utterance of threats of disunion. "•^•' 

383. Texas and the presidential campaign. — Meanwhile 
President Tyler, with the help of Upshur, his Secretary of 
State, followed by Calhoun, was quietly but vigorously pushing 
forward the scheme of annexation. As the time drew near for 
the nomination of presidential candidates, the feeling on this 
question daily became more intense. 

The Liberty Party (§ 375) held its National Convention first 
(1843), ^^'^^ again nominated James G. Birney. Their platform 
strongly condemned any attempt to extend slavery."-'" 



1844-1845.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 34I 

The Whig Party at their Convention (1844) nominated Henry 
Clay, and adopted a brief "broad-construction" (§ 256) plat- 
form, advocating the establishment of a protective tariff and a 
national currency; their platform did not mention slavery."*^ 

The Democratic National Convention (1844) adopted a "strict- 
construction " (§ 256) platform. They deprecated any inter- 
ference by Congress with the question of slavery as dangerous 
to the stability of the Union, and resolved that " the reoccupa- 
tion of Oregon (§ 389) (then held jointly with Great Britain) 
and the reannexation of Texas (§ 318) at the earliest practica- 
ble period are great American measures which this Convention 
recommends."'-'^* They nominated James K. Polk, of Tennes- 
see, an "unconditional annexationist,""^^ for President. 

The Southern Whigs urged Clay to soften his outspoken 
opposition to the immediate annexation of Texas, fearing that 
otherwise he would lose many votes at the South. Clay yielded 
and wrote a letter for publication, in which he said of annexa- 
tion : "I should be glad to see it . . . upon just and fair terms. 
I do not think that the subject of slavery ought to affect the 
question one way or the other." ■'*'" The Whigs were confident 
that they could elect their candidate ; but this letter repelled 
the vote of the anti-slavery members of that party. Clay was 
defeated, and the Democrats elected Polk, — the first political 
" dark horse " — with George M. Dallas as Vice-President. The 
electoral vote stood 170 for Polk to 105 for Clay, and the popu- 
lar vote 1,337,243 to 1,299,088. 

384. Texas annexed (1845); admission of Florida and 
Texas; new tariff. — The question of annexation came up in 
Congress for the last time in the closing days of Tyler's adminis- 
tration. It was doubtful whether the necessary two-thirds vote 
could be obtained in the Senate; Congress, therefore, resorted to 
the expedient of carrying the measure through by a joint resolu- 
tion which simply required a majority of each House. The motion 
to annex was passed, and with it an amendment proposed by 
Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, which prohibited slavery in the 



342 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



[1845. 



Texan territory north of the Missouri Compromise line of 36° 
30' (§ 324), but left all territory south of that line open to it.'"*®' 
The entire area thus annexed had an extent of over 376,000 
square miles. It was expected that Texas would be divided 
into at least five States, — one free, and the rest slave. 

The passage of the vote was triumphantly announced from 
the capitol by the firing of one hundred guns. Texas was the 




The Republic of Texas annexed in I 845, and admined to the Union, Dec. 29 of that Year. 

(The black and white bars on the southwest indicate the disputed territory which caused the 
Mexican War. The " Oregon Country " was held jointly with Great Britain.) 

last slave State to enter the Union; but it was not admitted 
until the Congress of the next administration met (1845) and 
after Florida had entered. The Texans grievously disappointed 
the South by refusing to divide their immense territory; hence, 
the Pro-Slavery Party in the Southern States did not gain the 
large increase in political power which it had confidently ex- 
pected to obtain. 

Meanwhile the "compromise tariff" of 1833 (§ 355) had cut 
down the customs-duties to such an extent that the Treasury was 



1832-1844.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 343 

threatened with empty vaults. The Whigs, therefore, repealed 
the law and passed a new tariff act (1842); it was mainly 
intended for revenue, though it had some protective features. 

385. Professor Morse invents the electric telegraph. — As 
the annexation of Texas was the most important political event 
of the Harrison and Tyler administration, so the application of 
electricity to the transmission of intelligence was the most 
important event in our material progress. Franklin (§ 181) 
said in 1750: "There are no bounds (but what expense and 
labor give) to the force man may raise and use in the electrical 
way," But for more than three-quarters of a century after that 
philosopher made his experiments, little was accomplished in 
the direction which he had pointed out. Then (1831) Profes- 
sor Joseph Henry (later connected with the Smithsonian Insti- 
tute) invented an electro-magnet which would transmit a current 
over a mile or more of wire, and ring a bell at the farther 
extremity. Taking the hint from this apparatus, Professor 
Samuel F. B. Morse (§ 374) invented (1832) the first recording 
telegraph which would make permanent intelligible characters. 
Professor Morse's partner, Mr. Alfred Vail, developed and per- 
fected these characters, and so formed the " dot-and-dash 
alphabet," which was finally adopted. 

But electricity had not yet been compelled to fulfill its task. 
The current failed after it had travelled a short distance. The 
question was how to overcome this difficulty. Mr. Morse said: 
" If it will go ten miles without stopping, I can make it go 
around the globe "; but it would not go ten miles. At length, 
after many failures, he succeeded in inventing a relay-magnet 
which would reinforce the current, and send it to any distance. 
Then the problem was solved.*'^ 

386. Congress appropriates $30,000 to build the first tele- 
graph; the line opened (1844). — Professor Morse, with his 
partner, Mr. Vail, publicly exhibited (1837) a small model of 
the telegraph, but capitalists declined to risk their money in 
constructing a trial line. The inventor then petitioned Con- 



344 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [18-13-1897. 

gress to grant him $30,000 to build a line between Washington 
and Baltimore. His petition was generally treated with ridicule. 
One member suggested that if the money should be voted, part 
of it ought to be used for making mesmeric experiments, while 
another suggested that the funds would be more wisely employed 
in building a railroad to the moon.""^ 

The last day of the session (March 3, 1843) was reached, 
but Congress had taken no action. Professor Morse was 
almost penniless. He saw nothing but failure and ridicule 
before him. He waited in the capitol until a few minutes 
before midnight, and then, unable to endure the strain, left the 
building with a sinking heart. He had hardly gone when 
Congress took up his bill and passed it without division. 

The spring of 1844 saw the Washington and Baltimore tele- 
graph line completed and in working order. On May 24, 
Professor Morse, sitting in the old Supreme Court-room in the 
capitol, sent over the wire these words, quoted from Scrip- 
ture : " What hath God wrought ! " ^'^ Two days later the 
National Democratic Convention, then in session in Baltimore, 
flashed the report of Polk's nomination to the presidency to 
Congress.^*" The following day (May 27, 1844) the heading 
"Telegraphic News" appeared in a Washington journal for 
the first time in the world's history; it has never since been 
dropped.^"® 

Professor Morse lived to see his line of forty miles multiplied 
in the United States more than three thousand fold ; '■"''^ he saw 
the American continent (1856) crossed, and the Atlantic Ocean 
(1866) cabled by permanent electric wires. 

387. Development of telegraphic communication and of 
electricity. — To-day (1897) a network of more than 800,000 
miles of telegraphic wire covers the United States. Like a 
gigantic nervous system, it stretches from city to city and from 
town to town. It practically puts every center of population 
throughout the Union in instantaneous communication with every 
other, and with the remotest parts of the civilized globe besides. 



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1876-1K07.1 THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOl'MENT. 345 

The next great step in electrical progress was the invention 
of the telephone by Professor Bell (1876). It brings places 
as far apart as Boston and Chicago within speaking distance 
of each other.^ When it shall be still further perfected, the 
" long-distance telephone " promises to make it possible to carry 
on a conversation between the Atlantic and Pacific coasts, or 
even between America and Europe. 

Meanwhile various experiments had been made with elec- 
tricity, with the view of using it as an illuminator or to propel 
machinery. No practical results of value were obtained until 
the invention of the arc light ^"''' and the Edison incandescent 
light (1879). 

Five years later (1884) Edison set in operation at Menlo 
Park, New Jersey, two miles of electric railway, — the first 
opened to the American public.^™ Electricity has ever since 
been coming into use on an increasing scale. It drives light 
machinery, and it has superseded horses to a large extent on 
our street railroads. The day is perhaps not far distant when 
it will be employed to operate long lines of railway; and should 
the " storage system " be perfected, we may yet see it used in 
propelling vessels on the Atlantic. 

388. Summary. — The three most important national events 
of the Harrison and Tyler administration were: (i) the negotia- 
tion of the Webster-Ashburton Treaty; (2) the invention of the 
electric telegraph ; and (3) the annexation of Texas as a slave 
State. 

JAMES K. POLK (DEMOCRAT), ONE TERM, 1845-1849. 

389. The Oregon question. — Now that Texas was annexed 
(§ 384), the question came up whether we should make good 
the Democratic demand (§ 383) for the occupation of Oregon. 
This region, called by an Indian name used by Jonathan Carver 
in 1766, lay between the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific. 
On the south it extended to the 42d parallel, or the northern 
limit of the Mexican province of California ; on the north to 



346 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1845-. 

latitude 54° 40', or the southern boundary of the Russian 
possessions (Alaska). 

Spain, through her early voyagers (1543-17 7 4), planted 
her flag on the Oregon coast; the English explorers (1579- 
1793) also claimed it.'''"^ The Government of the United States 
disputed both these claims. We based our title: (i) on Cap- 
tain Gray's discovery and partial exploration of the Columbia 
River in 1792 (§ 258); (2) on the exploration made by Lewis 
and Clark in 1 805-1 806 (§ 283) ; (3) on emigration and 
settlement, beginning with Astor's fur-trading post, established 
in 18 1 1 (§ 312), and continued by missionaries and pioneers 
from 1832; (4) on the transfer of all Spanish claims to us by 
the Florida purchase treaty of 1819 (§ 318). The conflict of 
the British and American claims was adjusted by an agreement 
made in 18 18 and confirmed in 1827. It stipulated that the 
two nations should occupy the Oregon country jointly, with the 
proviso that either Government might terminate the agreement 
by giving a year's notice to the other.''''^ This arrangement was 
in force when Polk entered oflice. 

390. What America thought of Oregon. — Before the con- 
struction of railroads, the Oregon country seemed to many 
American statesmen hardly worth disputing about. Its enor- 
mous distance from Washington made it a question whether 
it could be advantageously added to the Union, or securely 
retained. Jefferson thought (18 ii) that Oregon might become 
an independent American nation " unconnected with us, but by 
the ties of blood and interest." 

Benton declared that the Rocky Mountains ought to be 
regarded as the " natural and everlasting " western boundary 
of the United States.'-'"'' Webster is represented as saying of 
Oregon: "What do we want with this vast worthless area, this 
region of savages and wild beasts, of deserts of shifting sands 
and whirlwinds of dust, of cactus, and prairie dogs ? " ^'* But 
John Quincy Adams believed that the Pacific coast belonged to 
us by "manifest destiny 'V^'^ Benton, too, became a convert to 



1834-1846.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 34/ 

the same idea, and ardently advocated our settlement of that 
distant region. His bronze statue in St. Louis stands pointing 
toward the Rocky Mountains, with his words, " There is the 
East; there is the road to India ! " inscribed on the pedestal.^''*' 

391. Our occupation of the Oregon country; Whitman's 
journey ; the treaty. — The permanent American settlement 
of the Oregon country did not begin until 1834, when the Metho- 
dists sent out missionaries to the Indians. A little later (1836) 
two Orthodox missionaries, Dr. Whitman and H. H. Spalding, 
started with their brides to make a home in the wilderness of 
the far West. They went out by the South Pass of the Rocky 
Mountains (§ 405), and were the first emigrants who succeeded 
in getting a wagon across the country to Fort Boise (Idaho), 
and eventually to Walla Walla, on a tributary of the Columbia. 
Dr. Whitman's wagon naturally suggested the emigration of 
families,''^'^ for where one wheeled vehicle could go, more could 
follow. 

Six years later (1842) Dr. Whitman heard that a party of 
British emigrants were on their way to the valley of the Colum- 
bia. He at once resolved to go to Washington and plead the 
cause of the Oregon country. After a terrible winter journey 
of four thousand miles, he reached the national capital in the 
spring of 1843. He convinced the President that Oregon was 
worth saving, and that a wagon-train of settlers could be con- 
veyed there in safety. On his return (1843) he went as guide 
to eight hundred emigrants, and successfully piloted them 
through to the Columbia. These emigrants united with other 
American settlers and framed a provisional government for the 
territory.^'^ 

The northern boundary of the Oregon country, as held jointly 
by the United States and Great Britain (§ 389), was 54° 40'. 
In 1846 the political cry was: "The whole of Oregon or 
none!" "Fifty-four forty or fight" (§ 332). But a little 
later our contest with Mexico made the Government willing to 
concede a part of the disputed territory to the demands of Great 



348 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



[1846. 



Britain. A treaty was negotiated (1846) which fixed our north- 
ern boundary at the 49th parallel. This gave us the absolute 
control of the Columbia River and possession of about 300,000 
square miles of territory, out of which the States of Oregon, 
Washington, Idaho, and parts of Montana and Wyoming 
were subsequently formed. Two years later (1848) Congress 




The United States in 1846 after the Acquisition, by Treaty, of the "Oregon Country." 

organized Oregon Territory. Calhoun demanded that, in 
common with all of the public domain, it should be declared 
open to slavery ; but Congress applied to it the provisions of 
the celebrated Ordinance of 1787 (§ 237), and thus prohibited 
slavery forever within the new Territory.^'''' 

392. The Texan boundary dispute. — Before we got posses- 
sion of Texas, Webster, Clay, and Benton declared that if we 
annexed it (§ 384) we should " annex a war with Mexico." 
Their predictions were soon fulfilled. Texas insisted that her 
western boundary was the Rio Grande. This was in accord- 
ance with the claim made by La Salle in the seventeenth century 
(§ 159), and which Spain and France had recognized by their 



1846.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 349 

respective treaties (1800, 1803) (§§ 172, 280). The Republic 
of Mexico, however, contended that Texas did not extend 
farther west than the left bank of the Nueces. For this reason 
the strip of territory between that river and the Rio Grande 
was disputed ground, and each country vehemently denied that 
the other had any right to it. 

393. Taylor's advance into the disputed territory; Arista's 
attack. — In the summer of 1845 the President ordered Gen- 
eral Taylor, who was then in Texas, to cross the Nueces and 
take post at Corpus Christi, within the disputed territory. 

Polk next (January, 1846) ordered him to advance as far 
as the Rio Grande. Taylor did so, and erected Fort Brown, 
opposite the Mexican town of Matamoras, on the farther bank 
of the river. Arista, the Mexican commander, notified General 
Taylor that he considered his advance an act of war, and 
requested him to fall back to the Nueces. Taylor refused to 
move; Arista then crossed the river (April 26, 1846), and sur- 
prised and captured a small party of American troops. In the 
fight several of our men were killed. 

394. Polk's message to Congress; Lincoln's "Spot Reso- 
lutions." — President Polk at once sent a special message to 
Congress. He said: " Mexico has passed the boundary of the 
United States, has invaded our territory, and shed American 
blood upon the American soil." " War exists, and notwith- 
standing all our efforts to avoid it, exists by the act of Mexico 
herself."®^ The United States forthwith declared war, and 
called for 50,000 volunteers. 

When Abraham Lincoln entered Congress (1847) he pre- 
sented his famous "Spot Resolutions," in which he asked the 
President to inform Congress, first, just where the "spot " was 
on which the blood of American citizens had been shed; and 
next, to state whether those Americans were or were not 
"armed soldiers," sent to that "spot" by his express orders. ''"^ 

395. Palo Alto; Resaca de la Palma; Monterey Mean- 
while General Taylor, with his army of less than 3000 men, 



350 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1846-1847. 

had advanced against a Mexican force of more than double 
that number. He fought a battle (May 8, 1846) on the marshy 
plain of Palo Alto, and followed it up the next day with the 
battle of the ravine of Resaca de la Palma. Both of these 
engagements took place within the disputed territory, between 
the Nueces and the Rio Grande; in each case we were success- 
ful, and the Mexicans were routed with heavy loss. 

Taylor then crossed the Rio Grande, occupied Matamoras 
(§ 393), and advanced into the interior of Mexico, as far as 
the fortified town of Monterey. Here the enemy made a 
determined stand. Three days of desperate fighting followed 
(September 22-24, 1846); Taylor's men dug their way through 
the stone walls of the houses or climbed to the flat roofs, and 
fought their way, from street to street, till they took the city. 

396. General Scott takes chief command ; his plan of 
campaign; Buena Vista. — As it now seemed probable that 
the Mexicans would make a prolonged resistance. General 
Winfield Scott (§ 306), the senior officer in the United States 
army, was ordered to take the chief command. His plan was 
to leave Taylor with a small force to hold the line of the Rio 
Grande, while he embarked with an army to capture the forti- 
fied port of Vera Cruz. He then purposed moving directly on 
the city of Mexico, the capital of the Mexican Republic. 

Meanwhile General Kearny, commander of the Department 
of the West, was to advance from Fort Leavenworth (Kansas) 
against Santa Fe, take possession of that city and of New 
Mexico, and then move forward and occupy the Mexican 
province of California. The Mormons (§ 372) raised a bat- 
talion which took part in this expedition of conquest, and 
helped to secure California for the United States. 

Taylor's force was now about 4600 men; with this little army 
he resolved to hold the wild mountain pass of Buena Vista, to 
the southwest of Monterey (§ 395), against the enemy who were 
advancing to attack him. Santa Anna, the commander-in-chief 
of the Mexican army, surrounded Taylor with a force 20,000 



IOWA 




Molina 
Key. 



Contreras 



Tanrpicoj 
O San Lufs'i' V* >-' m 

-^ Cl utufeuoco •;;i!i-- CerriaCord* 
( unll;t.Ta a ^ I, a Pueljla S- 



Map No. I. The Mexican War ; Mai' No. II. Scott's march to the City of Mexico. 



1847.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 35 I 

strong; he then sent the American general a despatch, telling 
him that he must surrender or be cut to pieces. " Old Rough 
and Ready," as his men called him, determined to hold his 
ground, and the unequal contest began (February 22, 1847). 
Colonel Jefferson Davis, with his gallant Mississippians, and 
Captain Bragg, with his batteries hurling storms of grape shot, 
saved the day. Santa Anna retreated, and Buena Vista was re- 
corded on our roll of victories, though it cost Taylor more than 
a sixth of his entire force to win it. This was Taylor's last 
battle ; he resented what he considered to be political interfer- 
ence with his plans, and, leaving General Wool in command, 
returned late in 1847 to his home in Louisiana. The enthusiasm 
over Buena Vista made Taylor's name the Whig rallying cry as 
candidate for the presidency. ^*^ 

397. Vera Cruz; Cerro Gordo; advance on Mexico. — Mean- 
while General Scott, with less than 12,000 men, besieged and 
took Vera Cruz (§ 396), " the Gibraltar of Mexico " (March 27, 
1847). Among the officers who made their mark in that vic- 
torious siege, two deserve especial notice — Lieutenant Ulysses 
S. Grant and Captain Robert E. Lee. 

Having captured the castle and port, Scott began his ad- 
vance into the interior. He met the enemy on the rugged 
heights of Cerro Gordo. Santa Anna fled, and the Americans 
moved forward. In August (1847) o""* little force climbed the 
summit of the Cordilleras and looked down on the capital of 
Mexico, surrounded by lakes and sparkling in the sun. The 
city could not be approached except by the National Road— a 
causeway built across a marsh. Santa Anna posted a strong 
force to sweep that road with cannon. The venerable Duke of 
Wellington had followed, on a map, the advance of the Ameri- 
can general to this point; then he said: "Scott is lost. . . . 
He can't take the city, and he can't fall back upon his 
base." '"^ 

398. Contreras, Churubusco, Molino del Rey, and Cha- 
pultepec. — But Scott recalled Napoleon's maxim: " Never go 



352 THE STUDENTS AMERICAN HISTORY. [1847. 

where your enemy wants you to go." He turned aside and 
made his way forward, by a circuitous route, over the rough 
lava beds, building his road and beating back the foe as he 
advanced. First he won the battle of Contreras (August 20, 
1847), ^^^ '^^ the following day, that of the convent of Churu- 
busco. Next, after the bloodiest fight of the war, he took the 
cannon foundry of Molino del Rey (September 8, 1847). Less 
than a week later (September 13, 1847) he stormed the castle- 
crowned height of Chapultepec, which guarded the gate of the 
city. 

399. Scott enters the city of Mexico (1847) ; end of the 
war; results. — The next day Scott entered the Mexican capi- 
tal and hoisted the American flag (September 14, 1847) ^'"^ the 
walls of the National Palace. The contest was now practically 
over, and the United States could dictate its own terms. The 
people of Mexico had fought bravely; but they were wretchedly 
organized, and utterly lacking in military training. 

The conflict with Mexico is perhaps the only modern war in 
which every battle ended in victory, and every victory was on 
the side of the invading army. It was the training-school for 
the American Civil War. General Grant said that all the older 
officers who became conspicuous in that terrible struggle had 
served under Taylor or Scott.^** 

400. Fremont is sent to California. — When the Mexican 
War broke out, Captain John C. Fre'mont, Benton's son-in-law, 
was in the Mexican province of California. His explorations in 
the far West (i 842-1 844) had won for him the popular name 
of the " Pathfinder," and the Government sent him (1845) on 
a third expedition " to spy out " the coveted Mexican territory 
on the Pacific.''*^'' 

In the spring of 1846 Fre'mont moved northward into 
Oregon. While there, a messenger from Washington arrived 
(May 9, 1846), bringing a verbal despatch from Mr. Buchanan, 
Secretary of State. This despatch, says Fremont, ^^"^ informed 
him that " the Government intended to take California." He 



1846-.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 353 

was instructed to counteract any schemes of the British to get 
possession of that country, and at the same time to "conciliate 
the good will of the inhabitants toward the United States." ^'' 

401. Fremont takes Sonoma; the ''bear flag." — Fre'mont 
at once returned to California and encamped near Sutter's 
Fort, in the valley of the Sacramento. Soon after his arrival 
a report was brought that Mexican forces were preparing to 
drive out all Americans. Fremont sent Merritt, one of his men, 
to capture Sonoma, a town about fifty miles north of San Fran- 
cisco. Sonoma was quickly taken (June 14, 1846), and the 
Americans then hoisted the famous "bear flag." It was a 
strip of white cloth, on which they had painted a huge "grizzly" 
facing a star; underneath was the inscription:"^^ "California 
Republic." Fre'mont, with his men, soon afterward fixed his 
headquarters at Sonoma. In commencing hostilities he had 
acted, says Benton, entirely on his own responsibility, and 
without orders from the Government.®*' 

402. Capture of Monterey; conquest of California. — A 
little later. Commodore Sloat, then commanding a United States 
squadron off the coast, entered the harbor of Monterey, south 
of San Francisco. He ran up the "stars and stripes" (July 7, 
1846), and proclaimed California "a portion of the United 
States." ^^ A week later. Captain Montgomery raised the same 
colors at San Francisco. Admiral Seymour, in command of a 
British fleet, arrived shortly afterward at Monterey. He found 
to his astonishment the American flag flying over the town, the 
American squadron, then under Commodore Stockton, in its 
harbor, and Fremont's mounted riflemen in camp.''''^ 

The Americans proceeded to organize a civil government 
(August 13, 1846), and chose Fremont for Governor. Com- 
modore Shubrick, of the United States navy, arrived in Janu- 
ary (1847); acting in conjunction with Commodore Stockton 
and Governor Fremont, these three commanders completed the 
occupation of the province without any very serious fighting, 
Fremont got the lion's share of fame, and the people of Cali- 



354 



THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1848-1853, 



fornia have always considered him the real conqueror of the 
country. 

403. Treaty of peace (1848) ; territory ceded by Mexico ; 
the Gadsden purchase (1853). — A little more than a year later 
a treaty of peace was signed (February 2, 1848) between Mex- 
ico and the United States.^^ By its terms Mexico ceded to us 
the territory of Upper California and New Mexico, for which 




The United States in 1854, showing the Mexican Cessions of I 848 (namely, California, 
Utah, New Mexico) and the Gadsden Purchase of 1853 (indicated by date on map). 

we agreed to pay $15,000,000. The treaty made the Rio 
Grande the western boundary of Texas, and the Gila River 
the northern boundary of Mexico. 

The ceded territory included Utah, Nevada, and a part of 
Arizona, Colorado, and Wyoming. Adding Texas, this region 
formed a broad belt, extending from the Gulf of Mexico to the 
Pacific, and having an area of over 850,000 square miles, — or 
more than the entire American Republic possessed at the close 
of the Revolutionary War. 

Five years later (1853), in order to settle a dispute respecting 
the Gila River boundary, Captain Gadsden purchased the 



1846-.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 355 

Mesilla Valley, a region south of that river, for the United 
States. For the sum of $10,000,000, we thus added a tract 
having an area of more than 45,000 square miles to our previous 
acquisitions.^^ 

404. The new tariff ; Independent Treasury Act ; cheap 
postage ; the Wilmot Proviso (1846) ; Calhoun's resolutions 

(1847) ; "Woman's Rights" Convention (1848) Meanwhile 

the Democratic Congress had passed (1846) a new tariff act 
(§ 384), intended chiefly for revenue instead of "protection." 
In 1857 the duties on imports were still further lowered; this 
tariff remained in force until the spring of 1861, when the 
Morrill Tariff made the average rate of duty about 27 per cent 
— or somewhat higher than the rate of 1846.^®* 

In the course of the same summer (1846) Van Buren's great 
measure, the Independent Treasury Act (§371), was permanently 
reenacted. Meanwhile (1845) Congress reduced the rate of 
postage to a maximum rate of ten cents — it had been twenty- 
five — and charged five cents for distances of three hundred 
miles and under. Two years later (1847) postage stamps were 
issued ; but they did not come into general use until a number 
of years later. In 1863 postage on letters was reduced to three 
cents, and in 1883 to two cents. This rate is the cheapest in 
the world, since a two-cent stamp will carry a heavy letter from 
Key West, Florida, to Sitka, Alaska, a distance of over 4000 miles. 

Shortly after the Mexican War began (1846), President Polk 
asked Congress for an appropriation of $2,000,000 to purchase 
territory from Mexico, in order to adjust the boundary. A bill 
was introduced to that end ; David Wilmot, a Pennsylvania 
Democrat, offered the famous "Wilmot Proviso" (1846) as an 
amendment to this bill. It extended the provision of the 
Ordinance of 1787 (§ 237), which prohibited slavery, so that it 
would cover all territory which might be ceded to us by 
Mexico.^-'* The Wilmot amendment passed the House, but did 
not reach the Senate in time to be acted upon. Every North- 
ern Legislature but one approved of the measure ; but the 



356 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORV. [1816-1848. 

Southern States, with few exceptions, passed resolutions refus- 
ing to submit to it. They protested against any legislation 
Avhich should prevent slave-holders from taking their negroes 
with them into the public domain.^''® 

Though the " Wilmot Proviso " failed of adoption, yet it led 
to the organization, two years later, of the Free Soil Party, 
which was eventually absorbed by the Republican Party. After 
the beginning of the Civil War, Congress, by the Territorial Act 
(1862), accepted the principle of the proviso, and prohibited 
"slavery in any Territory of the United States now existing, or 
which may be hereafter formed or acquired." ^'"' 

At the time of the passage of the Missouri Compromise Act 
(1820), Calhoun admitted the right of Congress to exclude 
slavery from the Territories (§ 324). But in 1S37 he took the 
opposite ground (§ 373). In 1847 he again offered a series of 
resolutions in the Senate, in which he still more emphatically 
denied the constitutional power of Congress to shut out slavery 
from the public lands. He furthermore declared that the exer- 
cise of such power would necessarily lead to the dissolution of 
the Union.^^ These resolutions anticipated the Dred Scott 
decision of ten years later. No action was taken on Calhoun's 
motion. Soon afterward (1847) he wrote a letter to a member 
of the Alabama' Legislature, in which he declared that he 
believed the South, instead of avoiding the slavery contest, 
should "force the issue on the North." He ended by saying 
that the true policy for the South to adopt was one of retalia- 
tion, and that they should close their ports against sea-going 
vessels from the offending Northern States, leaving open the 
trade of the West by the Mississippi. This course, said he, 
would be " a remedy short of disunion," while it would tend 
"to detach the Northwestern from the Eastern States." ^^^ 

While this agitation respecting the extension of slavery was 
going on in and out of Congress, Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, 
Reverend Samuel J. May, Lucretia Mott, Susan B. Anthony, 
and Lucy Stone were urging tliat women should stand on a 



1848-.] 



THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 



357 



political equality with men. The first " Woman's Rights " 
Convention in the world was held at Seneca Falls, New York, 
in the summer of 1848. This meeting led to the organization 
of the National Woman Suffrage Convention which met in 
Worcester, Massachusetts, two years later (1850). The agita- 
tion thus begun has resulted in recent years in the admission 
of women, in several States, to equality of suffrage and power 
to hold office, and in admission to partial suffrage in a number 
of other States.^"*^ 

405. Discovery of gold in California. — Just before the 
treaty of peace with Mexico was signed (§ 403), gold was dis- 
covered (1848) in California. It was found in the newly dug 




Lewis and Clark's Exploration (I 804-1 806) ; First Settlement of Oregon ; 
Discovery of Gold in California. 

mill-race of Captain Sutter's saw-mill at Coloma, on the Ameri- 
can River. Specimens of the ore were carried to Governor 
Mason, and he, with Colonel W. T. Sherman, carefully tested 
them. The discovery caused no particular excitement, as it was 
not believed that the precious metal could be obtained in pay- 
ing quantities.^'^' But early in May (1848) a Mormon walked 
through the little village of San Franci.sco, holding up a bottle 



358 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1848-1849. 

of yellow dust in one hand, swinging his hat with the other, 
and shouting at the top of his voice: "Gold! Gold! Gold from 
the American River ! " ^°"^ Then the rush began, and soon the 
entire male population of San Francisco and vicinity was " off 
to the diggings." 

The news was speedily transmitted to the East; a box of 
California gold was exhibited at the war-ofifice at Washington, 
and the President spoke of the marvellous discovery in his 
message. '""■'' 

406. Emigration to California ; the San Francisco '< Vigi- 
lance Committee"; results of the production of gold. — A 
great movement of emigration to California at once began. 
From Maine to Texas thousands of men, armed with pick and 
shovel, crowded the ports on their way to the new El Dorado. 
The recently established line of Pacific mail-steamers could not 
carry the multitude that besieged their offices. In the height 
of the excitement emigrants eagerly paid a thousand dollars for 
steerage passage with the privilege of sleeping ." in a coil of 
rope." ^""^ Every kind of sailing-ship, whether seaworthy or not, 
was pressed into the service; and in a single year a thousand 
vessels entered the once almost solitary harbor of San Francisco. 

The next spring (1849) the great overland march began. By 
the end of April twenty thousand men, women, and children 
had gathered at St. Joseph, Independence, and other points on 
the Missouri River, ready to cross the plains. They journeyed 
on horseback, on foot, and in huge, canvas-covered wagons, 
known as " prairie schooners." Multitudes died before they 
reached the Rocky Mountains; while others, exhausted by hun- 
ger and fatigue, were glad to stop at Salt Lake City (§ 372) 
and hire themselves out as day-laborers to the thrifty Mormon 
farmers. Those whom no hardship or suffering could daunt 
pressed on, until at last they descended the Sierras and entered 
the Land of Promise. Their weary pathway through the terrible 
wilderness was marked by the bleaching skeletons of horses 
and cattle, and by many newly made graves.'"^^ 



1849-1897.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 359 

Nothing could check the movement, and at the close of 1849 
between 80,000 and 100,000 emigrants had passed into Cali- 
fornia. The settlers respected free labor and adopted a State 
constitution prohibiting slavery.^""^ 

The rapidly growing city of San Francisco naturally attracted 
many lawless and desperate characters. The inefficiency of the 
courts prompted the organization of a "Vigilance Committee" q 
which practically governed the city from 185 1 to 1856. It 
tried, convicted, and hanged several notorious criminals, drove 
many others out of the country, and, though acting without the 
law, it compelled the dangerous classes to respect law and order. 
In the end, this organization — the result of an awakening of 
the public conscience — brought about important municipal and 
legislative reforms. 

Up to the time when gold was discovered on the Pacific 
coast, the value of the- whole annual product of that metal in 
the United States was less than $250,000. In 1848 California 
alone produced $10,000,000; in 1849, $40,000,000; and by 
1853 it had reached its maximum product of $65,000,000.^"*'^ 
The total amount obtained from 1848 to 1856 was $456,000,000, 
and the entire yield of the half-century (1848-1897) is estimated 
at upwards of $2,000,000,000.™^ Yet the precious metal 
actually cost more labor than it was worth. 

The enormous production of gold in California had far-reach- 
ing economic and political results: (i) it raised the price of 
goods and labor; (2) it opened new markets and extended 
commerce; (3) it filled a wilderness with settlers, stimulated 
the development of the Pacific coast, established new lines of 
steamships, and in time made a transcontinental railroad a 
necessity; (4) it was one of the causes which induced the 
majority of the nations of Europe (1870-1878) to stop the 
coinage of silver (except for "change "), and to adopt gold as 
their sole standard money ; (5) it extended the domain of free 
labor on the Pacific coast, and effectually shut out slavery in 
all that part of the West. 



360 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1846. 

407 Inventions and discoveries ; the sewing-machine ; 
ether. — It was during Polk's administration tlaat Elias Howe 
patented (1846) what he called his "iron needlewoman" — 
the first practical sewing-machine. It revolutionized the manu- 
facture of clothing and greatly reduced its price. It was feared 
that the sewing-machine would permanently throw large num- 
bers of people out of work; but it has had just the opposite 
effect. Instead of contracting the field of hand labor, the intro- 
duction of machinery lias actually extended it. At the same 
time the introduction of the telegraph, telephone, and type- 
writer have created new opportunities of employment for 
thousands. ^''''^ 

A very remarkable discovery was now at hand. Dr. Horace 
Wells of Hartford, Connecticut, found (1844) by experiments 
in dentistry that he could produce insensibility to pain by the 
use of nitrous oxide gas. This discovery stimulated the efforts 
of Dr. W. T. G. Morton of Boston, a former partner of Dr. 
Wells, to endeavor to find a more convenient and effective 
anaesthetic. Dr. Charles T. Jackson of Boston suggested to 
Dr. Morton, then a student in his office, to try the inhalation of 
the vapor of sulphuric ether ; to his surprise and delight it 
proved to be what he was seeking. In 1846 he obtained per- 
mission from the senior surgeon of the Massachusetts General 
Hospital in Boston to have a public test made in that institution. 
Late in the autumn of that year (October 16, 1846) the first im- 
portant operation ever performed under ether took place beneath 
the dome of the hospital. The room was completely filled with 
physicians and eminent men of other professions, who had been 
invited to see the miracle of painless surgery. The operation 
was successfully performed while the patient slept as quietly 
under the knife as a child in its cradle. ^"^° 

It soon became known to the world that Dr. Morton had 
made the most beneficent contribution to medical science re- 
corded in history, — one which must henceforth render every 
human being his debtor. In commemoration of his work his 



1848-.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 361 

monument in Mount Auburn Cemetery, near Boston, bears this 
inscription: "Before whom, in all time, surgery was agony. . . . 
Since whom, science has control of pain." 

408. The presidential election ; new States ; slavery vs. 
freedom. — The Democratic "National Convention (1848) nomi- 
nated Lewis Cass on a "strict-construction" (§ 256) platform. 
The Whig National Convention nominated General Zachary 
Taylor (§ 396). Neither Convention would speak out on the 
question of the extension of slavery — a subject which was soon 
to be uppermost in politics. Finally a new party — -the " Free 
Soilers " — held their National Convention. They were made 
up chiefly of two elements : the first was the Radical Democrats 
who were determined to stop the extension of slavery at any 
cost. Their opponents, the Conservative Democrats, or " Hun- 
kers," compared them to the farmer who set fire to his barn to 
clear it of rats, and so nicknamed them " Barnburners." The 
second element in the Free Soil Party was the Abolitionists, 
or members of the old Liberty Party (§ 383). The Convention 
declared itself for "free soil, free speech, free labor, and free 
men." ^™^ It nominated ex-President Martin Van Buren (§ 368). 

The Whigs succeeded in what was called the " star-and-stripe 
campaign," and elected General Taylor, with Millard Fillmore 
as Vice-President. The electoral vote stood 163 to 127, and 
the popular vote 1,360,101 to 1,220,544, besides 291,263 cast 
by the Free Soilers for Van Buren. 

Under Polk's administration three new States — Texas 
(1845), Iowa (1846), and Wisconsin (1848) — were admitted to 
the Union, making the whole number thirty. Half were free 
and half slave States. This division gave both sections equal 
representation in the Senate; but owing to the much larger 
population of the North (due in considerable measure to immi- 
gration) (§ 374), the free States had 139 representatives to 91 
from the slave States. ^^^^ It was plain that unless the South 
could secure additional slave territory in some quarter, the free 
States would soon have the political control in Congress. 



362 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1849-. 

409. Summary. — The principal events of Polk's adminis- 
tration were: (i) the settlement of the Oregon question by 
treaty with Great Britain ; (2) war with Mexico, and the 
acquisition of a large amount of territory; (3) the discovery 
of gold in California; (4) the discussion of slavery extension as 
represented in the Wilmot Proviso vs. Calhoun's resolutions; 

(5) the permanent establishment of the Independent Treasury 
system, and the beginning of the Woman's Rights movement; 

(6) the invention of the sewing-machine, and Morton's introduc- 
tion of ether into surgery. 

ZACHARY TAYLOR (WHIG), 1849-1853. 

410. General Taylor's position; the question of slavery 
extension. — Before his election to the presidency (§ 408), 
General Taylor said: " I have no private purpose to accomplish, 
no party projects to build up, no enemies to punish, — nothing 
to serve but my country." ""'^ Taylor did not seek the office to 
which the Whig Party had elected him. He took so little 
interest in politics that he had never in his life cast a vote.^"" 
He was one of the largest slave-holders in the South, yet, like 
Henry Clay, he opposed the extension of slavery. He was by 
nature a soldier, a man of action, blunt and "downright"; he 
had served under the " stars and stripes " for more than forty 
years; he loved the flag, and he loved the Union which that flag 
represented.""^ 

Congress was called to decide the burning question whether 
slavery should be admitted into the new territory ceded by 
Mexico (§ 403). Lewis Cass contended that the people of the 
Territories should determine for themselves whether they would 
or would not have slavery. Calhoun ridiculed this doctrine as 
"Squatter Sovereignty"; later, in a different form, it was advo- 
cated by Stephen A. Douglas, under the nanie of " Popular 
Sovereignty." """ After a bitter contest Howell Cobb of 
Georgia, a strong advocate of slavery extension, was chosen 



1849-1850.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 363 

Speaker of the House. This seemed to presage a victory for 
the South. 

411. Debate on the admission of California as a free 
State. — In anticipation of a Congressional battle over slavery 
extension, President Taylor had recommended the newly 
acquired Territories to form State constitutions.'""^ He hoped 
that he might thereby get the vexed question promptly settled; 
but he was disappointed. The action of the people of Cali- 
fornia in adopting a constitution (November 13, 1849) which 
prohibited slavery (§ 406) roused an angry debate, which con- 
tinued for nearly a year. If California should be admitted as 
a free State there seemed little prospect that any of the remain- 
ing territory obtained from Mexico could be gained by the 
South. Webster, Clay, and Alexander H. Stephens declared 
that hitherto slavery had generally taken the lead in Congress 
and controlled the Executive. The growth of the Republic, by 
the continued admission of free States, threatened to destroy 
this preponderance of the slave-holding class, and, as Giddings 
later said, restore the political power to the people.'"'^ 

The Free Soilers rejoiced at the prospect of the nationaliza- 
tion of the principle of liberty; but the Whigs and Democrats 
feared that this triumph would result in the destruction of the 
American commonwealth. The extreme pro-slavery class at 
the South vehemently opposed the action of the people of 
California. 

Toombs of Georgia said: " If by your legislation you seek 
to drive us from the Territories of California and New Mexico 
(§ 403), purchased by the common blood and treasure of the 
whole people, ... I am for disunion."''"'^ The Southern mem- 
bers greeted this declaration with loud applause. Alexander 
H. Stephens said : " Every word uttered by my colleague (Mr. 
Toombs) meets my hearty response." '"■•^" The next year (1850) 
Stephens wrote: "We have ultimately to submit or fight."'"'' 

412. Clay's Compromise Measures (1850). — Clay, the 
"great peacemaker " now came forward with his famous Com- 



364 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1850. 

promise Measures (January 29, 1850). His purpose was to 
conciliate both sections and all political parties in order to pre- 
serve the Union. He offered five propositions: (i) to admit 
California as a free State; (2) to apply Cass's principle of 
"Squatter Sovereignty" (§ 410) to New Mexico and Utah, 
but not until they should become States. By this provision, 
when they entered the Union they were to be received with 
or without slavery, as their inhabitants should demand; ^"^^ 
(3) to purchase the claim which Texas made to a part of New 
Mexico ; (4) to abolish the slave-trade, but not slavery itself, 
in the District of Columbia; (5) to pass a new and more effi- 
cient fugitive-slave act (§ 380) for the protection of Southern 
planters. 

413. Debate on Clay's Compromise Measures (1850). — 
Webster, Clay, and Stephen A. Douglas warmly defended the 
proposed measures, and Seward, Chase, and Hale denounced 
them. Calhoun and Jefferson Davis refused to accept them for 
the South, and Benton ridiculed them as a mere " compromise 
plaster." ^°^" Davis demanded that the Missouri Compromise 
line of 36° 30' (§ 324) should be extended to the Pacific, and 
that all of the new territory below that line should be open to 
slavery.^^^* Such an arrangement would have given the South a 
large part of California, nearly the whole of what now constitutes 
Arizona and New Mexico, together with a corner of Nevada. 

Clay replied : " Coming from a slave State as I do, . . . no 
earthly power could induce me to vote for . . . the introduction 
of slavery where it had not before existed, either south or north 
of that line." ^""^ 

The hand of Death rested on Calhoun; he was too feeble to 
address the Senate, and a friend read his speech for him. It 
had the solemnity of a funeral oration. The great champion 
of slavery (§ 354) declared that, if the North desired to save 
the 'Republic, it must first " concede to the South an equal 
right in the acquired territory," and next faithfully enforce the 
fugitive-slave law of 1793."'^" 



1850.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELORMENT. 365 

The following day he said: "As things now stand, the 
Southern States cannot remain in the Union." ^^-' 

Calhoun saw signs of coming secession, not only in the 
political, but in the religious situation. The Southern Metho- 
dists and Baptists, provoked by action taken by Northern 
churches on the subject of slavery, had split off (1845) ^^om 
the main body and formed independent organizations. This 
action seemed prophetic of the withdrawal of the slave-holding 
States from the Union. 

Three days after Calhoun made his speech in the Senate, 
Webster followed with his celebrated speech of the 7 th of March. 
Again and again the great New England statesman had declared 
his unalterable opposition to the extension of slavery; on this 
point his convictions had undergone no change whatever, but 
he now urged the necessity of conciliating the South, in order 
to preserve the Union. He declared that to apply the VVilmot 
Proviso (§ 404) to California and New Mexico would not only 
be an affront to the Southern people, but an act of folly. 
Nature, said he, has effectually shut out slavery from those 
regions, and Congress is not called upon to " reenact the will 
of God." He pleaded for the cultivation of "more fraternal sen- 
timents " between the North and the South. "I hear," said he, 
" with distress and anguish the word ' secession.' " " There can 
be no such thing as peaceable secession." " Disruption must 
produce war, and such a war as I will not describe." ^"^ 

Seward, on the contrary, as the champion of freedom, de- 
nounced all attempts at compromise with slavery. He declared 
that the Constitution devoted the public domain " to union, to 
justice, to defence, to welfare, and to liberty." Then he startled 
his hearers by adding: "But there is a higher law than the 
Constitution," " which devotes it to the same noble purpose." "'^" 

414. The ''Omnibus Bill"; Taylor's death; Sumner; 
admission of California. — Early in May (1850) Clay's com- 
promise measures (§ 412) were reported in the form of a bill, 
which carried so many provisions that it got the nam'e of the 



366 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1850-. 

" Omnibus Bill." "'■'" This measure was hotly debated for the 
rest of the session. All of its provisions, including the new 
Fugitive-Slave Act (§ 412), were passed, but in the form of sepa- 
rate bills, before the middle of September, 1850. This great 
compromise averted disunion for the time, and made it possible 
for the Republic to continue for another decade "half slave 
and half free," Both parties now exultantly declared that the 
terrible negro question was " finally settled." 

Meanwhile President Taylor had suddenly died (July 9, 1850) 
and Vice-President Fillmore had taken the Executive helm. Fill- 
more made Webster Secretary of State, and Massachusetts chose 
Charles Sumner to succeed him in the Senate. Sumner, though 
an uncompromising champion of the anti-slavery cause, was not 
an extreme Abolitionist. Speaking of his office, he said to his 
constituents: "I accept it as the servant of the Union, bound 
to oppose all sectionalism, . . . whether in unconstitutional 
efforts by the North to carry . . . freedom into the slave States 
[or] in unconstitutional efforts by the South to carry . . . 
slavery into the free States.""'"' 

In the autumn of 1850 California was admitted to the 
Union. This made the whole number of States thirty-one, — 
fifteen for slavery, sixteen for free soil. There could be little 
doubt that henceforth the free States would hold the political 
control. 

415. Excitement at the North over the new Fugitive- 
Slave Act. — The excitement at the North over the passage of 
the new Fugitive-Slave Act (§ 414) was intense. From all 
parts of the free States memorials poured in upon Congress. 
They condemned the law as " revolting to the moral sense of 
the civilized world," and demanded its immediate repeal.'"'^ 
Giddings of Ohio declared that the execution of such a law 
was worse " than ordinary murder," and that no slave-holder 
could compel the freemen of his State to turn out " to chase 
the panting fugitive." '""^ The Abolitionists denounced Web- 
ster for' upholding the act, and declared him a traitor to New 



IH50-.J THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 367 

England and to liberty. Whittier wrote his dirge-like lines of 
"Ichabod" to lament his fall: 

" P'rom those great eyes 
The soul has fled; 
When faith is lost, when honor dies, 
The man is dead." 

But eight hundred leading citizens of Boston and vicinity 
came to Webster's defence. They signed a paper thanking him 
for recalling them to their " duties under the Constitution." ^"''^ 
They accepted his declaration that if the North refused to 
return fugitive slaves, " the South would no longer be bound 
to observe the compact" of the Constitution; and that "a 
bargain" cannot be broken on one side and still bind the 
other." ^"''^ Ten years later, Abraham Lincoln, in his inaugural, 
acknowledged that the Constitution required him to enforce the 
Fugitive-Slave Law.-"''"' 

416. << Personal Liberty Laws"; enforcement of the 
Fugitive-Slave Act. — Prior to 1850 several Northern States 
had passed " Personal Liberty Laws," forbidding State officers 
to aid in the enforcement of the Fugitive-Slave Act of 1793 
(§ 257). The new act (1850) (§ 414) roused still greater oppo- 
sition. In the course of the next ten years (i 850-1 860) four- 
teen Northern States passed laws to protect negroes claimed 
as runaway slaves. These statutes generally secured to such 
jiegroes the right of having counsel to defend them, the right 
to testify in their own behalf, and the right of trial by jury; all 
of which privileges the Fugitive-Slave Act of 1850 denied. ^''^'^ 

The South complained that these laws " were intended to 
nullify an act of Congress, and that they violated the Constitu- 
tion." 

So far as the actual number of fugitives was concerned, the 
loss to the South was small. In 1850 only one-thirtieth of one 
per cent of the slave population escaped, and by i860 it had 
fallen much lower. '"'^''* Southern estimates, however, represented 



368 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1850-1852. 

the total number of fugitives living in the North at 30,000, 
valued at $15,000,000.^"^^ 

Long before the passage of the new law, the Abolitionists 
had organized a regular system of escape for negroes who had 
succeeded in entering the free States. The " Underground 
Railroad" consisted of a chain of stations — private houses 
about a day's journey apart, — and the fugitives were 
hurried along from station to station until they reached 
Canada.'"*" 

Under the Fugitive-Slave Act of 1850 more seizures were 
made than in all the previous sixty years, Thomas Sims (185 1) 
and Anthony Burns (1854) were carried back from Boston. A 
desperate attempt was made to rescue Burns, and one man was 
killed. The files of armed soldiers who conveyed him to the 
wharf were greeted with mingled cheers, hisses, and groans, 
and they had to pass beneath a national flag draped in mourn- 
ing and suspended, union down, across the street. The deter- 
mined resistance to the law made the cost of returning the 
fugitives enormously expensive. In several instances, notably 
that of " Shadrach," in Boston (185 1), and "Jerry," in Syra- 
cuse, New York, the negroes were rescued; and at Christiana, 
Pennsylvania, a slave-holder and his son were killed in their 
attempt to seize an alleged fugitive. These cases showed that 
it would be practically impossible to enforce the obnoxious act 
on a broad scale. 

417. << Uncle Tom's Cabin"; Helper's << Impending 
Crisis." — In the spring of 1852 two national political con- 
ventions, representing the two chief parties, met to take action. 
They solemnly pledged themselves to resist all attempts to 
renew the discussion of slavery " whenever, however, and 
wherever made." '"" 

Just at that time Mrs. Stowe published "Uncle Tom's Cabin." 
She was an earnest advocate of anti-slavery principles, but not 
a declared Abolitionist. She bore no hatred to the South. 
She wrote rather in sorrow than in anger, her only object being. 



1859.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 369 

as she said, to make her countrymen " feel what an accursed 
thing slavery is." ^^'^'■^ 

Garrison declared that her book " would take the world by 
storm." He was right. In eight weeks 100,000 copies were 
sold in the United States, and that was only the beginning; 
within a year a million copies were sold in England, and the 
story was soon translated into every European language. Mrs. 
Stowe's work was the direct fruit of the Fugitive-Slave Act, 
and it struck slavery a blow from which it never recovered. ^°^^ 

Five years later (1857) another remarkable book appeared 
on the same subject; this was Helper's " Impending Crisis." 
The author was a North Carolinian. He did not profess to be 
a friend to the negro, but attacked slavery mainly on economic 
grounds. He dedicated his work to the "non-slave-holding 
whites" of the South; his object was to show by solid facts 
and figures that the system did not pay, that it was a curse to 
the section where it existed,^"'*'' especially to the " poor whites." 

Helper's book had a very large sale, and three years later 
(i860) the Republican Party circulated it by thousands as a 
campaign document. '"^^ 

418. National political conventions; the presidential election 
(1852). — The Democratic National Convention (1852) adopted 
a " strict-construction" (§ 256) platform.^"*" It upheld the Ken- 
tucky and Virginia (State Rights) resolutions of 1792 and 1798 
(§ 273), and pledged the support of the party to the Compromise 
Measures of 1850 (§§ 412, 414), and to the enforcement of the 
Fugitive-Slave Law. The Convention nominated Franklin Pierce 
for President, and William R. King for Vice-President. 

The Whig National Convention met soon afterward; it 
adopted a carefully worded "broad-construction" (§ 256) 
platform, and accepted the Compromise Measures of 1850, 
with the Fugitive-Slave Law (§§ 412, 414). It nominated 
General Scott (§ 396) for the presidency. 

The Free-Soil Democratic National Convention adopted a 
platform which repudiated the Compromise Measures of 1850, 



370 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [I852-. 

including the Fugitive-Slave Law (§§ 412, 414). It proclaimed: 
"No more slave States; no more slave Territories; no national- 
ized slavery; and no national legislation for the extradition of 
slaves," ^'^" The Free Soilers nominated John P, Hale for the 
presidency. 

Pierce gained a sweeping victory. He received 254 elec- 
toral votes to 42 cast for Scott ; the popular vote stood 
1,601,474 for Pierce, and 1,386,578 for Scott. Hale, the 
candidate of the Free-Soil Democrats, received a popular 
vote of 156,149. 

Before the year (1852) closed, Calhoun, Webster, and Clay 
were in their graves. Sumner and Jefferson Davis were soon 
to stand, face to face, in the United States Senate as leadmg 
combatants in the "irrepressible conflict" between slavery and 
freedom. 

419. Rise of the " Know Nothing " Party; death of the 
Whig Party. — Between 1849 and 1852 immigration (§ 374) 
had increased enormously, the arrivals at our ports averaging 
nearly a thousand a day.^"^^ Hostility to the political influence 
of this army of new settlers gave rise to a secret oath-bound 
fraternity, which took for its watchword the cry: " Americans 
must rule America." This organization developed into the politi- 
cal party (1852) of the "Order of United Americans." The 
members were popularly called " Know Nothings," because 
when questioned they invariably professed that they knew 
nothing of the party or its objects. The " Know Nothings " 
generally selected their candidates from rival political tickets; 
and for some years they met with great success in State elec- 
tions. They required that those for whom they voted should 
be native-born citizens; that they should declare their entire 
devotion to the national and State Constitutions; and explic- 
itly disclaim allegiance to any " foreign prince, potentate, or 
power." '''"> 

They furthermore demanded " a continued residence of 
twenty-one years as an indispensable requisite for citizenship," 



1853.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 3/1 

and resolved that it was the duty of the national Government 
to prohibit the landing of foreign paupers and criminals on our 
shores. The chief power of the American Party was exerted 
between 1850 and 1856; it then gradually declined.^"^" 

After the presidential election of 1852 the Whig Party 
(§§ 256, 341) went to pieces. Many Whigs joined the "Know 
Nothings," and after the organization of the Republican Party 
(1854-1856) great numbers were absorbed by it.^°^^ 

420. Summary. — The chief events of the Taylor and Fill- 
more administration were: (i) the discussion in Congress over 
the admission of California as a free State; (2) the adoption of 
Clay's Compromise Measures of 1850, including the application 
of the principle of " Squatter Sovereignty," and the passage of 
a new Fugitive-Slave Act; (3) the enactment by many Northern 
States of " Personal Liberty Laws," and the publication of 
" Uncle Tom's Cabin " and Helper's " Impending Crisis " ; 
(4) the death of three great political leaders, — Webster, 
Calhoun, and Clay, followed by the decline and disappearance 
of the Whig Party, and by the rise of the short-lived American, 
or "Know Nothing," Party. 

FRANKLIN PIERCE (DEMOCRAT), ONE TERM, 1853-1857. 

421. Pierce's inaugural; the first American ''World's 
Fair." — In his inaugural address President Pierce (§ 418) 
spoke explicitly on the slavery question. He said: "I believe 
that involuntary servitude as it exists in different States of this 
Confederacy is recognized by the Constitution " (§ 415). " I 
hold that the laws of 1850, commonly called the 'Compromise 
Measures' (§§ 412, 414), are strictly constitutional, and to be 
unhesitatingly carried into effect." ^''^^ 

The slavery question, however, kept itself in the background 
for a brief period, while America took part in an international 
exhibition. In the summer of 1853 the President opened the 
first "World's Fair" held in the United States, in the "Crystal 



372 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1853-1854. 

Palace," in New York. The foreign department was noted for 
its large and valuable collection of works of art. The American 
department took the front rank in the variety of its wood-work- 
ing machinery and agricultural implements. ^"^'^ Nothing could 
equal the excellence of the work done by the improved planing- 
machines, the lathes for turning gun-stocks and similar irregular 
forms, and the machinery for manufacturing barrels, pails, and 
other hollow ware. 

Our reapers and mowers (§ 366), horse-rakes, hay-tedders, 
and "cultivators" had revolutionized farming. With one of 
these machines and the aid of a pair of horses, a man could 
easily do the work of twenty-five hand laborers. Every sum- 
mer these inventions saved enormous quantities of grass and 
grain which must otherwise have been lost for lack of men 
to harvest them. An acre of oats could be cut in less than! 
half an hour, and an acre of hay spread in about the same 
time. 

Secretary Seward said that these agricultural implements 
were pushing the line of civilization westward at the rate 
of thirty miles a year. In that way they had a powerful in- 
fluence on the economic progress of the American Republic. 

422. The Kansas-Nebraska Bill. — In the great debate on 
the Compromise Measures of 1850 (§ 412), Senator Stephen 
A. Douglas of Illinois, popularly known as the " little giant of 
the West," successfully advocated the application of "Squatter 
Sovereignty" (§§ 410, 412) to New Mexico and Utah, when 
they should be admitted as States. In January, 1854, Douglas, 
as chairman of the Committee on Territories, determined to 
make an effort to extend the principle of " Popular Sovereignty," 
as he called it, to the unorganized territory comprised in the 
Louisiana purchase of 1S03 (§ 280). This region lay west of 
the States of Missouri, Iowa, and Minnesota Territory. It was 
called the Platte, or Nebraska country, and as it was north of 
the Missouri Compromise line of 36° 30' (§ 324), slavery was 
"forever" excluded from it. 



1854.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 3/3 

The bill, as Senator Douglas finally presented it (January 23, 
1854), provided that the Platte country should be divided into 
two parts, the northern to be organized as the Territory of 
Nebraska, and the southern as the Territory of Kansas, The 
fourteenth section of the bill repealed the Missouri Compro- 
mise (§ 324), and declared it henceforth "inoperative and 
void." ^"^ The avowed object of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill 
was " not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor 
to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof per- 
fectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in 
their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United 
States." "'^'' 

A separate clause in the bill expressly provided that the 
Fugitive-Slave Act (§§ 412, 414) should be enforced in the two 
proposed Territories.'"^® 

Senator Douglas declared that his sole object in advocating 
the measure was to take the discussion of the slavery ques- 
tion out of Congress, and hand it over to the people of the 
States and Territories for settlement. Such a policy, he be- 
lieved, would preserve peace, and maintain the Union in its 
integrity.'"" 

423. Debate on the Kansas-Nebraska Bill; Northern oppo- 
sition. — The proposition to repeal the Missouri Compromise 
(§ 324) and to apply the principle of " Popular Sovereignty" 
(§ 422) to Kansas and Nebraska startled the whole country 
like a thunderbolt from a clear sky. No bill was ever intro- 
duced into Congress which gave rise to more excited debate, 
Sumner vehemently protested against the removal of the "land- 
marks of freedom," '"'** Wade raised his voice against giving 
slavery a chance to enter a Territory " as large as all the free 
States, pure as Nature, and beautiful as the Garden of God."'"^'' 
Benton denounced Douglas's proposition as a " see-saw bill, . . . 
the up-and-down game of politicians."'"*'" Seward declared that 
the fate of the Republic hung on this measure. " Its success or 
defeat," said he, "will decide whether slavery shall go on 



374 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORV. [1854. 

increasing in influence over the central power here, or whether 
freedom shall gain the ascendency." ^""^ 

Edward Everett presented a protest against the bill, signed 
by more than three thousand New England clergymen.^""- The 
" Independent Democrats " in Congress drew up an appeal 
denouncing the proposed law as " a gross violation of a sacred 
pledge," and as " part of an atrocious plot " to convert a vast 
unoccupied area " into a dreary region of despotism inhabited 
by masters and slaves." ^°^^ Chase, Sumner, Giddings, and 
Gerritt Smith joined in signing the paper, 

424. Southern feeling about the bill. — The Southern 
members of Congress at first manifested little interest in the 
Kansas-Nebraska Bill. Bell of Tennessee said that every 
Southern Senator with whom he had spoken, excepting Toombs 
of Georgia, regretted this attempt to wipe out a line which had 
preserved the peace of the country for thirty years. He added, 
however, that since the North had introduced the bill, the 
South would not vote against it."**'* Houston of Texas im- 
plored the Senate, for the sake of the Union, not to repeal 
the Missouri Compromised"''^ CuUom of Tennessee declared 
that its repeal would repudiate " the faith and honor of the 
South, plighted by the act of 1820."^'*" 

On the contrary Jefferson Davis, Alexander H. Stephens, 
Toombs and the other extreme Southern men of the Calhoun 
school — popularly known as "fire-eaters" — considered the 
Missouri Compromise unsound in principle, and called loudly 
for its repeal. But they wanted the repeal to be made without 
having the proviso of " Popular Sovereignty " tacked to it. 
They insisted that the Constitution gave slave-holders (in 
common with all other owners of property) the right to take 
their negroes into the Territories when they pleased. They 
declared that they would never submit to the humiliation of 
asking leave of any one to exercise that right. '''^'^ 

425. Seward's attitude ; excitement at the North ; pas- 
sage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill (1854); results. — When 



1854.] 



THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 



375 



it became apparent that a majority of Southern members would 
vote for the bill, Seward exclaimed: " Come on then, gentlemen 
of the slave States, since there is no escaping your challenge, 
I accept it in behalf of the cause of freedom. We will engage 
in competition for the soil of Kansas, and God give the victory 
to the side which is stronger in numbers as in right." ^'"^ The 
debate on the bill raged for nearly five months. During that 




Territory opened to Slavery by the " Kansas-Nebraska Act " of I 854. 

The " Compromise Measures " of 1850 opened Utah and New Mexico to slavery when they 
should be admitted as States (see § 422). Oregon was free territory by Act of Congress 
of 1848 (see § 391). 

time the North was seething with indignation, and mass-meeting 
after mass meeting protested against the repeal of the Missouri 
Compromise Act (§ 324). 

The opponents of Senator Douglas branded him as an enemy 
to the cause of freedom and of free soil. The demonstrations 
against him were so violent that he said : " I could travel from 
Boston to Chicago by the light of my own burning effigies." ^"^^ 
The bill passed the Senate (March, 1854) by a vote of 37 to 
14; in May (1854) it passed the House by a vote of 113 to 



\ 



376 THE student's AMERICAN PIISTORY. [1854-. 

100. The Southern Democrats and Whigs voted for it; half 
of the Northern Democrats were for it and half against it; while 
the Northern Whigs and Free Soilers all opposed it.'*'''" The 
President strongly favored the bill and promptly signed it 
(May 30, 1854). 

The new Congress that met the next year (1855) held the 
stormiest session ever recorded. The struggle to elect a 
Speaker lasted nine weeks ; members ate and slept at their 
desks. The election of Banks of Massachusetts was regarded 
as a victory of the free States over the consolidated power of 
the slave States. Blaine in his " Twenty Years of Congress " 
says : " It marked an epoch." 

The Kansas-Nebraska Act had three momentous results: (i) 
by repealing the Missouri Compromise Act (§ 324) and estab- 
lishing the principle of " Popular Sovereignty" (§ 422) in the 
two Territories north of 36° 30', it opened a new battle-ground 
between the forces of slavery and freedom ; (2) it gave the 
finishing blow to the expiring Whig Party (§ 419), and it shaped 
the wedge which later (i860) split the Democratic Party into a 
Northern and Southern section; (3) it united all "anti-Nebraska" 
men at the North in a new political organization, which subse- 
quently (1856) took the name of the Republican Party.'"^' The 
Republicans, unlike the Democrats or the Whigs, had no adher- 
ents at the South. They were sectional in the sense that free- 
dom was sectional, and they pledged themselves to use all 
constitutional means to prevent the extension of slavery.'*''^ 

426. The struggle for Kansas (1854-1859) ; " Sons of the 
South" vs. '< Free-State men." — No sooner was the Kansas- 
Nebraska Bill signed (§ 425) than companies of " Sons of the 
South " rushed in to seize the Territory and open it to slavery. 
The planters of Missouri engaged in this movement as an act 
of self-preservation. They held nearly 100,000 negroes, and 
they believed that if Kansas should enter the Union as a free 
State, their human property would speedily take to its legs and 
cross the border. Senator Atchison of Missouri said that a 



18:)!-.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 3// 

horde of Western savages would be less formidable neighbors 
than a population of Abolitionists.^"''-^ The pro-slavery men 
who entered the Territory at once took possession of large 
tracts of land and planted the towns of Atchison, Leaven- 
worth, and Lecompton. They warned intending emigrants 
from the free States not to endeavor to enter Kansas through 
Missouri.^"'* 

The " Free-State men " acted with equal energy. In expec- 
tation of the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, Eli Thayer 
of Massachusetts organized the " New England Aid Society " 
to send out colonists to Kansas. This society received the 
hearty encouragement of Amos A, Lawrence of Boston, who 
helped to furnish it with the " sinews of war." The society 
despatched the first band of emigrants in the summer of 1854. 
The total number sent out by them in the course of the crusade 
was about 3000, — all men, and voters; before they reached 
Kansas this number was probably doubled. The pioneer colony 
from Boston planted the town of Lawrence; subsequently bands 
of " Free-State men " planted Topeka and Ossawatomie."*"^ 

The settlers were strongly opposed to the spread of slavery, 
but they had no intention of attacking it in the States where 
it was already established. Garrison's " Liberator " (§ 353), 
speaking of the New England emigrants, said that "hardly 
a single Abolitionist could be found among all who went." ^'"''^ 

But among those who emigrated from New York and Ohio, 
there were at least six Abolitionists of the most radical stamp. 
One of them was destined to make his name and exploits 
known throughout the world. These six men were John 
Brown, a descendant of Pilgrim stock, and his five sons. 
They settled in or near Ossawatomie, and " Old John Brown," 
as he was familiarly called, soon became a power in that region. 
He went out, rifle in hand, determined, as he said, to "kill 
American slavery."^""'' 

The " Sons of the South " denounced the " Free-State men " 
as " Black Republicans"; the "Free-State men" retorted by 



378 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [I854-. 

calling their adversaries " Border Ruffians." The excited 
feeling naturally led to acts of violence which threatened to 
end in bloodshed. 

427. The Kansas elections; the rival constitutions; con- 
gressional report. — At the first election of a delegate to Con- 
gress (1854) a large force of armed Missourians entered the 
Territory and elected a pro-slavery candidate. ''^'^'^ The next 
spring (1855) a second body of Missourians crossed the border 
into Kansas and elected a Territorial Legislature which not 
only adopted the entire slave code of Missouri, but strengthened 
it by the addition of numerous death penalties.^"™ 

The Free-State settlers repudiated this " bogus legislation," 
and elected an anti-slavery delegate to Congress. In the 
autumn (1855) they held^ a convention at Topeka, framed a 
State constitution prohibiting slavery, set up a rival govern- 
ment, and applied ior admission to the Union, but without 
success. - Then the Pro-Slavery Party met at Pawnee and 
framed a State constitution to suit themselves; but the people 
of the Territory rejected it.^"** 

The next year (1856) Congress sent- out a special committee 
of three (W. W. Howard of Michigan, John Sherman of Ohio, 
and Mordecai Oliver of Missouri) to investigate the Kansas 
troubles. The first two meinbejs-of tlj^ committee reported: 
(i) that the Territorial eled^ions "had been "carried by organ- 
ized invasions from the State of Missouri"; (2) "that the 
alleged Territorial (Pro- Slavery) Legislature was an illegally 
constituted body"; (3) that no delegate to Congress had been 
elected "in pursuance of law"; (4) that in the present condi- 
tion of the Territory a fair election could not be held unless 
" United States troops " should be present " at every place of 
election." ^"'^^ The third member of the committee made a 
separate report dissenting from that of the majority. ^"^^ 

428. Civil war in Kansas. — The national Government 
sent out troops to guard the polls, but civil war broke out. 
The greater part of the actual settlers desired peace, but bands 



I8.V1-1859.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 379 

of marauders — Free-State " J ay hawkers " and Slave-State 
"Border Ruffians" — burned farmhouses, broke up settlements, 
pillaged towns, and committed numerous murders. One act of 
violence provoked another until the Territory became, in sober 
truth, "Bleeding Kansas." ^'^'*^^ Lawrence was twice besieged 
and once burned; Ossawatomie, Pottawatomie, and Leavenworth 
were attacked and partially destroyed. Each side suffered; 
each made the other suffer. The motto was : " War to the 
knife and the knife to the hilt." " Old John Brown " shot or 
cut down a number of pro-slavery men in cold blood at Potta- 
watomie (1856), and made raids into Missouri for the purpose 
of liberating negroes. The other side retaliated with interest, 
and killed two to one in the massacre at Marais des Cygnes 
(1858).'°'^^ But this last outrage was an isolated act, and 
fortunately this frightful state of anarchy was practically over 
by 1857. The "Free-State men" had come to stay; and as 
they gradually increased in numbers, they obtained the political 
control and rejected the pro-slavery constitution framed by a 
convention at Lecompton (1858), 

The next year a Free-State Convention met at Wyandotte 
(July 5, 1859) and adopted a new constitution which prohibited 
slavery. This was ratified by the people, and was later (1861) 
accepted by a Congress from which the Southern members had 
withdrawn to engage in that stupendous civil war destined to 
overthrow slavery forever. Out of her population of 100,000, 
Kansas contributed no less than 20,000 men to the ranks of 
the Union army. 

429. Assault on Senator Sumner. — While the Western 
troubles were at their height, Senator Sumner delivered a 
powerful speech in Congress (May 19, 20, 1856) on the 
"Crime against Kansas." He denounced the "tyranny, 
imbecility, absurdity, and infamy " of those who were en- 
deavoring to fasten negro bondage on the free soil of Western 
Territories. In the course of his speech he attacked Senator 
Butler of South Carolina, and held him up to ridicule as a 



380 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1856-. 

half-crazed old man completely infatuated with the charms of 
Slavery. '*«^ 

Two days later Preston S. Brooks, a nephew of Senator 
Butler and a Representative from South Carolina, made an 
assault on Sumner while he was sitting at his desk in the 
Senate chamber. Brooks struck him blow after blow over 
the head with a loaded cane until his victim fell senseless 
and bleeding to the floor. Senator Sumner's injuries were 
so serious that he had to withdraw from political life for 
several years. Massachusetts kept his seat for him in the 
Senate until he resumed it (1859), not long before the out- 
break of the Civil War. Brooks resigned, but was presented 
with a new cane by his admiring constituents, and was trium- 
phantly reelected.^"**® Seward said : " The blows that fell on the 
head of the Senator from Massachusetts have done more for 
the cause of human freedom," than all its friends have ever 
accomplished in Congress."'^' 

430. Treaties with Japan and China; the Ostend Mani- 
festo. — While the Kansas question was agitating the whole 
country, our foreign relations had an important bearing on the 
policy and welfare of the nation. 

Under the previous administration Commodore Perry was 
sent out in command of a squadron to endeavor to negotiate a 
treaty with Japan. The ports of that " Land of Great Peace," 
once partially open to the Dutch, had been closed to the 
entire world for more than two centuries. Perry succeeded in 
reopening the barred doors, and by his tact, firmness, and 
diplomatic skill secured a favorable treaty (1854). It gave us 
opportunities for trade, and prepared the way for full inter- 
national intercourse with the foremost people of the East. 
Japan owes her recent remarkable progress in western civiliza- 
tion, and her present position among Oriental nations, in great 
measure to Perry's success and to the introduction of American 
inventions and American educational influences.^"** Fourteen 
years later Anson Burlingame negotiated (1868) an important 



ft 



I8r)4-1856] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 38 1 

treaty with China, under which that nation for the first time 
officially accepted the principles of international law. 

The failure of the South to secure fresh territory for slavery 
extension led to attempts to get possession of Cuba. Filibus- 
tering expeditions sailed from New Orleans (1850, 185 1) for 
the purpose of exciting a revolution in that island; they accom- 
plished nothing, however, but their own destruction, ''^*''' Fill- 
more, who was then President, issued a proclamation condemning 
these "wicked schemes" and warning citizens of the United 
States against taking part in them.'"'"' Later, the Government 
endeavored to purchase the much-coveted island, but all offers 
were rejected. Meanwhile reports were circulated that the 
Cuban negroes were plotting to establish a free black Republic 
on the plan of San Domingo. This rumor made the South all 
the more anxious to get possession of a country that might other- 
wise become a menace to slave-holders in the cotton States. 

James Buchanan, our Minister to England, met with our 
Ministers to France and Spain at Ostend (1854) to discuss the 
question of the acquisition of Cuba. They united in signing 
the Ostend Manifesto. They declared in that document that 
if Spain persisted in her refusal to sell Cuba, and if our peace 
should thereby be endangered, we should be justified by every 
law, human and divine, in seizing the island.'*" 

431. National presidential conventions; the election (1856). 
— The "Know Nothing" Party (§ 419) held their National 
Convention early in 1856. The delegates adopted a platform 
which declared that none but Americans should rule America, 
and demanded that foreigners should be refused naturalization 
until they had resided in the United States for twenty-one 
years. The only plank in the platform relating to slavery was 
one which condemned the repeal of the Missouri Compromise 
(§ 425).'"''^ The Convention nominated Millard Fillmore for 
President. 

The Democratic Convention met in June (1856). It adopted 
a "strict-construction" (§ 256) platform, denounced the- prin- 



382 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1856. 

ciples of the " Know Nothing " Party, and endorsed the Kansas- 
Nebraska Act (§ 425).^°''^ The Convention nominated James 
Buchanan, our late Minister to England (§ 430), for the 
presidency. 

The Republican Party (§ 425) held their Convention about 
midsummer (1856). The delegates adopted a "broad-construc- 
tion " (§ 256) platform. They approved of the Government's 
encouraging " internal improvements " (§ 285), especially the 
building of a railroad to the Pacific. They denounced the 
Ostend Manifesto (§ 430) as " the highwayman's plea that 
'might makes right' "; they strongly condemned the repeal of 
the Missouri Compromise (§ 425), and urged the prompt 
admission of Kansas (§ 428) as a free State. 

They took decided ground with respect to the power of the 
national Government over the Territories, resolving that it was 
both "the right and the duty of Congress " to prohibit " those 
twin relics of barbarism, — polygamy and slavery." '"'•'■' For 
President they nominated John C. Fre'mont (§ 400). His 
nomination was condemned by his opponents as a purely 
sectional act, — one in which the free States alone were inter- 
ested. Rufus Choate denounced the Republicans as "the new 
geographical party," and added that their success would put 
"the Union in danger." Governor Wise and other leading 
men at the South openly declared that Fre'mont's election 
would cause "certain and immediate disunion," ^"^^ 

The Democrats elected James Buchanan President, wdth J. C. 
Breckenridge Vice-President. The electoral vote stood 174 for 
Buchanan to 114 for Fremont, and 8 for Fillmore; the popular 
vote stood 1,838,169 for Buchanan to 1,341,264 for Fre'mont 
and 874,534 for Fillmore. 

432. Summary. — The principal events of Pierce's admin- 
istration were: (i) the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, 
repealing the Missouri Compromise and applying the principle 
of Popular Sovereignty to the settlement of the question of 
slavery extension in those Territories; (2) the struggle between 



1857.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 383 

the North and the South for the possession of Kansas; (3) the 
opening of the first American World's Fair, the negotiation of 
a treaty with Japan, the attempts of the Government to purchase 
Cuba, and the Ostend Manifesto. 



JAMES BUCHANAN (DEMOCRAT), ONE TERM, 1857 1861. 

433. The Dred Scott case. — Two days after Buchanan's 
(§ 431) inauguration, the Supreme Court of the United States 
delivered its decision (March 6, 1857) in the celebrated Dred 
Scott case. 

Scott was a negro slave living in the slave State of Missouri. 
His master took him with him to Illinois (1834), and, after 
residing there for two years, removed with his property to the 
Territory then called Upper Louisiana — now Minnesota. Two 
years later (1838) Scott's owner took him back to Missouri 
and there sold him to a Mr. Sandford. 

Scott denied Sandford's legal right to hold him in bondage, 
and brought suit for his liberty in the Circuit Court of the 
United States for the district of Missouri. He took the ground 
that his residence in the free State of Illinois, and in a Terri- 
tory in which slavery was expressly prohibited by the Missouri 
Compromise Act (§ 324), had made him a free man. 

The Court decided in Sandford's favor; thereupon Scott 
carried the case by appeal to the Supreme Court of the United 
States. 

434. Decision of the United States Supreme Court. — 
That tribunal undertook to pass judgment on two questions: 
(i) Is Dred Scott a citizen of the United States, and as such, 
entitled to bring suit in the United States courts? (2) Did 
Scott's residence for several years on free soil render him free? 

In delivering the decision of the Court, Chief-Justice Taney 
took occasion to review the history of the negro race in Amer- 
ica. He declared that when the Constitution of the United 
States was adopted, " negroes had no rights which the white 



3^4 I'illi STUDEMS AMERICAN HISTORY. [1657. 

man was bound to respect." " It is absolutely certain," said 
he, '^ that the African race were not included under the name 
of citizens of a State by the framers of the Constitution."" '^'■'''' 

Coming to the first of the questions under consideration, the 
Court decided that •• Dred Scott was not a citizen of Missouri 
within the meaning of the Constitution of the United States, 
and not entitled as such to sue in its courts." ^^^^ The delivery 
of this opinion really ended the case,^"^-^* but the Court now took 
up the second question which had been raised. On this point 
it decided (i") that Scott did not acquire freedom by his resi- 
dence in Illinois; and (2) "that the Act of Congress [of 1S20] 
which prohibited a citizen from holding and owning " slaves 
"in the territory of the United States north of the line [36^ 30'] 
therein mentioned is not warranted by the Constitution, and is 
therefore void." ^«* 

The eight associate justices, with the exception of Judge 
Curtis of Massachusetts and Judge McLean of Pennsylvania, 
concurred in the opinion delivered by the Chief-Justice."'^ 

435. Effect of the Dred Scott decision. — ^ This decision 
pronounced by the highest tribunal of the nation created con- 
sternation at the North. The most that the Kansas-Xebraska 
Act (§ 432") had done was to throw open a certain limited ter- 
ritory to slavery, provided a majority of the inhabitants desired 
it; but now the Supreme Court of the United States solemnly 
declared that every slave-holder at the South had the same con- 
stitutional right to take his negroes into any part of the public 
domain that he had to take his horses or his cattle there (§ 322^. 
A great number of the people of the free States became convinced 
that *• party spirit had taken possession of the Court in the 
interest of slavery." Seward boldly declared: " We shall reor- 
ganize the Court, and thus reform its political sentiments." ""^ 
Many persons expressed the fear that the supreme tribunal of 
the country was preparing to affirm that negro bondage was not 
local but national. This conviction added enormously to the 
strength of the newly organized Republican Party (§ 42 5\ 
which pledged itself to resist all encroachments on free soil 



1857-.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 385 

(§§ 425, 431). On the other hand, the exultant South found in 
the hostile attitude of this army of Northern voters fresh justi- 
fication for threats of disunion. 

Later (1859), the Senate of the United States endorsed the 
Dred Scott decision by a vote of 35 to 21.""- This action 
encouraged those who advocated slavery extension, but it 
irritated and alarmed the friends of freedom, and so helped to 
widen the breach between North and South, 

436. The financial panic of 1857. — To add to the excite- 
ment caused by political questions, a financial panic now swept 
over the country. In August (1857) the "Ohio Life and Trust 
Company " of Cincinnati failed for $7,000,000. An investiga- 
tion showed that the managers had lost the entire capital in 
stock-gambling. The failure compelled many banks in New 
York to suddenly reduce their loans ; this caused a general 
financial crash. Business was in great measure paralyzed, and 
with three exceptions, the banks throughout the country sus- 
pended specie payments. ^'"^ The great railway and manufac- 
turing corporations found it impossible to meet their obligations; 
cotton dropped from sixteen cents a pound to nine, and the 
receipts of the national Government fell below its expenditures. 
The panic spread, and " a wave of bankruptcy swept round the 
civilized world." Well-qualified judges believed that it was 
caused by over-speculation resulting from the enormous produc- 
tion of gold by the mines of California and Australia."'^^ But if 
the crisis was sharp, it was short, and so far as the United 
States was concerned, it was only "a bad stumble in a career 
of great prosperity."""^ The country generally was in a sound 
condition, and the crops were abundant. This favorable con- 
dition of things enabled the banks to resume specie payments 
before the end of the year, and business rapidly recovered.""® 

437. Discovery of silver, petroleum, and natural gas. — 
While the country was recovering from the effects of the finan- 
cial depression, a remarkable discovery was made (1859) on 
the eastern slope of the Sierras, in what is now the State of 



386 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1859-. 

Nevada. Some miners digging in that region came to a laj-er 
of strange-looking earth. A bystander, named Comstock, 
exclaimed when he saw it: " You have struck it, boys ! " They 
had, in fact, struck what proved to be the great " Bonanza " 
silver mines. Comstock controlled the only spring of water 
which could be used for working the mines; for this reason he 
was admitted to share in the good luck.""' 

Up to this time no silver worth mentioning had been found 
in the United States; but in the course of the next twenty years 
(1859-1879) ore to the amount of more than $300,000,000 was 
taken from the Comstock lode."*^ 

Nevada, however, was not to remain our only source of 
supply for silver. Rich deposits of that metal were discovered 
(1876) at Leadville, Colorado, and later in Utah and 
Arizona."*^ 

By 1873 the world's output of silver had doubled in quantity. 
Twenty years later, the total product had risen from an average 
of less than $38,000,000 in 1S59 to more than $198,000,00 in 
1892, — an increase of over four hundred per cent. In 1859 
the United States contributed to this output only the compara- 
tively insignificant sum of $100,000; in 1892 (the year of the 
largest yield from our mines) it contributed more than $82,000,- 
000."^" In 1859 the average market-price of bar silver was 
nearly $1.25 per ounce; by 1892 it had fallen to less than 80 
cents per ounce."" 

The same summer (1859) that the "Bonanza" mines were 
found, a remarkable discovery was made in western Pennsyl- 
vania. Professor Silliman of Yale University had suggested 
the practicability of using petroleum as an illuminator, and a 
company was formed to bore wells for it. " Colonel '' E. L. 
Drake bored well after well with no better result than to sink 
the capital of the company that employed him and his own 
funds besides. His money and credit were both exhausted, 
and no one cared to trust this " petroleum crank," as he was 
called, for even a sack of flour. 



1859-.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 387 

On the morning of August 28, 1859, Drake went back to his 
work near Titusville hungry and penniless. That morning he 
"struck oil.'' Wild speculation followed his success ; thousands 
of wells were bored in all parts of the "oil-creek" region, some 
of which yielded from 100 to 3000 barrels of petroleum a day. 

Later, oil was found in Kentucky, West Virginia, Ohio, and 
on the Pacific coast. 

In 1865 the "pipe line" system of conveying oil from the 
wells was begun in a small way. Since then 25,000 miles of 
pipe have been laid. Petroleum is now carried in this way as 
far east as New York and as far west as Chicago. These 
rivers of oil not only supply the enormous home demand, but 
furnish enough for exportation besides, the value of the quan- 
tity sent abroad during the last thirty years averaging nearly 
$45,000,000 annually, and the total export value from 1864- 
1895 exceeding $1,300,000,000."^- 

About fifteen years after the discovery of petroleum, a well 
of "natural gas " was struck "''^ near Pittsburg. The escaping 
gas ran to waste for a number of years, before capitalists could 
be induced to invest in it. The gas has since been found in 
Indiana and some other parts of the West, and it is extensively 
used for fuel in houses and manufacturing establishments, and 
for lighting the streets in some cities. "^^ 

438. The ''Mormon rebellion"; the Mountain Meadows 
massacre; Kansas; Yancey's "Scarlet Letter." — Three 
years after the Mormons settled in Salt Lake Valley (§ 372) 
Congress organized the Territory of Utah (1850), and President 
Fillmore appointed Brigham Young, Governor, He declared in 
a public discourse (1853) that he would continue to hold the 
otiice — in spite of any orders to the contrary — until the 
Almighty should say, "Brigham. you need not be Governor any 
longer."'"^ 

The federal judges in L^tah accused the Mormon leaders 
of obstructing the administration of justice and of burning 
the Court records. The Mormons retorted that the judges 



388 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1857-. 

were men of corrupt character. President Buchanan appointed 

(1857) Alfred Gumming, a "Gentile," to supersede Young, and 
sent General Harney with 2500 troops to sustain the authority 
of the new Governor. 

The Mormons attacked Harney's wagon trains, destroyed a 
large part of his supplies, and prevented the troops from 
entering the valley until the spring of 1858. "^"^ 

Meanwhile Bishop Lee and several other Mormons led a 
band of Indians against a party of emigrants who were crossing 
Utah on their way to California, and massacred them at Moun- 
tain Meadows (1857). Twenty years later Lee was arrested 
and convicted of having taken a prominent part in the mas- 
sacre. He confessed his guilt, and was executed (1877) on 
the very spot where the crime was perpetrated. ^^^'' 

When Harney's " Army of Utah " entered Salt Lake Valley 

(1858) they found the "city of the Saints" deserted. Had the 
troops attempted to occupy the Mormon " Zion," Brigham 
Young would have burned it, as the Russians did Moscow 
when Napoleon captured it. In this dilemma, President 
Buchanan decided to issue a proclamation of pardon to the 
Mormons on condition that they should obey the federal laws, 
and Governor Gumming persuaded the inhabitants of Salt Lake 
Gity to return; thus the threatened war was averted."^* 

But though the outbreak in Utah was settled, the Kansas 
troubles, described earlier (§ 428), dragged on. Buchanan 
threw his influence on the side of making it a slave State. It 
was not until Minnesota (1858) and Oregon (1859) had entered 
the Union that Kansas was admitted (186 1) as the thirty-fourth 
State, with a free State constitution. 

Meanwhile the excitement over slavery did not abate. Wil- 
liam L. Yancey, one of the leaders of the Alabama slave-holders, 
published (1858) his famous "Scarlet Letter," foreshadowing 
secession. He urged the organization of "committees of 
safety" to "fire the Southern heart," and at "the proper 
moment" to "precipitate the cotton States into a revolu- 



J$58.] THE UXIOX, NATU^NAl, DEVELOPMENT. 389 

tion." '"'•' Later, Jefferson Davis told the people of his own 
State that if an "Abolitionist" should be chosen President in 
i860, they ought to provide for their safety "outside tlie 
Union." "-''* 

439. The Lincoln-Douglas campaign and joint debates. — 
In the summer of 1S58 the Republicans of Illinois nominated 
Abraham Lincoln (§ 394) as their candidate for United States 
Senator. Lincoln's opponent was Stephen A. Douglas (§ 422), 
the great champion of Popular Sovereignty. Judge Douglas, 
whose term in the Senate was about to expire, had the enthusi- 
astic support of the Democratic Party in his State. He had 
also gained many warm friends among the Republicans by the 
prominent stand he had taken in defeating the Lecompton, or 
pro-slavery, constitution (^§ 4:18), which he accused the admin- 
istration of attempting to force upon the people of Kansas.* 

In such a political duel for olfice, the "little giant of the 
West " (§ 422) seemed to possess every advantage. More than 
this, Lincoln made an opening speech at Springfield (1858), 
which most of his warmest friends condemned as suicidal. He 
began by bringing the slavery question directly to the front. 
" ' A house divided against itself,' said he, ' cannot stand.' I 
believe this Government cannot permanently endure half slave 
and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved, I 
do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to 
be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other." "-' 

In his repl}', Douglas said: "Lincoln goes for a war of 
sections until one or the other shall be subdued; I go for the 
great principle of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill (§ 422), — the right 
of the people to decide for themselves." "- 

* The Covode investigation. — At the next Congress (1S59-1860) 
two Democratic members of the House accused the President of having 
corruptly attempted to secure their votes for the Lecompton Bill. A com- 
mittee, with Covode of Pennsylvania as chairman, investigated the charge. 
The Republican majority on that committee found tlie President guilty; the 
Democratic minority found nothing against him. No action was taken on 
the report. 



390 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1858-1859. 

Later, Lincoln challenged Douglas to meet him in a series of 
seven joint debates. The people of Illinois turned out by tens 
of thousands to enjoy this gladiatorial contest. They greeted 
the combatants with bonfires, music, and the wildest demon- 
strations of delight. 

Douglas repeated again and again that the people of the 
Territories, and they only, had the right to vote slavery up or 
down. Lincoln replied that the best men of the South had 
acknowledged that slavery was wrong; how then, he asked, can 
the people of the Territories have a constitutional right to 
" extend a wrong ? " 

Lincoln made a deep impression, — a mark that could not 
be rubbed out, — but Douglas secured the coveted office. Lin- 
coln, however, had fallen uphill, not down, and when he rose 
he was on the path to the presidency."-'' 

440. The John Brown raid (1859). — The next year the 
whole country was startled by the report that John Brown,- — 
"old John Brown of Ossawatomie" (§ 426), — with eighteen 
followers, had captured (November 16, 1859) the arsenal and 
engine-house at Harper's Ferry, Virginia. The next day the 
news came that Colonel Robert E. Lee (§ 397), with a company 
of marines, had taken Brown and several of his companions 
prisoners, but only after a hard fight, in which a number of 
persons had been killed. 

The attack on Harper's Ferry was not a sudden impulse, but 
the result of a long-meditated plan. Brown had resolved to 
strike slavery a fatal blow, and he struck it in the State where 
American slavery originated. Gerritt Smith of New York and 
a few Massachusetts Abolitionists reluctantly furnished the 
funds and the arms for the rash expedition which they spoke 
of among themselves as " a little speculation in wool." "^^ 

On his trial Brown was convicted of treason and murder. 
He declared that he had not intended to commit either crime, 
but only "to free slaves." "^^ "Stonewall" Jackson com- 
manded a military company on guard at Brown's execution 






l^y 






/>»i>- 










From Frank B. Sanborn's " I,ife of John Urown," by permission of the Author- 



1859-1860.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 39 1 

(1859). "He behaved," said he, "with unflinching firmness." 
" I sent up the petition that he might be saved." "-® 

Six of Brown's followers were executed later, Emerson 
spoke of John Brown as " that new saint " who " will make the 
gallows glorious like the cross";""" but Lincoln, and the 
Republican Party generally, strongly condemned the Harper's 
Ferry invasion."-** 

The affair threw the South into an uproar. When Congress 
assembled, Ex-President Tyler said of Virginia: "But one 
sentiment pervades the country, — security in the Union, or 
separation." "-"■' 

A Senate Committee reported that the invasion "was simply 
the act of lawless ruffians under the sanction of no public or 
political authority";"^" but notwithstanding that assurance, the 
gulf between North and South appeared to have widened. 
Just before his execution, John Brown declared that the negro 
question could never be settled save by the "shedding of blood." 
He was right; in less than two years after his death at Charles- 
town, Virginia, a Massachusetts regiment, on its way to the 
defence of the Union, marched through that place (1862) sing- 
ing: 

" John Brown's body lies a-mouldering in the grave, 
But his soul goes marching on." ii^^ 

441. The national political conventions of i860. — The 
Democratic Convention met at Charleston and adopted a plat- 
form endorsing Popular Sovereignty (§ 422), thereby fully 
recognizing "the right of the people of all the Territories" 
" to form a constitution with or without domestic slavery." 
The Southern delegates were disappointed because the Con- 
vention refused to endorse the Dred Scott decision (§ 433), 
which declared the Territories open to slavery independent of 
the will of the people. They expressed their disappointment 
by seceding. Later, they organized a Convention of their own, 
affirmed the principles of the Dred Scott decision, and nomin- 
ated John C. Breckenridge of Kentucky and Joseph Lane of 



392 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [i860. 

Oregon for the presidency and vice-presidency. Meanwhile 
the remaining delegates of the original Charleston Convention 
nominated Stephen A. Douglas (§ 422) for President, and 
Herschel V. Johnson of Georgia for Vice-President.^^''" Alex- 
ander H. Stephens of Georgia thought that this split in the 
Democratic Party was the forerunner of civil war. He said : 
"Men will be cutting one another's throats in a little while. ""'^ 

The " Constitutional Union Party," composed mainly of 
"Know Nothings" (§ 419) and "Old Whigs" (§ 419), 
adopted a platform which did not mention slavery, but simply 
pledged the party to maintain " the Constitution of the country, 
the Union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws." 
They nominated John Bell of Tennessee and Edward Everett 
of Massachusetts. This gave them the popular name of the 
" Bell and Everett Party." "'"^ 

The Republican Convention met in Chicago. They adopted 
a platform which denounced " threats of disunion " as an 
"avowal of contemplated treason"; they branded the Dred 
Scott decision (§ 433) as " a dangerous political heresy "; they 
recognized " the right of each State " " to control its own 
domestic institutions," but rejected " Popular Sovereignty " 
(§ 422) by denying "the authority of Congress, of a Territorial 
Legislature, or of any individual to give existence to slavery in 
any Territory of the United States." "^^ 

Finally, amid the cheers and yells of ten thousand excited 
men, they nominated Abraham Lincoln (§ 439) and Hannibal 
Hamlin of Maine for President and Vice-President. 

Leading Southern men declared that Lincoln, like Fremont 
(§ 431), was a "sectional candidate," supported only by a 
"sectional party," and that they would never "submit to a 
' Black Republican ' President." "^® The Republicans dis- 
claimed all hostility to the South, but affirmed that it was 
slavery that was "sectional," and that the spirit of American 
institutions demanded freedom in the Territories for the best 
interests of all. 



I860.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 393 

442. The election of Lincoln (i860). — From the outset it 
was evident that if zeal could elect the Republican candidate he 
was sure of success. " Wide-Awake Clubs," dressed in uniform 
and carrying flaring torches, marched nightly through every 
Northern city and town, making tiie streets ring with their 
campaign songs. These parades foreshadowed the marches to 
the battlefield in which men of all parties were soon to take 
part. The Governor of South Carolina, believing that Lin- 
coln's election would give slavery " a fatal blow," sent a circu- 
lar letter to the Governors of the other cotton States, declaring 
that his State stood ready to secede in case the Republicans 
won the day."'''' 

At the election (i860) Lincoln received 180 electoral votes 
(but not one in the slave States); Breckenridge 72, Bell 39, and 
Douglas 12. The popular vote stood 1,866,452 for Lincoln, 
849,781 for Breckenridge, 588,879 for Bell, and 1,376,957 for 
Douglas."^ 

443. Action of South Carolina ; Buchanan's message ; 
feeling at the North ; Stephens's speech ; the Crittenden 
Compromise. — The news of Lincoln's election (i860) was 
received in Charleston, South Carolina, " with long-continued 
cheering for a Southern Confederacy," and the Legislature 
summoned a Convention to decide the question of secession. "'^^ 

In his annual message (i860), President Buchanan declared : 
(i) that no State had the constitutional right to secede, and 
quoted General Jackson's words (§ 355) with approval; (2) 
that the federal Government would take measures to hold the 
forts and other property of the United States in South Carolina ; 
(3) but that the Government had no constitutional power "to 
coerce a State." '"" 

The action of South Carolina was a surprise to the North. 
Many Northern men urged that immediate concessions should 
be made to prevent separation; others believed that separation 
was inevitable. Two leading New York papers, representing 
the two great political parties, declared that the South had the 



394 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [i860. 

same right to secede from the Union that the thirteen colonies 
had to secede from Great Britain."*^ On the other hand, Alex- 
ander H. Stephens of Georgia, in a speech before the Georgia 
Legislature (November 14, i860), called on the South to accept 
Lincoln's election; to secede because of that election, said he, 
"puts us in the wrong." Then he significantly added: " Some 
of our public men have failed in their aspirations" ; " from that 
comes a great part of our troubles," This statement of 
Stephens's was greeted with prolonged applause.^^^' Pollard 
of Virginia later said that Southern ambition for office was a 
strong factor in secession. 

Senator Crittenden of Kentucky led a compromise move- 
ment in Congress. He advocated (i) the extension of the 
former Missouri Compromise parallel of 36° 30' (§ 324) through 
to the Pacific, so as to permanently divide the Territories into 
free-state and slave-state sections ; (2) he proposed to strictly 
enforce the Fugitive-Slave Act (§ 412), or secure compensation 
for every slave rescued. "^^ Crittenden's well-meant attempt 
came to nothing, so too did a movement to amend the Consti- 
tution so as to protect slavery in the Southern States. 

444. Secession of South Carolina (i860) ; statement of , 
reasons; six other States follow (1861). — The crisis was 
reached on December 20, 1S60. On that eventful day the 
South Carolina Convention (§ 443), sitting in Charleston, 
unanimously passed an ordinance of secession. It declared 
that the union existing between South Carolina and the other 
States "is hereby dissolved." "■" 

The citizens of Charleston hailed the announcement with the 
wildest demonstrations of delight, and the daily papers of the 
city began forthwith to print all intelligence received from 
the North under the heading : Foreign Neivs. 

South Carolina, having declared herself independent, sent 
a commission to Washington to demand of the United States 
the prompt surrender of all forts, arsenals, and other property 
held by the federal Government Avithin the seceded State. The 



CHARLESION 

MERCURY 



EXTRA: 



Paaatd unaniawusly at 1.15 o'clock, P- *V., December 
20/A, I860. 

AJV OROI.^AJVCE 

To ditaolM the I'nian btltcten the State (^f South Carolina and 
other Stale* tmiied urith tier viuter the compact ettlUled " The 
ConstituHon Of the Vnlted Stattt of ^nieiHca." 

We, (U Ptopte 0/ lii Statt 0/ Soul\ Oirohna^ in Convtnttcn auembitd^ Jo dedan and ordai^ ini 
it is iereb^ dedarcd <3%i or^intd, 

Tbftt thd Ordioaaoc Adopted by iu io Coare&tlos, oo ;h& tweoty-th^rd A%f of Mty, iB tb« 
jtu of our Lord ooe IbouMoil wreo buodred ftod «lgb(jr-eigtit, irbereby Ibo CooalituUoQ of (b« 
Vjuled States of &merioa wu nlt£fld, ud tbo, an Acta tod p«r<a of Acts of the Oeoenl 
Adsemblj of this State, ntifyiog uDeodDeats of tbo e&id roostitutioo. are ttnhj repoaJed; 
ud that the Doioa oow euljeutuig botirMo Souib Caroljoa and othej Slatea, unJor tho oaas of 
*Tlw Uoitad SttiM or.Ametioa,* is benbf disaolretf. 



THE 

UNION 



DISSOLVED! 



ISfiO.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DF.VELOPMENT. 395 

President declined to receive them officially. South Carolina 
denied that her action in withdrawing from the Union was 
revolutionary or rebellious, but claimed that the right to secede 
(§ 355) was "an essential part of State sovereignty," and that 
it was in no sense a violation of the Constitution.^"* 

The Convention declared that South Carolina seceded for 
two reasons: first, because fourteen of the Northern States had 
" deliberately refused to fulfill their constitutional obligations " 
by enacting " Personal Liberty Laws" (§ 416), which nullified 
the Fugitive-Slave Act (§ 414) or rendered it useless to the 
South; secondly, because a geographical or sectional party had 
been formed at the North, which had elected a President 
" whose opinions and purposes are hostile to slavery," and who 
had publicly said (§ 439): the "national Government cannot 
endure permanently half slave, half free." ^^^ 

The South Carolina secessionists proclaimed that their ob- 
ject was to establish " a great slave-holding Confederacy stretch- 
ing its arms over a Territory larger than any power in Europe 
possesses." '"" 

Ey the first of February (1861) the six States of Mississippi, 
Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas had followed 
the example of South Carolina, and had declared themselves 
out of the Union. The Mississippi Convention frankly avowed 
that the object of secession was to save "slavery — the greatest 
material interest in the world." Georgia went reluctantly, ap- 
parently expecting to soon return. Stephens said she was 
induced to go by the argument : " We can make better terms 
out of the Union than in it." """^ The truth was that many of 
her citizens, and of the other cotton States, loved the old flag, 
and left it only because they were overcome by the secession 
movement and had no choice. These States seized the forts 
and other property of the United States within their limits so 
far as they could lay hands on them. In Texas, General 
Twiggs turned over about a million dollars' worth of national 
military stores to the secessionists. 



396 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [I86I. 

Meanwhile President Buchanan had sent a merchant vessel, 
the " Star of the West," with reinforcements and supplies for 
Major Anderson, who held Fort Sumter for the Union. The 
people of Charleston fired on the vessel and compelled her to 
turn back. Wigfall of Texas, who still retained his seat in the 
United States Senate, jeered at the Government, saying: "Your 
flag has been insulted, redress it if you dare." "*^ 

445. The "Confederate States of America"; their flag; 
their constitution ; the Peace Convention. — In February ( 1 86 1 ) 
delegates from all of the seceded States met at Montgomery, 
Alabama, and framed a provisional Government. They took 
the name of the " Confederate States of America," and made 
Montgomery the capital of the new slave-holding Republic. 
Pollard believes that they represented the "politicians," not 
the "people," of the South."^^ Jefferson Davis (§ 413) of 
Mississippi was elected President for six years, with Alexander 
H. Stephens (§ 411) of Georgia for Vice-President. 

In the Georgia State Convention, Stephens had declared 
that the South had always had " the control " of the general 
Government, and could show no cause for withdrawing from 
the Union (§ 443). He then denounced secession as "the 
height of madness, folly, and wickedness"; "^^ but, unlike 
Henry Clay at an earlier period, he declared that he would go 
with his State. He said that the " corner-stone " of the Con- 
federacy rested on slavery as its foundation ; and he boasted 
that the Confederacy, if true to itself, would become " the con- 
trolling power on this continent." "^^ 

In March (1861) the Confederate States adopted the "stars 
and bars" as their national flag, and ratified a permanent con- 
stitution. It differed from that of the United States in two very 
important points : first, it expressly prohibited protective duties 
and bounties; secondly, it nationalized slavery, and provided 
not only for its perpetual maintenance, but for its extension to 
all Territory the new Government might acquire."^^ 

On the very day on which the secession delegates met at 



From the Rev. Morgan Dix's " Memoirs of John A. Dix," by permission of the Author. 







^/^> 











l^a^ 



V^ 




4^^1^'^i^^' - 




m^>^l(^ ^^/^mr. 



Note.— Captain Breshwood of New Orleans refused to take any steps toward 
saving the revenue cutter il/cCYt'/Za;;;/ from falling into the hands of the Secessionists, 
who were seizing such vessels for the use of the Southern States. The letter of 
Secretary Dix on this point explains itself. 



1/ 



1861.] THE UNION, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 39/ 

Montgomery (February 4, 1861), a "Peace Convention" called 
at the request of Virginia, assembled at Washington. Twenty- 
one States were represented, but none of the seven seceded 
States sent delegates. The purpose of the Convention was to 
effect a compromise and " save the Union," but nothing came 
of the attempt. While the men of peace were in session, the 
people of Charleston were building batteries to bombard Sumter. 
They only waited for the order from Jefferson Davis to open 
fire and begin the civil war. 

446. What made secession possible. — Slavery was the 
sole cause of secession. Madison, "the Father of the Con- 
stitution," was convinced that it threatened sooner or later 
to split the Republic. Jefferson held the same conviction."** 
Directly or indirectly it had threatened to destroy the Union 
from the outset (§257); yet considered purely from an economic 
and industrial point of view, there was a period in our history 
when slavery was an apparent advantage. Its introduction 
into Virginia (§ 44) stimulated the settlement of that colony 
— the mother-colony of the American commonwealth — and 
established a lucrative commerce in tobacco. 

Later (§ 259), the same system of labor made the raising of 
cotton enormously profitable, not only to the South, but to the 
whole country. 

But these temporary material benefits were offset by the 
fact that slave labor was necessarily opposed to progress 
beyond a certain point. It was adapted to a simple uniform 
routine system of agriculture, and to nothing more. It 
exhausted the soil ; it discouraged free labor ; it shut the 
South against immigration ; it refused to establish common 
schools."^ It concentrated the capital, the intelligence, the 
political power, and the social influence of the South in the 
hands of a small per cent of the population. It left the great 
mass of the people in poverty and ignorance, and without real 
legislative representation. It was the slave-holder, and, as a 
rule, the slave-holder only, who went to Congress, or was elected 



398 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [i860-. 

to any State office. '^^"^ The men who did not possess slaves 
were branded as " poor white trash," and the very negroes 
looked down upon them in contempt. These Poor Whites were 
the victims of the slave system; as a recent Southern writer 
acknowledges, they withered under its overshadowing influence 
as shrubs wither beneath a wide-spreading oak."*' 

So far as progress was concerned in i860, slavery was a 
spent force. It was a system of labor which the civilized world 
generally had outgrown and cast aside. More than that, it was 
a stumbling-block to the very people who cherished it, and who 
were ready to light for it. It was the misfortune, not the crime 
of the Southern people (§ 352), that they could not see this then. 
They had been reared among slaves, and Calhoun had educated 
them to believe that African servitude was "a positive good" 
to both black and white (§ 354). Hence, as a representative 
of South Carolina has said, slavery kept the South stationary 
"in government, in society, in employments, in labor," so that 
it had not moved for half a century."*^ It was a case of what 
physiologists call "arrested development," and the best powers 
of our Southern brothers lay concealed and dormant, waiting 
for the great day of emancipation and resurrection. 

At the North everything had changed ; slavery had disap- 
peared, free labor prospered, education was open to all, mil- 
lions of sturdy immigrants had settled in the West, and planted 
civilization in the wilderness. Patriotism — thanks, in no 
small measure, to Webster's efforts (§ 351) — had outgrown the 
narrow crippling theory of State-sovereignty, and had broadened 
into a genuine devotion to the Union. For fifty years no man, 
or set of men, possessed of political influence had so much as 
hinted at the possibility of Northern secession (§ 310). 

On the other hand, the Southern people had been taught by 
Calhoun * and his school that the American Republic, however 
dear it might be to them, was not a nation, but simply a part- 

* See Calhoun's Works, vi, 169 and 194 et seq. Calhoun's love of the 
Union was over-balanced by his conviction of the right of nullification and, 
if need be, of secession in the interest of State-sovereignty and of slavery. 



1857-1861.] THE UNION. NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. 



399 



nership of independent States which had the Constitutional 
right to withdraw when they saw fit. Misled by slavery, they 
had come to believe that their welfare depended on holding 
the negro in bondage. Notwithstanding the protests of the 
Republican Party to the contrary, they conceived that the 
election of Lincoln showed that the free States were resolved 
to destroy the system of property in man throughout the South; 
in order to perpetuate and extend that system, they now deter- 
mined to pull down the pillars of the Republic and to build up 
a new commonwealth " separated," as an able Southern writer 
has said, " from the rest of the world in sympathy and feel- 
ing," opposed to progress, and with its face turned from the 
light and toward the past."^^ Thus slavery bred sectionalism, 
and sectionalism bred secession and civil war. 

447. Summary. — The chief events of Buchanan's adminis- 
tration were: (i) the Dred Scott decision, opening the Terri- 
tories to slavery; (2) the panic of 1857 ; (3) the discovery of 
the "Bonanza" silver mines, and the development of our 
petroleum deposits ; (4) the Mormon rebellion ; (5) the John 
Brown raid ; (6) the secession of South Carolina, followed by six 
other States, and the formation of the Southern Confederacy. 







Map of Charleston Harbor. 

Showing Fort Sumter and the battery which fired on the " Star of the West. 

(See § 444.) 



VI. 

THE WAR OF SECESSION. 
(1861-1865.) 

For Authorities for this Chapter, see Appe>idix, page xxiv. The small figures in the 
text refer to Authorities cited on page xxx of the Appendix. 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN (REPUBLICAN), TWO TERMS, i86i-i86g. 

448. Lincoln's journey to Washington and inaugural 
address. — In his farewell speech at Springfield, Illinois, 
Lincoln said to his friends : " I go to assume a task more 
difficult than that which devolved upon Washington. Unless 
the great God, who assisted him, shall be with and aid me, I 
must fail." To avoid the danger of threatened assassination 
at Baltimore, the President-elect, acting on the advice of 
General Scott and Secretary Seward,* made the last part of 
his journey to Washington secretly, by night train. 

In his inaugural address (§ 442), the President said: " I have 
no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution 
of slavery where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to 
do so, and I have no intention to do so." He even favored an 
amendment to the Constitution prohibiting such interference. 

* President Lincoln's Cabinet. — Secretary of State, William H. Seward; 
Secretary of the Treasury, Salmon P. Chase (succeeded July 5, 1864, by 
Wm. P. Fessenden) ; Secretary of War, Simon Cameron (succeeded Jan. 
II, 1862, by Edwin M. Stanton) ; Secretary of the Navy, Gideon Welles; 
Secretary of the Interior, C. B. Smith (succeeded Jan. 8, 1863, by J. P. 
Usher); Attorney-General, Edmund Pates (succeeded Dec. 14, 1864, by 
James Speed) ; Postmaster-General, Montgomery Blair (succeeded Oct. i, 
1S64, by Wm. Dennison). Second Term. Cabinet changes : Secretary of 
the Treasury, Hugh McCulloch ; Secretary of the Interior, James Harlan. 



402 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1861. 

Passing to the question of secession, he said : " The Union of 
these States is perpetual." " No State upon its own mere motion 
can lawfully get out of the Union." "I shall take care, as the 
Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws 
of the Union shall be faithfully executed in all the States." 
" The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and 
possess the property and places belonging to the Government." 
Then turning to those of his hearers who sympathized with 
secession, he said : " In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow- 
countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil 
war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no 
conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You can 
have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government ; 
while I shall have the most solemn one to 'preserve, protect, 
and defend it.' " ""^^ 



FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR, APRIL, 1861, TO APRIL, 1862. 

449. Anderson's report ; division in the Cabinet ; capture 
of Fort Sumter. — The next day Major Anderson of Fort 
Sumter (§ 444) reported that he had but a month's provisions 
left, and that it would require 20,000 men to relieve and hold 
the fort."®^ Anderson's entire force consisted of 128 men, 
half of whom were non-combatants. 

President Lincoln was by nature a man of peace. His 
maxim was : " It is better to plough round the log than to try 
to plough through it"; but the question of relieving Anderson 
demanded immediate action, and such action seemed likely to 
precipitate civil war. The Cabinet was divided. Seward 
thought that the secession difficulty would be satisfactorily 
settled within "sixty days," and suggested that the best way to 
reunite the North and the South would be to declare a foreign 
war."^^ Chase, on the other hand, thought that if we must 
choose between civil war and peaceful separation, we had better 
accept the latter.'"^^ General Scott, as the President's chief 



1861.] THE WAR OF SECESSION. 4O3 

military adviser, believed that it would be best to compromise 
with the Southern States or else say : " Wayward sisters, de- 
part in peace." "*^ 

At a final consultation of the Cabinet, Chase and Blair 
voted to relieve Fort Sumter ; the remaining five members 
voted against it as inexpedient.""^ The President finally de- 
cided that he would take the responsibility on himself and 
"send bread to Anderson." This decision brought matters to 
a crisis. General Beauregard was in command of the seces- 
sion forces in Charleston, and Jefferson Davis ordered him 
to demand the immediate surrender of Fort Sumter, Major 
Anderson declined to give up the fort. 

At daybreak the next morning (April 12, 1861) Beaure- 
gard's batteries opened fire. Anderson's guns replied as best 
they could. The artillery duel continued thirty-four hours. 
The commander of Fort Sumter could hold out no longer. 
His handful of men were utterly exhausted, and his provisions 
and available ammunition were used up ; he was forced to 
capitulate. No one had been killed on either side — it was 
the bloodless beginning of the bloodiest civil war known in 
modern history. 

On Sunday morning (April 14, 1861) the brave defender of 
Sumter led his little garrison out of the fort. They departed 
with the honors of war, — colors flying and drums beating. 
Major Anderson took with him the shot-torn national flag 
which had floated above the fort ; on that very day, four years 
later, it was triumphantly restored to its old place. He and 
his men then embarked for New York. 

450. The President's call for troops ; Davis retaliates ; 
the blockade ; the uprising of the North ; the first blood- 
shed The next morning (April 15, 1861) the President 

issued a proclamation calling for 75,000 "three-months men" 
to uphold the national flag and defend the national honor. 
Davis retorted by calling for 32,000 men, and by inviting 
privateers to attack Northern merchant vessels. A few days 



404 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [l861. 

later (April 19, 1861), President Lincoln declared the ports of 
the Confederate States blockaded against foreign commerce. 

The North responded to the President's call with an alacrity 
and enthusiasm which could not be mistaken. Over 90,000 
men enlisted. The streets of the great cities blazed with 
patriotic colors, and resounded with martial music and with 
the tramp of armed men hurrying to the defence of the Gov- 
ernment. Party lines were thrown down ; everywhere the cry 
rose : " Crush the rebellion ! " Stephen A. Douglas, Lincoln's 
old political antagonist, hastened to the President to take him 
by the hand and assure him of his support. He saw that 
the time for compromise had passed. "Now," said he, "every 
man must be for the United States or against it." Pie died 
soon after the great war began, but he used his voice and pen 
to the last, in behalf of the Union. "^^ 

Pennsylvania was first in the field, but the Massachusetts 
Sixth was the first fully armed regiment which entered the 
national capital. On its way through Baltimore (April 19, 1861) 
the regiment was attacked by a mob of howling "roughs" ; a 
number of the soldiers were wounded and two were killed. 
It was the anniversary of the battles of Lexington and Con- 
cord. On that day, sacred to the cause of American liberty, 
the first blood was shed for the preservation of the Union. 
The following day the garrison at Fort Monroe — the most 
important stronghold on the coast — was reinforced, and the 
next month General Butler took command there. 

451. The uprising of the South; what North and South 
fought for; secession of four more States; the << border 
States." — The military activity of the South equalled that of 
the North ; thousands of volunteers rushed to answer Davis's 
call. The politicians had started the secession movement 
(§ 443) purely in the interest of slavery and of their own 
selfish ambition. The first gun fired at Sumter roused the mass 
of the Southern people to wild excitement, and they were ready 
to move even faster than their leaders wished them to."®' 



1861.] THE WAR OF SECESSION. 405 

The Secession Congress at Montgomery declared that Presi- 
dent Lincoln's call for troops was an attempt to "overawe, 
oppress, and finally subjugate the people of the Confederate 
States." The rank and file of the secession army doubtless 
believed this astonishing assertion. Most of them were men 
who recognized no authority higher than that of their own 
State. Misled by this idea, they believed that the North threat- 
ened to invade and destroy their homes. 

Lincoln clearly stated the issue when he said later : " Both 
parties deprecated war ; but one of them would make war 
rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept 
war rather than let it perish ; and the war came." "•* 

The call of the national Government for troops compelled 
the remaining slave States to decide what course they would 
take. Virginia, Arkansas, North Carolina, and Tennessee 
joined the Confederacy, making a total of eleven States. This 
gave the seceding section an area nearly equal to that of the 
entire United States at the close of the Revolution. In May 
(1861) the Confederate capital was removed to Richmond. 

The western part of Virginia had but few slaves ; it opposed 
secession, and later (1863) became a separate State under the 
name of West Virginia. The Governors of the four border 
slave States of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri 
refused to answer the President's call for volunteers to defend 
the national flag ; but later, all of these States contributed 
large numbers of men to the ranks of the Union army. So, 
too, did Eastern Tennessee, which was strongly loyal. 

452. Mistakes of the secessionists ; the situation ; popu- 
lation of the North vs. the South. — The Southern politicians 
who incited secession made three serious mistakes in the out- 
set: I. They believed that all of the slave States would 
join them, and so form a "solid South." 2. The utterances 
of prominent men of the " Peace Party " at the North led the 
secessionists to think that the North would be in danger of 
civil war among its own people, and that the President would 



406 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1861. 

be powerless to prevent the dismemberment of the Union. ^'^*'' 
3. Finally, the secessionists thought that if the North did take 
up arms to save the nation, England's need of cotton and 
Napoleon's desire to get possession of Mexico would induce 
those powers to interfere and recognize Southern independence. 
None of these things happened, and the States which seceded 
had to accept the situation as best they could. 

The condition of affairs in the early summer of 1861 was as 
follows : Of the thirty-four States then constituting the Union 
eleven had seceded and four were divided in their allegiance. 
Nineteen States stood firmly by the old flag. 

The census of i860 reported the total population of the 
United States at nearly 31,500,000. Of this number the 
seceded States had somewhat over 9,000,000, including about 
3,500,000 slaves who, though non-combatants, would by their 
labor keep many combatants in the field. The " border States " 
had a population of somewhat more than 3,000,000 and the 
free States about 19,000,000. The available military strength 
of the free States was probably three times greater than that 
of the South, and in the course of the war (1861-1865) ^^ was 
increased by the enlistment of negroes and by the arrival of 
over 600,000 immigrants."™ Lincoln estimated the total force 
which the Union States could furnish in case of emergency at 
4,000,000. 

453. Material resources and military advantages of the 
two sections. — The wealth of the North was immensely 
greater than that of the South. The census of i860 reported 
the assessed valuation of the North in round numbers at 
$7,750,000,000, and that of the South at $4,330,000,000. With 
few exceptions the North had the foundries, factories, work- 
shops, and shipyards — in a word, the "machine-power" of the 
nation. The North, too, had the greater part of the railroads ; 
and her ports remained open to the commerce of the globe. 

The South, after her ports were once fairly blockaded, was 
cut off from getting supplies from abroad. It was difficult, if 



1861.] THE WAR OF SECESSION. 4O7 

not impossible, for her to repair a railroad that had once been 
destroyed in any large degree ; and after reaching a certain 
point every man killed or crippled by the progress of the war 
created a vacancy that she could not fill. 

But on the other hand, the Southern people were more accus- 
tomed to the use of fire-arms than those of the North. They 
had the immense advantage of fighting mainly on the defen- 
sive, on inside lines, and on territory where they — and they 
only — knew every foot of the ground. 

The North was forced to employ colossal armies, for the 
Union troops were compelled not only to conquer, but to hold 
an ever-increasing area. In nearly every instance they had to 
carry their supplies with them over a constantly lengthening line 
which was often liable to be broken by a sudden attack in the 
rear. General Grant states that when he advanced into the 
" Wilderness " in his campaign against Richmond, his wagon- 
train extended between fifty and sixty miles in a straight line, 
and required 18,000 horses and mules to draw it.^^'^ 

All things considered. Grant thought that the two contend- 
ing forces, in a military point of view, were practically about 
equal. ^"^ In the course of the war the North called out a 
total force, reenlistments included, of nearly 3,000,000 men. 
All were volunteers, except a small number obtained by draft. 
After the first enlistments, liberal bounties were paid, averaging 
as high as $400 per head, and amounting in the aggregate to 
about $300,000,000, besides $100,000,000 devoted to helping 
soldiers' families.^^''^ The greatest number of troops in the 
Union service at any one time was a little over 1,000,000 ; the 
greatest number in the Confederate service at any one time has 
been estimated at about 470,000. 

No trustworthy statistics of Southern enlistments can be 
had ; but it is known that a merciless system of con- 
scription eventually forced their entire available fighting 
population — from boys to old men — to enter the Con- 
federate ranks. 



408 THE student's American history. [isei. 

454. The Union navy; the Confederate cruisers and 
privateers. — Shortly before the war broke out the scanty navy 
of the United States was dispersed in foreign waters, and a 
congressional committee reported that only two armed vessels 
"were available for the defence" or blockade of the Southern 
Atlantic coast."''* The line of blockade extended for 3000 
miles with but a single Union port of refuge. To hold this 
line, and to conduct naval operations along the coast and on 
the western rivers, at least six hundred vessels would be 
required. With a few exceptions all of these had to be built, 
bought, or hired by the Government. 

The Confederate States had no navy, but they captured the 
hulks of a number of first-class vessels of war when (1861) they 
got possession of the Norfolk navy yard. They sent out a 
number of small armed cruisers ; they built several formidable 
ironclads at home, and they built or fitted out the " Florida," 
the " Shenandoah," and the " Alabama " in England. These 
cruisers, armed with British guns and manned largely by British 
sailors, destroyed Union property worth many millions and drove 
merchant ships, flying the Union flag, from the ocean. 

455. The financial side of the war The national Gov- 
ernment entered upon the war with an empty Treasury, but loyal 
men came to the rescue and furnished money to meet the most 
pressing immediate calls. The gigantic contest cost the loyal 
States on an average about $2,000,000 a day. The funds to meet 
this enormous demand were obtained from four sources: (i) 
duties on imports under the Morrill protective tariff of 186 1, and 
the higher tariffs of 1862 and 1864; (2) internal revenue taxes; 
(3) the sale of interest-bearing bonds and interest-bearing Treas- 
ury notes; (4) the issue of over $43o,o|o,ooo of the Treasury 
notes popularly known as " greenbacks." The chief reliance of 
the Government was on the sale of bonds ; these were freely taken 
by all classes of the people and were largely purchased abroad. 
To further stimulate their sale at home, Congress established 
(1863) a system of national banks which were required to buy and 



1861.] THE WAR OF SECESSION. 4O9 

hold Government bonds as security for the notes they put in 
circulation. 

The enormous issues of paper money caused proportionate 
depreciation, and the demand for gold compelled all banks to 
suspend specie payment. At one time gold commanded a pre- 
mium of nearly 300 per cent, and the purchasing power of the 
"greenback" dollar fell to less, than thirty-five cents. Silver, 
like gold, disappeared from circulation, and to meet the demand 
for "change" the Government had to issue fractional paper 
currency in notes ranging in value from three to fifty 
cents. 

The Confederate States likewise issued bonds and Treasury 
notes. At first they were able to sell these securities abroad, 
and to export considerable quantities of cotton in exchange for 
foreign arms and supplies. But the blockade gradually cut off 
all intercourse with Europe and the sale of Confederate bonds 
ceased. After the first year of the war the paper money of 
the South rapidly depreciated, and long before the close of the 
contest it had become practically worthless."^* 

456. Extraordinary powers granted to the President. — 
In order to successfully prosecute the war for the preservation 
of the Union the President believed it necessary to do a number 
of things usually considered beyond the province of the Execu- 
tive. In emergencies he took possession of railroad and tele- 
graph lines ; he arrested a great number of suspected persons, 
temporarily stopped the publication of several newspapers, and 
suspended the writ of habeas corpus. Congress fully sustained 
him in the exercise of these powers, although the "Peace Party," 
and even many strong Union men, loudly protested. The 
extreme portion of that party — nicknamed "Copperheads" 
from a venomous snake which strikes without giving warning 
— did not hesitate to avow their sympathy with secession. 
They declared that the President deliberately violated the Con- 
stitution. The truth is that no written frame of government 
has ever been planned which could meet the terrible exigency 



41 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1861. 

of a great civil war, and cases arose when the President felt 
that it was necessary to bend the Constitution in order to 
avoid breaking it. At the South, Jefferson Davis pursued a 
still more arbitrary course, and his administration seems to 
have become an absolute military despotism."'*^ 

457. Attitude of foreign powers. — In the spring of 1861 
Queen Victoria issued a proclamation of neutrality forbidding 
British subjects to give aid to the combatants of either side 
and recognizing the Confederate States as a belligerent power. 
This proclamation virtually acknowledged the right of the 
United States to blockade the Confederate ports and to cut 
off their supplies. On the other hand, it recognized the Con- 
federate flag on the ocean, and so made the Confederate cruisers 
privateers instead of pirates. France and the other commer- 
cial powers of Europe followed the example of Great Britain. 
Later in the war Confederate commissioners attempted to ob- 
tain the recognition of Southern independence by the Pope, 
but the head of the Catholic Church simply expressed the 
wish to see the conflict ended and "peace restored." "" 

The English press with few exceptions favored the cause 
of disunion. The London " Times " hastened to declare that 
" American institutions " had " collapsed." English " society " 
and the commercial classes generally shared this feeling. The 
former accused the North of "fighting for empire"; the latter 
saw that the success of the South promised to secure free 
trade for British goods in exchange for cotton. Notwithstand- 
ing the Queen's proclamation of neutrality, English capital 
furnished fleet steamers to run the blockade and to supply the 
Confederates with arms of the latest pattern. But the great 
mass of the English people never lost faith in the ultimate 
triumph of the North; no hardships or privations could induce 
the starving cotton-spinners of Lancashire to lift a finger in 
favor of opening the Confederate ports or of recognizing Con- 
federate independence."'^* This cordial feeling toward the 
Union has since gained ground among all classes ; and the 



1861.] THE WAR OF SECESSION. 411 

relations now existing between the two great English-speaking 
nations of the globe are such as do honor to both. 

458. The Sanitary and the Christian Commissions ; the 
working army and the fighting army. — Soon after the war 
broke out the Sanitary and the Christian Commissions were 
organized to give aid and relief to sick and wounded Union 
soldiers, to furnish them books and newspapers, and to minister 
to their spiritual as well as their bodily needs. Both did a 
noble work in a noble way. 

Throughout the war there were two armies engaged in bat- 
tling for the Union. One fought in the field ; the other worked 
at home to maintain, aid, and comfort those who fought in the 
field. In this home work women took a leading part. They 
did as much toward saving the nation as the men. They gave 
their labor, their zeal, their tears, their prayers — in a deep 
and true sense, they laid down their lives for the cause. They 
organized and carried on more than seven thousand local 
societies, all tributary to the Sanitary Commission, and they 
sent many millions of dollars' worth of articles to be dis- 
tributed by that Commission. In every city and hamlet 
throughout the North they met from week to week to work 
for their husbands, sons, brothers, and friends who had gone 
to the front. They rolled bandages, scraped lint, prepared 
delicacies for the sick and wounded, and in many ways made 
the soldier realize that his welfare held the highest place in 
their hearts. Without the efforts of the grand army of fighters 
the Union could not have been saved ; without the efforts of 
the grand army of workers those who fought could not have 
held out to final victory. 

At the South the same intense devotion was shown, and the 
sacrifices which the people made in behalf of the Confederate 
forces were even greater, because their means were more 
limited. To-day the South is glad that it failed, for it sees 
that the success of the Union did not mean the triumph of one 
section over the other, but the reconstruction of the entire 



412 THE STUDENTS AMERICAN HISTORY. [1861. 

nation on broader and higher lines which secure the welfare of 
North and South alike. 

459. Recapitulation of the object of the war ; Union plan 
of campaign. — The South began the contest with the avowed 
object of breaking away from the Union and setting up an 
independent slave-holding Confederacy. The North reluctantly 
accepted the challenge hurled by the batteries which fired on 
Sumter. The object of the national Government was not to 
subjugate the South, not to liberate her slaves, but simply and 
solely "to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Consti- 
tution and preserve the Union." "™ The issue was not sought 
by the North, but was forced upon it, because, as Lincoln said, 
secession meant " immediate dissolution or blood." "''" 

The President (May 3, 1861) called for 40,000 more volun- 
teers and directed an increase of 20,000 in the regular army. 
General Scott had strengthened the garrison at Fort Monroe 
(§ 450) and was encircling Washington with earthworks. His 
plan was to surround the Confederate States and attack them 
simultaneously at every point by land and sea ; this was what 
the newspapers called "Scott's anaconda." 

Later, the plan adopted was: (i) to maintain a strict blockade 
along the Confederate coast and at the same time force open 
the Confederate ports ; (2) to take the Confederate capital, 
and so destroy the political as well as the military power con- 
centrated there ; (3) to open the Mississippi and its southern 
tributaries which the South had seized and fortified ; (4) to 
break through the Confederate line in the West, march an 
army to the Atlantic and thence northward. 

460. McClellan in West Virginia ; Bull Run. — The con- 
test opened in West Virginia. McClellan drove out the Con- 
federates (May-June, 1861) and reported that he had killed 
secession in that region. The Union line (see map facing page 
413) extended from Fort Monroe along the southern bank of 
the Potomac to Harper's Ferry, and thence southwesterly 
through Kentucky to the Mississippi just below Cairo, Illinois ; 



I 



So 127 



107 Longitude 102 




Longitude 



West 



1861.] 



THE WAR OF SECESSION. 



413 



Chambi 



thence northwesterly through Missouri to Fort Leavenworth, 
and onward toward the Pacific. The total number of Union 
troops was about 180,000, confronted by a Confederate army 
of about 150,000. 

As the summer wore on the newspapers became impatient. 
The Northern press cried: "On to Richmond"; the Southern, 
" On to Washing- 
ton." Scott was 
too old and infirm 
to take the field, 
— he did not 
think the Union 
army ready to ad- 
vance; but yield- 
ing to pressure, 
reluctantly or- 
dered McDowell 
to move against 
Beauregard. The 
Union men went 
out as if on a 
holiday excursion, 
stopping to pick 
blackberries as 
they went along. 

The first great 
battle of the war 
ensued (July 21, 
186 1) at Bull Run.* The forces engaged were of equal strength, 
but, as General Joseph E. Johnston admits, the Confederates had 




SCALE OF MILES. 
J I I 



2.5 



100 



* Official estimates give the Union forces engaged at about 18,000 ; 
Confederate forces engaged at about 18,000; Union loss, 2896; Con- 
federate loss, 1982. - No absolutely accurate returns are obtainable. See 
the Century Company's " TJattles and Leaders of the Civil War," I. 19!, 
195. In all reports of battles General Grant's statement should be l)orne in 



414 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [I86I. 

the great advantage of being strongly posted and of fighting on 
the defensive. The beginning of the battle promised the suc- 
cess of the Union troops ; but Johnston brought up reinforce- 
ments, and at a critical moment General Jackson — whose 
stubborn steadfastness here gained him the name of " Stone- 
wall " Jackson — checked the federal advance by a bayonet 
charge."**^ Immediately afterward fresh Confederate reinforce- 
ments came up by rail from the Shenandoah Valley, struck the 
Union troops a sudden and terrible blow on the flank, and drove 
them from the field. Their broken ranks, drenched by pouring 
rain and disheartened by defeat, rushed into Washington ; but 
the Confederates made no attempt to follow. In fact, many 
left the Southern army and went home, thinking that they had 
already conquered a peace. The National Government did not 
lose heart, but rose to meet the emergency. That very day 
(July 22, 1861) Congress voted to raise 500,000 three-year 
men to prosecute the war. 

461. << Drill and organize!" McClellan; Missouri; the 
Atlantic coast. — Throughout the North the cry now went up : 
" Drill and organize ! " and McClellan (§ 460) was put in com- 
mand of the army of the Potomac. When Scott retired in 
November (186 1) McClellan was made General-Commander of 
the land forces of the United States.* 

mind. He says, in speaking of the strength of the Union armies in the 
field, all present were generally counted, while the Confederates counted 
none but the actual combatants — in other words, the if^^/zW strength — 
of their forces. See Grant's Memoirs, II. 290. So, too, the estimate of 
losses cannot be taken in any instance as entirely reliable. .See Phisterer's 
" Statistical Record," in " Campaigns of the Civil War," p. 213. 

* The armies of the United States were commanded by the President 
as Commander-in-Chief under the Constitution ; and under him, as General- 
commanders, by Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott until Nov. 6, 1S61 ; 
followed by Major-General George B. McClellan until March 11, 1862; 
(from March 1 1 to July 12, 1S62, there was no General-Commander); Major- 
General Henry W. Halleck from July 12, 1862, to March 12, 1864; Lieu- 
tenant-General U. S. Grant from March 12, 1864, to March 4, 1S69. On 
the Confederate side, General Braxton P>ragg held the office of military 




DEFENCES OF WASHINGTON, 

showing the girdle of sixty forts which protected it during the war. 



1861.] THE WAR OF SECESSION. 415 

McClellan spent the remainder of 1861 in converting an 
army of civilians — many of whom had never handled a gun 
in their lives — ■ into an army of disciplined soldiers. In this 
respect he did a great work and prepared the way for Union 
success. General Meade, the victor at Gettysburg, said : 
" Had there been no McClellan there could have been no 
Grant." ''''' 

Meanwhile Confederate forces from Arkansas and Texas had 
invaded Missouri and had made a desperate effort to carry the 
State over to secession. General Lyon, succeeded by Fre'mont 
and Halleck, gradually drove the invaders southward. "* They 
were finally routed with great slaughter at Pea Ridge, Arkansas 
(March 7-8, 1862). 

On the Atlantic coast, Union naval expeditions took the Con- 
federate forts (186 1) at Hatteras Inlet, Hilton Head, and Port 
Royal on the coast of the Carolinas ; Roanoke Island, Newbern, 
and other points were captured later. These victories secured 
ports of refuge for the blockading squadron, and established 
important bases for military operations against the interior. 

462. The <' Trent" affair; seizure of Mason and Slidell — 
In the autumn of 186 1 Jefferson Davis sent Messrs. Mason and 
Slidell to England as Confederate commissioners to obtain aid 
for the Southern cause. They ran the blockade and embarked 
as " missionaries " at Havana, on the British mail steamer 
"Trent." Captain Wilkes, in command of the United States 
sloop-of-war " San Jacinto," lay in wait for the " Trent." 
When she hove in sight he forced her to stop (November 8, 
1 861), seized the Confederate commissioners, and carried them 
to Fort Warren in Boston Harbor. The Secretary of the Navy 

adviser to Jefferson Davis from February 24, 1864, to November of that 
year ; but Robert E. Lee was the first General-in-Chief; he was appointed 
February 6, 1865. 

* The chief fighting in Missouri was at Wilson's Creek, where the Union 
forces were overpowered by greatly superior numbers. The only fighting in 
Virginia during this time was at Ball's Bluff (October 22, 1861), where the 
national forces were defeated. 



4l6 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1861-1862. 

officially congratulated Captain Wilkes on his capture of " these 
public enemies," and the House of Representatives requested 
the President to present him with a gold medal. 

Tiie President, however, said he feared that we had simply 
caught a couple of "white elephants," and added: "We fought 
Great Britain (in 1812) for insisting ... on the right to do 
precisely what Captain Wilkes has done." '"*" 

The Queen's proclamation of neutrality (§ 457) expressly for- 
bade her subjects carrying "officers, soldiers," or "despatches" 
for either party in the Civil War; but the English Government 
denied that we were justified in seizing the Confederate com- 
missioners. It demanded their prompt surrender and a proper 
apology for the aft'ront to the liritish Hag, and hurried off troops 
to Canada with regimental bands gaily playing " Dixie " as 
they sailed.'"*"' 

In the correspondence that ensued. Secretary Seward stated 
in the smoothest diplomatic language that he was happy to find 
that England now condemned the right of search, hitherto so 
stoutly maintained by her. He congratulated her on having at 
length become a convert to the American principle which had 
compelled us to protest against the exercise of such a pretended 
right. He closed by saying that, since the I5ritish nation now 
asked us to do to her just what we had always insisted all 
nations ought to do to us, we could not consistently refuse to 
give up Mason and Slidell."** They soon sailed for England, 
but the London "Times "gave them anything but a compli- 
mentary welcome, saying: '.' We should have done just as much 
to rescue two of their own negroes." "***' I'he commissioners 
failed to obtain the official recognition of any European power, 
and accomplished nothing in behalf of secession. 

463. Fighting at the West ; Grant takes Fort Henry and 
Fort Donelson. — In the West, in the autumn of 1862, the Con- 
federate general A. S. Johnston held an irregular line extend- 
ing from the Cumberland Mountains through Mill Spring and 
Bowling Green, Kentucky, to the bluffs at Columbus on the 



1802.] 



THE WAR OF SECESSION. 



4'7 



Mississippi. Aside from Columbus, the two points of supreme 
importance on this line were Fort Henry and Fort Donclson — 
about twelve miles apart — on the Tennessee and the Cumber- 
land Rivers. Halleck, with his headquarters at St. Louis, was 
then in command of the department of the Missouri which 
embraced western Kentucky. Grant was stationed at Cairo, 
Illinois; and Buell, with Thomas, was in command of the Union 
forces directly opposing Johnston's line. 

'i'he campaign began in January, 1862, by a battle at Mill 
Spring, Kentucky, in which Thomas drove back the Confeder- 




ates. General Grant, supported by Couunodore I'oote's gun- 
boats, then moved against Fort Henry and took it (February 6, 
1862). He next moved against Fort Donelson. On the third 
day of the battle (February 16, 1862) Buckner, the Confederate 
commander, asked what terms his assailant would concede in 
return for the capitulation of the fort. Grant at once replied : 
" No terms except an unconditional and immediate surrender.'' 
Buckner could not help himself, and promptly accepted Grant's 
ultimatum. 



41 8 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [I862. 

This victory was the most important which the national 
troops had thus far gained. It opened the Tennessee and 
Cumberland Rivers for a long distance, and compelled the 
Confederates to abandon their stronghold at Columbus. This 
gave the Union army the control of the Mississippi as far south 
as Island Number Ten. 

464. The battle of Pittsburg Landing, or Shiloh ; capture 
of Island Number Ten ; Corinth. — Grant now moved up the 
Tennessee River for the purpose of capturing the great Con- 
federate railway center at Corinth, Mississippi. He halted at 
Pittsburg Landing, or Shiloh, for Buell to come up from Nash- 
ville and join him. Before that general could arrive, A. S. 
Johnston, with superior numbers, suddenly attacked the Union 
forces (April 6, 1862). Johnston drove back Grant's army, 
but was killed in the thick of the fight, and Beauregard took 
command. By the next morning Buell's reinforcements came 
up. Grant now had the larger force. By nightfall (April 7, 
1862) he had gained the day, and the Confederates were in full 
retreat. In his report. Grant said: " I am indebted to General 
Sherman for the success of that battle. It was," he said, "the 
severest engagement* fought at the West during the war." "^^ 
Grant was severely blamed for his management of the first 
day's battle, and the President was urged to remove him. He 
deliberated for a time, and then said : " I can't spare this man ; 
he fights." "«8 

On the day following the victory at Pittsburg Landing the 
Confederates surrendered Island Number Ten to the federal 
forces commanded by Commodore Foote and General Pope. 
This opened the Mississippi down to Vicksburg. In May, 
Halleck moved on Corinth. Beauregard had not strength to 
hold it ; he withdrew, and the Union army took possession of 
this important railway center. 

* Grant says his effective force at Pittsburg Landing on April 6 was 
33,000; Wallace and Buell brought him, after the first day's battle, 25,000 
more. The Confederate force was about 40,000. Union loss, 13,047 ; 
Confederate loss, 10,669. 



V. 



o 

m 

z 
m 

33 

> 




^ 



\ 




■ % 



i:^ 



} 






1862.] THE WAR OF SECESSION. 419 

465. Battle of the *< Merrimac " and the «' Monitor." — 

Shortly after Virginia seceded (§ 451) the federal officer in 
charge of the armory at Harper's Ferry destroyed and aban- 
doned it. Following his example, the federal officer in com- 
mand at the Norfolk navy-yard abandoned that important 
station with about 2000 cannon. He set fire to the govern- 
ment buildings and scuttled and sunk the national war-vessels. 
Among the ships thus sunk was the steam-frigate "Merrimac." 
The Confederates raised the hulk and converted it into a 
powerful ironclad ram, which they christened the " Virginia." 
Early in the spring (March 8, 1862) this formidable floating 
fort, under command of Captain Buchanan, sallied out and 
attacked the federal fleet of wooden war-ships lying in Hamp- 
ton Roads. Making a dash at the " Cumberland," the " Vir- 
ginia " cut that vessel nearly in two, and sent her to the bottom 
with a hundred sick and wounded men. The "Virginia " next 
captured the " Congress," set her on fire, and blew her up. 
The Confederate ironclad then retired to Norfolk, intending to 
complete her work of destruction the next day. 

The nevv'S of this disaster created great alarm at Washington. 
The President hastily summoned a Cabinet council. Stanton, 
the Secretary of War, expressed the fear that the " rebel 
monster" might even then be on her way up the Potomac. "It 
is not unlikely," said he, "that we shall have a shell or a can- 
non ball from one of her guns in the White House before we 
leave this room." "*^ 

That night, lighted by the flames of the burning " Congress," 
Ericsson's " Monitor," under the command of the gallant Lieu- 
tenant Worden, steamed into Hampton Roads. She was an 
iron vessel built on a new pattern, having a revolving turret set 
on a deck nearly level with the water. On Sunday morning 
(March 9, 1862) when the "Virginia" appeared she found the 
diminutive " Monitor " waiting for her. The Confederates 
laughed at this Yankee "cheese box on a raft"; but the 
"cheese box" fought so effectively that the "Virginia" finally 



420 THE STUDENTS AMERICAN HISTORY. [1861-1862. 

retired to Norfolk, leaving Ericsson's " little giant " practically 
master of the situation. When McClellan advanced up the 
peninsula in May (1862), the Confederates abandoned Nor- 
folk and blew up their famous but discomfited ironclad. 

The " Monitor " had not only saved the remaining vessels of 
the federal fleet, but probably saved Washington. Had the 
"Virginia" come off victor, she might have steamed up the 
Potomac and shelled the national capitol, besides doing incal- 
culable damage in other directions. 

This conflict between the two ironclads revolutionized naval 
warfare throughout the world. It sent wooden war-ships to the 
rear and brought iron vessels to the front. 

466. Summary of the first year of the war (April, 1861- 
April, 1862). — The capture of Fort Sumter was immediately 
followed by the President's call for troops, the uprising of the 
North, and the organization of the Confederate force in the 
South. The Union defeat at Bull Run led to a call for 500,000 
more federal soldiers. 

In the West the Confederates were driven out of Missouri, 
and their line of defence was broken in Kentucky; Grant took 
Forts Henry and Donelson. This compelled the evacuation of 
Columbus on the Mississippi. Grant then defeated Johnston 
at the terrible battle of Pittsburg Landing, thus preparing the 
way for the capture of Corinth. Island Number Ten was next 
captured, and the Mississippi opened down to Vicksburg. 

On the water, we have the seizure of Mason and Slidell, 
the capture of important Confederate ports on the Atlantic 
coast, and the great battle between the " Merrimac " and the 
" Monitor." 



SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR, APRIL, 1862, TO APRIL, 1863. 

467. The capture of New Orleans, and its results. — 
President Lincoln declared that he considered the Mississippi 
"the backbone of the rebellion.""-'" In the spring of 1862 



1862.] THE WAR OF SECESSION, 421 

Captain Farragut, commanding the most powerful naval expe- 
dition that had ever sailed under the United States flag, started 
from Fort Monroe to capture New Orleans and fracture, if not 
break, the " backbone." The land forces of the expedition 
were under General Butler. The fleet numbered nearly fifty 
wooden vessels, carrying over two hundred guns, besides a fleet 
of mortar-boats under Commander Porter. 

Farragut had no easy task before him. In order to reach 
New Orleans he must break through a line of hulks chained 
together across the Mississippi, just below the forts of St. 
Philip and Jackson; he must next run past the guns of those 
forts, steer clear of the fire-rafts sent to destroy his wooden ves- 
sels, and finally fight a fleet of gunboats, which included two 
ironclad rams constructed on the pattern of the " Virginia " 
(§ 465). Porter began to shell the forts on April i8 (1862), 
and just one week from that day Farragut's fleet, " silent, grim, ■ 
terrible," anchored in front of the blazing levees of New 
Orleans. Four days later the city formally surrendered, the 
stars and stripes were hoisted above the custom-house, and 
the national forces triumphantly held the gateway of the river 
artery of the American continent. Mason and Slidell (§ 462) 
wrote from Europe that the fall of the chief port of the Confed- 
erate States had probably given the deathblow to European 
recognition of Southern independence."^^ 

Farragut, having accomplished his great work, moved up the 
Mississippi against the Confederate strongholds at Port Hud- 
son and Vicksburg; but the situation of these fortifications on 
high bluffs made it impossible for him to attack them success- 
fully without the cooperation of a powerful land force. 

468. McClellan begins his Peninsular Campaign; " Stone- 
wall " Jackson's raid. — Meanwhile McClellan began the 
second advance (§ 460) on Richmond. The Confederate 
capital was protected from a direct movement from the north 
by several rivers and many small streams, and by a dense 
tangled forest known as the "Wilderness." On the east the 



422 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1862. 

peninsula between the York and the James Rivers is low and 
swampy, and heavy rains make it almost impassable ; but the 
distance from Fort Monroe on the peninsula to Richmond is 
but little more than half what it is by direct march from Wash- 
ington. McClellan decided in favor of the short eastern route. 
Leaving about 36,000 troops to hold the Shenandoah Valley 
and northern Virginia, and McDowell at Fredericksburg with 
40,000 troops to protect the national capital, he transported 
his superb army of 100,000 men to Fort Monroe. Early in 
April, 1862, he began to move up the peninsula. A part of 
Joseph E. Johnston's force barred the way at Yorktown. Here 
McClellan spent a month getting his siege guns in position. 
Just as he was ready to open fire the Confederates abandoned 
their works and fell back to Williamsburg, where an indecisive 
battle was fought (May 5, 1862). 

McClellan then asked the War Department to send him 
every man that could be spared. The President promised to 
send him McDowell's army; but just then " Stonewall " Jack- 
son (§ 460), with his famous "foot cavalry," dashed down the 
Shenandoah Valley, and "hustled" Banks out of it and across the 
Potomac* Jackson's sudden movement created such consterna- 
tion at Washington that McDowell's 40,000 men were withheld 
from McClellan to defend the national capital. Jackson then 
turned, and, keeping up a running fight, moved with such 
celerity that before McDowell could get a chance to strike him, 
he had joined the main body of the Confederate forces in the 
vicinity of Richmond. He arrived in season to cooperate with 
Lee in his attack on McClellan, whose army was straddling the 
Chickahominy River and floundering in the mud. If McClel- 
lan's success depended on his getting heavy reinforcements, 
then Jackson had completely upset his plans. 

* Official estimate : The strength of Jackson's command is not stated, 
but Confederate authorities give him an effective force of from 16,000 to 
17,000. The effective strength of Banks's command on April 30 (1861) 
was reported at 9178. 



1862.] 



THE WAR OF SECESSION. 



423 



469. Fair Oaks; the Seven Days' battles. — There was 
sharp fighting (May 31-June i, 1862) at Fair Oaks, or Seven 
Pines. In this action Joseph E. Johnston was severely wounded, 
and a few days later Robert E. Lee was put in command of the 
Confederate forces in Virginia. 

McClellan now found himself cut off from his base of sup- 
plies on York River and was forced to set out for the James 
River to establish a new base. After seven days of terrible 
fighting, ending with 




the federal victory of 
Malvern Hill (July i, 
1862), the Union com- 
mander reached Har- 
rison Landing on the 
James, where he could 
receive the support of 
the fleet of federal gun- 
boats. Later, his forces 
were moved back to the 
vicinity of Washington. 
McClellan attributed 
his failure to take Rich- 
mond to Secretary 
Stanton. He accused 
him of wilfully holding back reinforcements, and wrote to him : 
"You have done your best to sacrifice this army." "^^ Military 
writers give McClellan credit for one of the most "brilliant 
retreats " ever executed in the face of an enemy. Lincoln 
wrote to him: "All accounts say better fighting was never 
done." '^^^ But the Union losses in the campaign had been 
very heavy;* and, though the Confederates had suffered greater 
losses, the North demanded that the next advance against 
Richmond should be led by a new commander. 

* Official estimate: Effective Union force, 105,445; Confederate force, 
80,000 to 90,000; Union loss, 15,849; Confederate loss, 20,135. 



4-4 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [lS«e- 

470. Pope takes the reins : the second Ivanle of Bull Run. 
— Hsilleck ^^j 463'* was nc»w ^J'^^y i-« iSo.: » cal.tvi iroiu ihe 
West and made General-in-Chief of the Union forces. General 
Pope had done good senice in the campaign against Island 
Xumbex Ten ^^§ 464>, and he was put in command of a newly 
organized force, — the " Army of Virginia." — intended to 
operate against Richmond. It was understood that part of 
McClellan's army would be taken to reinforce Pope. 

Pope proposed to mo\-e straight on the enemy, and declared 
that he should establish his headquaners " in the saddle." He 
issued orders to his armv to subsist on the countr\- throuijh 
which they mov'ed, to hold the people responsible for I'nion 
property- destroyed by " rebel raids," and to send all secession- 
ists out of the federal lines. Pope ad\-anced to the Rappa- 
hannock, and there halted for reinforcements. ** Stonewall " 
-t Jackson saw his opportunit>"; aided by Stuart's ca\"alr\\ he hur- 
ried down the Shenandoah Valley, passed throtigh a gap in the 
mountains, got into the federal re;vr at Manassas, and captured 
or destroyed a large part of Pope's stores of ammunition and 
supplies, 

A few dax's later the Union commander met Lee's army near 
the old battlefield of Bull Run, or Manassas (§ 460). Pope asked 
for reinforcements and additional supplies of ammunition, but 
McClellan could not or w^uld not send them to his rival 
in anns.'*** Notwithstanding this disadvantage, the Confeder- 
ate Ge^neral Longstreet admits that Pope *'made a splendid 
fight" ^^August 29-Sept ember 1. iS6j>: but he was badly 
beaten.* He fell back to Washington and his army was united 
with the "Army of the Potomac," and McClellan received the 
cc»mmand. 

471. Lee enters Maryland; battles of Antietam and Fred- 
ericksburg. — Lee, at the head of co.ooc> Uiv^ps, iilusheii with 

* Otficial estimate: Union anny. not less than oq.oco; Cv>nfeder»te army, 
about 54,000; rhbterer giv-e* the Union loss (Auijxisi iS-ivqpiember i) at 
i6,oco. and the Confederate loss at lujoo. 



1862.] THE WAR OF SECESSION. 425 

victory, advanced northward. Now, while the "Copperheads" 
(§ 456) at the North were rampant over Pope's defeat, he was 
confident that he could speedily conquer a peace. "'*^ His gaunt, 
barefooted men, "flaunting their rags in the sunshine,""^ 
crossed the Potomac above Washington and entered Frederick 
City, singing " Maryland, my Maryland"; but Maryland failed 
to respond. Lee issued a proclamation calling on the people 
to rise and throw off the " foreign yoke" of federal oppression; 
but not a man rose. 

Less than ten days later, McClellan met Lee's army at 
Antietam, or Sharpsburg. There occurred (September 17, 
1862) the "bloodiest single day of fighting of the war." Whole 
regiments of raw recruits went to their graves, and the cornfield 
where the chief part of the battle raged was covered with wind- 
rows of the slain. At the end of the terrible day, Lee retreated 
across the Potomac, leaving McClellan in possession of the 
field.* The President begged McClellan not to let Lee get off 
"without being hurt";"''' but that general moved so slowly 
in pursuit that Lincoln finally lost all patience, and gave the 
command of the Union army (November 5, 1S62) to Burnside, 
who reluctantly accepted the perilous honor thus thrust upon 
him. 

When Burnside advanced against Richmond, he encountered 
Lee at Fredericksburg, strongly entrenched along the hills on 
the south bank of the Rappahannock. The Union army crossed 
the river and attacked him (December 13, 1862); but neither 
the " superb " Hancock nor " Fighting Joe Hooker " could 
carry the heights. Burnside lost heavily and was obliged to 
retreat, t 

* Official estimate: McClellan reported the Union force at 87,164, but 
the brunt of the battle was borne by not above 60,000 of this number. Lee 
does not give the strength of his army, but says in his official report that 
less than 40,000 men on his side took part in the battle. Union loss, 
12,410 ; Confederate loss, 11,172. 

t Official estimate : Effective Union force, 113,000 ; effective Confederate 
force, about 60.000; Union loss, 12,653; Confederate loss, 5377. 



426 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1861-1863. 

The next month (January 25, 1863) Hooker was placed in 
command of the army of the Potomac, but he did not make any 
general movement against Lee until late in the spring. 

472. Slavery and the war; Butler's "contrabands." — 
The winter of 1863 was one of the dark periods of the contest 
for the Union. The ''Copperheads'' (§ 456) were uttering gloomy 
predictions of impending disaster, and " Bull Run " Russell, 
the correspondent of the London "Times,"' was busily engaged 
in Lee's camp in gathering material for a histor)^ of the 
" Decline and Fall of the American Republic." At this period, 
on New Year's Day, 1863, the President issued his Proclamation 
of Emancipation. 

Neither the President nor Congress had looked forward to 
this decisive action. Events had forced it. Lincoln, as we 
have seen (§ 448), entered office making the explicit declara- 
tion that he would not in any way interfere with slavery at 
the South. After the great contest in behalf of the nation's life 
actually began. Secretary Seward told our Minister at Paris that 
whatever might be the issue of the war, "the condition of 
slavery" would "remain just the same." "'■^* 

A few months later (July 24, 1861) Congress resolved, by a 
nearly unanimous vote, that whatever battles they might be 
called upon to fight, they would not touch slavery."** This 
resolution met the entire approval, not only of the great body 
of conservative men at the North, but of military men as well. 
Neither McClellan nor any other of the prominent early leaders 
in the Union army had any intention of helping the negroes to 
acquire their freedom. Wendell Phillips said with truth that, 
while ■• the South fought to sustain slavery, the North fought 
not to have it hurt."^-"^' The Northern people felt that the 
Constitution protected slavery, and they would not wilfully 
and openly violate the great charter of the Republic. Mean- 
while they acknowledged the inconsistency of battling against 
secession, and yet letting the secessionists have the use of the 
negro to help the cause of disunion. 



isc.j is6>,>.] Tiir. WAK Of sl■x•l•:^sIo^. 42^ 

(.ionoi.il lUitloi In SI s.wv lun\ to vul tl\o kiuU. Tin 00 lUi;iti\o 
sl.ivos, iho proportv ot a C'onfodor.ilo olViooi. iloil to liiut .it l-"oit 
Monioo ^^M.\v -\;, iS(>i) .\iul bo^L^o*.! lor piotootion. Hutlor 
know th.it it ho roturnod ilioni to thoii m.istor thoy would be 
sent South to build " robol tortitic.uions." Tho l.\w (^§ 414) 
roquirod him to j;ivo thoin up ; but ho rotusod to sunondor 
llioni. "These nion." s.iid ho. *• .ue ooutv.ib.md ol w.u. 1 
will liold thorn .iiul use thorn in behalf of the Inion." The 
\\oi\l '• oontr.ib.iiul '" stiuok the sl.uo svstom .1 st.ii;i;erini;- blow. 
Hutlei" soon h.ul no.uiv .v thous.ind " contrabands " at work on 
the national dofonoos at I'oit Monroe.'""*'' His action was otR- 
cialh .ipprovod bv the Socrotarv of \\ .u. .iiui bv a majority of 
those who wore resolved to put down secession if it cost the 
North's "last man and last dollar."' 

In the course of the sunuuer C\ingress passed t^.\ugust 6, 
iSoO .m act settiui: free all slaves used bv the C'onfoderates 
in militarv operations within the socodet.1 States. This act. 
however, did not .ipj-ilv to the border sl.ivo States, or to llio 
i^roat in.iss of sl.ivos in the (.'onfederate States; and when 
Cionoral l-'remont issued .1 iiroclani.uion of oni.uuip.ilion in 
Missouri (^iS6i\ and Cioneral Hunter did the s.une (^1802) 
in South I'arolin.i, the rrosidont doclarod both pi\>clan\.iiions 
void.'-^'-' 

473. Lincoln's scheme of compensated emancipation ; 
District of Columbia ; the Territories. In his niossaj;e to 
(.\Mis;ross in the spring of iS(i-\ the President stroni^ly recom- 
mended a scheme of compensated emancipation. He urgoil the 
nation to offer to " cooper.ite with .in\ Sl.uo which mav adopt 
gradual abolition of sl.i\ cry." and to give " to such State 
pecuniary aid." .V resolution ji-issoil both Houses of Congress 
to that elVoct. but nothing came of it. for the South h.ul no 
intention of giving up African servitude. .\ little later i^April 
16. iSbj") (.'ongress purchased, at an expense of nearly a mil- 
lion dollars, the slaves held in the Histrict of I'olumbia — about 
4000 in all - and gave them their liberty. 



428 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1862. 

Congress next (June 19, 1862), applied the principle of the 

Wilmot Proviso (§ 404) to the Territories. This act set aside 

"Popular Sovereignty" (§ 422) and the Dred Scott decision 

(§ 434) by prohibiting slavery forever within any part of the 

public domain. 

474. Lincoln's reply to Greeley's letter on emancipation. 
— Thaddeus Stevens, one of the great Republican leaders in 
Congress, had urged the Government to begin the work of eman- 
cipation and had offered a bill to that effect. Late in the sum- 
mer of 1862 Horace Greeley addressed an open letter to the 
President. He entitled it "The Prayer of Twenty Millions," 
and begged him to enforce the acts of Congress granting 
"freedom to the slaves of rebels coming within our lines." ^"*^ 

No one detested negro bondage more than Lincoln did. " If 
slavery is not wrong," said he, " nothing is wrong." ^^ No one 
saw more clearly than he that the negro question was the tap- 
root of the Civil War. " Without slavery," said he, " the rebel- 
lion could never have existed; without slavery it could not 
continue." ^^-^ 

But the President was still uncertain whether it would be 
wise for him to take the course which Stevens and Greeley 
urged. In reply to the latter's letter, he wrote (August 22, 
1862): "My paramount object in this struggle is to save the 
'Union, and is not either to save or destroy slaver}'. If I could 
save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it; and if 
I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it ; and if I 
could save it bv freeing some and leaving; others alone I would 
also do that." He felt then that the times were critical, and 
that if he should issue a proclamation of emancipation, it might 
alienate the border States and, as he said, send '■ 50,000 bayo- 
nets " from those States " over to the rebels." ^^ 

475. Proclamation of warning. — When Lee first entered 
Maryland (§ 471) the President made a solemn vow that if the 
invader should be driven back he would send the proclamation 
after him. Lee was driven back (§ 47 1) and Lincoln issued 



1862-1863.] THE WAR OF SECESSION. 429 

(September 22, 1862) a proclamation warning the seceded 
States that if they did not lay down their arms and return to 
their allegiance within one hundred days, — namely, on January 
I, 1863, — he should declare all of their slaves "forever free." 
The Governors of thirteen loyal States, at a meeting held at 
Altoona, Pennsylvania, hailed this action with " heartfelt grati- 
tude." ^■"'^ At midnight of the last day of the year (1862) 
thousands of negroes, both bond and free, prayed that God 
would take pity on them and would strengthen the hands of 
Abraham Lincoln to carry out his great purpose on the follow- 
ing day.^^"* 

476. The Proclamation of Emancipation (1863). — 
Promptly on the first day of the New Year (1863), the Presi- 
dent issued his final proclamation. It set free forever all 
slaves held in the sections then fighting against the Union. 
For the first time in the history of the war the Government 
had struck secession at its root, and had struck it a death- 
blow. The President declared that this " act of justice " was 
warranted " by the Constitution upon military necessity " ; he 
invoked for it " the considerate judgment of mankind and 
the gracious favor of Almighty God." ^^°^ Two years later 
(1865) the thirteenth amendment to the Constitution con- 
firmed this act, and extended it to all slaves held in any part 
of the United States. (See Appendix, p. xvii.) 

The system of African servitude which the Southern people 
had inherited from the colonial period victimized master and 
slave alike. Lincoln emancipated both. He completed the 
great work of the "Fathers of the Republic" by including the 
negro in that Declaration of Independence which affirms that 
all men are created with an equal right to " life, liberty, and 
the pursuit of happiness." 

477. Economic, political, and military results of emanci- 
pation ; prisoners of war. — From an economic point of view, 
the act wrought an industrial revolution. The South estimated 
that it had $2,000,000,000 invested in negroes; the proclama- 



430 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1863. 

tion did not destroy this investment, but simply transferred it 
to a new owner, giving the slave possession of himself. 

Politically speaking, the proclamation changed the whole 
character of the war. Hitherto, the North had been fighting 
to restore the Union as it stood before secession, — a "house 
divided against itself," half free and half slave. Henceforth, 
the national forces would fight to perfect the Union by making 
it wholly free. Abroad, the proclamation strengthened the 
cause of the Union, and practically destroyed the possibility of 
the foreign recognition of the Confederacy. 

Furthermore, emancipation had an important military result. 
It cleared the way for the enlistment of the negro. Before 
1863 came to a close, 50,000 " freedmen " had entered the army 
and navy of the United States ; this number was eventually in- 
creased to about 180,000. Grant praised the gallant behavior 
of these new recruits. At Vicksburg, Mobile, Fort Wagner, 
Fort Pillow, and other points they mingled their blood with that 
of the white soldiers who gave their lives for the Republic.^^^'* 

The Confederate authorities refused (May i, 1863) to ex- 
change negro prisoners of war or their white officers captured 
in battle. As the United States felt obliged to protect all, 
whether black or white, who entered its service, the national 
Government refused to exchange at all until the South would 
recede from the stand it had taken. This deadlock led to the 
frightful overcrowding and terrible mortality at Andersonville 
and other Confederate prisons.* Later, the need of men forced 

* There is no accurate report of the number of Union prisoners who 
died in Confederate prisons and prison-pens at the South ; but it is esti- 
mated that out of about 188,000 federal soldiers captured by the Con- 
federates, half were paroled, and that 36,000 of the remaining half died in 
captivity. The Union armies captured 476,000 Confederates ; of these 
227,000 were retained as prisoners ; of these 30,000 died. The rate of 
mortality in the Northern prisons was 13 in 100 ; that in Southern prisons 
was 38 in 100, or nearly three times greater. See Nicolay and Hay's "Lin- 
coln," VII. 444, and Congressional Report on "Treatment of Prisoners," 
No. 45, 40th Congress. A comparison of the t.wo prison systems shows 



REDUCED COPY OF A PART OF THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 

(Jan. I, 1863). 



^>/ fh^L£<IZ^^ /y^jt-^Aj^cr"^ t'^/iw^^ xi;^?w e<^T>yco<c..o.c7y<.>^- 




1862.] THE WAR OF SECESSION. 43 1 

the secession authorities to offer to exchange black soldiers 
for white ; but as the Union forces were then nearing the point ^ 
of final victory, General Grant refused to consider the offer. 
He said that he " did not deem it advisable or just to the men 
who had to fight our battles to reinforce the enemy with thirty 
or forty thousand disciplined troops at that time.'"^" Like 
Washington in the Revolution, Grant took this stand respect- 
ing exchange in order not to prolong the contest. The sooner 
the war ended, the sooner all prisoners would be set at liberty. 

478. Operations in the West; Bragg invades Kentucky; / 
battle of Perryville. — Late in the summer of 1862 Bragg, 
the successor of Beauregard (§ 464) started from Chattanooga 
on an expedition northward. He invaded Kentucky, hoping to 
get supplies for his hungry men and to get possession of the 
State for the Confederates. Buell (§ 463) held Tennessee. 
Finding that Bragg was hurrying to get into Louisville, the cap- 
ital of Kentucky, he set off with all speed for the same place. 
Buell won the race ; he then turned on Bragg. The Con- 
federate general retreated as far as Perryville. When Buell 
came up a sharp battle ensued (October 8, 1862), in which 
both sides lost heavily.* The next morning Bragg retreated 

that the deaths in the Southern prisons were caused in large degree by 
want of proper food, overcrowding, filth, and exposure to the weather. At 
Andersonville 35,000 prisoners were huddled together, without shelter, in a 
field of 27 acres, the center of which was a pestilential swamp. The Con- 
federate inspector reported that the prison-pen was a " disgrace to civiliza- 
tion." At the end of the war Henry Wirz, the Swiss commandant at 
Andersonville, was convicted by court-martial of cruel treatment of Union 
prisoners, and was hanged Nov. 10, 1865. The greater part of the deaths 
in the Northern prisons appear to have been caused by the fact that the 
prisoners were often not in good physical condition when they entered them, 
and next because they were poorly clad and not able to bear the rigor of 
the Northern winter. All the reports agree that the Confederate prisoners 
were not overcrowded and that they had good and sufiicient rations. 

* Official estimate : Union force, 54,000, but perhaps not more than 
half of these actually took part in the battle. Bragg reports the Con- 
federate force at only 15,000; but he appears to have had not less than 
68,000 in the field. Union loss, 421 1 ; Confederate loss, 3396. 



432 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1S69-1863. 

through the Cumberland Gap on his way back toward Chatta- 
nooga. He succeeded in getting off with a long wagon-train of 
plunder. Buell was censured for letting Bragg escape him, and 
his command was turned over to General Rosecrans. 

479. Battles of luka and Corinth ; Grant's first attack 

on Vicksburg ; battle of Murfreesboro' ^ Meanwhile the 

Confederates made a desperate effort to drive the Union force 
out of Corinth (§ 464) ; but in the battles of luka (September 
19, 1862) and Corinth (October 3, 4. 1S62) they met with a 
severe repulse. 

In November, Halleck (§ 463), who was now General-in-Chief, 
put General Grant in command of about 50,000 troops, and 
told him to fight the enemy where he pleased. Grant deter- 
mined to move against Vicksburg, the most important strong- 
hold held by the Confederates on the Mississippi. He ordered 
Sherman, then at Memphis, to move down the river, and with 
the help of Porter's gimboats, attack the city from the rear. 
Grant himself undertook to prevent Pemberton and his Con- 
federate force in northern Mississippi from going to the aid of 
Vicksburg. Suddenly a troop of Confederate cavalr\- swooped 
down on Grant's base of supplies at Holly Springs, burned them 
(December 20, 1862), and so compelled the Union commander 
to fall back. Meanwhile Sherman, who knew nothing of Grant's 
misfortune, advanced (December 27, 1862), but encountered 
natural obstacles which prevented his accomplishing anything. 

In the meantime Rosecrans (§ 478) was preparing to move 
from his headquarters at Nashville against Bragg (§ 47 8) at 
Chattanooga. Brasfg came out to meet him. At Murfrees- 
boro' on Stone's River, Tennessee, one of the most hotly con- 
tested battles of the war was fought (December 31, 1862- 
January 2, 1863). Sheridan and Thomas saved the day for the 
Union army, and the Confederate general retreated in the night 
to Tullahoma.* The battle of Murfreesboro' compelled the 

* Official estimate : Effective Union force, 43,400 ; Confederate force, 
37,712 ; Union loss (in the campaign), 13.249 ; Confederate loss, 10,266. 



lS69-18t'a] TUK WAK OF SECESSION. 433 

Confederate commander to give up his attempt to break tlirough 
the Union line which defended the free States against invasion. 

480. Summary of the Second Year of the War (April, 
1862 April, 1863). — The second year of the war opened with 
P'arragut's capture of New Orleans. This was the great mili- 
tary success of the year in the Southwest. It was followed by 
Bragg's raid into Kentucky, Grant's unsuccessful attack on 
Vicksburg, and Bragg's repulse at Miirfreesboro'. 

In the Kast, McClellan's indecisive Peninsular Campaign was 
followed by Pope's defeat at the second battle of Bull Run. 
Lee then advanced into Maryland, but was driven back at 
Antietam. Burnside attacked him at Fredericksburg and was 
forced to retreat. On New Year's Day, 1863, the President 
issued his Proclamation of Emancipation. This gave the war 
a new character — henceforth it was to be a contest not to 
restore the nation with slavery untouched, but to make it 
wholly free. 

THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR, APRIL, 1863, TO APRIL, 1864. 

481. Battle of Chancellorsville. — In the spring of 1863, 
"Fighting Joe Hooker," Burnside's successor (§ 471), moved 
against Lee. who was entrenched at Fredericksburg on the 
Rappahannock. Hooker established his headquarters at the 
farm-house of Chancellorsville on the edge of the "Wilderness" 
(§ 468). There (May 2, 1863) the fighting began. Lee sent 
" Stonewall " Jackson round with a force 20,000 strong to fall on 
Hooker's rear. Jackson's attack was a complete surprise, and 
threw the fed^^ral army into confusion. The coming on of 
night saved it from defeat. '"^^ After the battle Jackson, while 
reconnoitering, was fired upon, and fell mortally wounded. In 
losing him Lee had lost his " right arm." 

The battle was resumed the next day. At a critical moment, 
a cannon-ball struck a pillar of the farm-house against which 
Hooker was leaning, and the concussion knocked him sense- 
less to the ground, ^^'hen he fully recovered, the day was lost. 



434 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1863. 

and that night the national forces retreated across the Rappa- 
hannock.* 

482. Lee's advance into Pennsylvania; discontent at the 

North ; first day's battle at Gettysburg The President 

wrote to Hooker (June 10, 1863): "If he (Lee) stays where 
he is, fret him and fret him." ^-^^ But Lee had already deter- 
mined to make a second invasion of the North (§ 471). He 
is reported to have said, that he believed he "would swap 
queens,"^-" — in other words, let Hooker take the Confederate 
capital, if he could, while he moved on the checker-board of 
war against Washington. 

Many events seemed to unite in encouraging Lee to take 
this step. Burnside and Hooker had been defeated in the 
East (§§ 471, 48 1); Grant had failed in his attempt to take 
Vicksburg (§ 479) ; the desertions from the L^nion army aver- 
aged, at one time, two hundred a day ; one prominent North- 
ern man had been arrested for treasonable utterances against 
the Government and sent into the Confederacj', and several 
other well-known men were denouncing the President as a 
" tyrant " and the war as " wicked slaughter." In order to fill 
the ranks the Government had been compelled to order a 
draft. Resistance to this measure was openly threatened. 
When, a little later (July 13-16), an attempt was made in New 
York to enforce the draft, a mob set fire to buildings, attacked 
newspaper ofiices, hanged negroes, and for four days held the 
city at their mercv. The police were powerless to check the 
rioters; but a body of regular troops speedily dispersed them, 
though not until about a thousand were killed. 

The knowled£;e of this element of discontent and turbulence 
at the North greatly encouraged Lee in his invasion ; but he 
made the mistake of supposing that it represented the attitude 
of the majority of the people. 

* Official estimate: Effective Union force, 130,000; effective Con- 
federate force, not less than 60,000; Union loss, 12,145; Confederate loss, 
12,463. 



1863.] 



THE WAR OF SECESSION. 



435 



Concealed by the mountain wall of the Shenandoah Valley, 
he advanced, crossed the Potomac, and entered Pennsylvania. 
Hooker followed, but at this juncture he was relieved of his 
command (June 28, 1863) and General Meade was placed at 
the head of the army of the Potomac. On the same day, Lee 
began his advance upon Harrisburg, the capital of Pennsyl- 
vania ; but hearing that the Union army was in his rear, and 
fearing that his communication with Richmond might be cut, 
he ordered his entire army to move on Gettysburg, where he 
could threaten either Harrisburg or Baltimore.^^^^ 

Gettysburg lies on a slope at the foot of two ridges. The 
nearer one, shaped like a fish-hook, is known as Cemetery 
Ridge. It is about five miles in length, and is marked by 
three elevations : Gulp's Hill, at the barb of the hook, and 
Little Round Top, followed by Round Top at the extremity of 
the shank. Opposite, a little more than a mile away, rises 
Seminary Ridge. Neither army origin- 
ally thought of fighting here, but at this 
point the first and last great battle on 
free soil was to be fought. 

On the morning of July i (1863) the 
Confederate force struck the Union ad- 
vance at Gettysburg. The brave Rey- 
nolds was killed while forming the Union 
line of battle, and his men were driven 
back through the town to Cemetery 
Ridge. There they took up a very 
strong position where the crest of the 
ridge would hide their movements from the observation of the 
enemy. Lee's whole army as it arrived took possession of the 
opposite height of Seminary Ridge. 

483. The second day's battle at Gettysburg. — Hancock 
reached the field that evening, and on hearing his report, 
Meade ordered the entire Union force to advance to Gettys- 
burg. The Union commander resolved to hold Cemetery 




436 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [l863. 



Ridge and fight a defensive battle. This gave him a decided 
advantage, since he not only had the greater force, but Lee's men 
in order to attack him must move across the broad, open valley, 
where they would be the target of the Union fire. On the 
other hand, the Confederates held ground which enabled them 
to employ their batteries with much greater effect than the 
Union men could use theirs.^^ 

On the second day of the battle the Confederates drove 
back General Sickles from a position he had taken just in 
front of Cemeter)' Ridge. They then made a determined 
movement to get possession of Little Round Top, which the 
L'nion forces had neglected to occupy. By desperate fighting 
Meade's men secured and held the coveted height — the true 
key of the battlefield. On the other hand, the Confederates 
pierced Meade's center, and a detachment got a foothold on 
a part of Culp's Hill ; but they were driven out early the next 



mornmg. 



484. The final battle at Gettysburg ; Pickett's charge 
(July 3, 1863;. — On the third and last day July 3, 1S63) 
Lee, against Longstreet's advice, decided to make a gjand 
assault on the Union center — held bv Hancock. At one 
o'clock the Confederate batteries opened a terrific artiller}' fire, 
which was kept up for nearly two hours. The guns of the 
national forces hurled back defiance, and the whole valley 
between the two ridges was alive with shot and shell. While 
this furious cannonade was going on, Lee sent Stuart's cavalry 
round to attack the Union rear ; but Meade's cavalry met 
them in a •• sabre fight " and defeated them. 

After a time the Union commander ordered the artillen,- to 
cease firing, in order that their guns might cool. Lee believed 
he had silenced the national batteries, and at three o'clock 
gave the order for General Pickett to charge. Pickett started 
at the head of a magnificent triple line of troops, a mile long, 
numbering 15.000. Hancock's men, intrenched behind a stone 
wall, awaited the attack. Both sides realized that this was to 




MAP OF THE 

Battle of 

GETTYSBUKG 

Showing the Positions held 
July sd, ises. 

.«= Union Lines 
^^— CSinfedernte Lines 



t, iT 

The High-Water Mark IMonumeitt 
Stands on the ground held 
by Gibbon's men 



1863.] THE WAR OF SECESSION. 43/ 

be the death-grapple. The Confederate force — the flower of 
Virginia — had to cross a level space over a mile in width. As 
they advanced, the Union batteries opened upon them, and tore 
great gaps in their ranks. But the main body of the assailing 
column pressed steadily forward, without themselves firing a 
shot or uttering a sound. As they dashed up the height, a terrific 
front and flank fire swept great numbers of the " men in grey'' 
out of existence, and drove others to turn and fly or throw down 
their arms. 

General Armistead led the remnant of Pickett's column. 
Holding up his cap. on the point of his sword, as a guide to his 
men, he leaped over the stone wall, crying : " Boys, give them 
the cold steel ! " The next instant he fell riddled with bullets. 
A brief hand-to-hand fight ensued, then all was over. Here — 
at a point since marked by an appropriate monument — the 
great wave of attack reached its high-water mark ; here its 
terrible force was spent and the tide turned, never to rise 
again. One look at the field of battle showed that the Union 
force had won; it showed, too, the truth of Wellington's words: 
" A great victory is the saddest thing in the world, except a 
great defeat." * 

Meade's losses were so heavy that he judged it best not to 
pursue the retreating Confederates and bring on another battle. 
Lee crossed the Potomac unmolested, and once more took up 
his line of defence before Richmond. A few months later 
a part of the field at Gettysburg was dedicated as a national 
military cemetery ; and the President, standing on the battle- 
consecrated height, delivered that address which will live as 
long as the memory of the conflict that inspired it. 

* Official estimate: Effective Union force (June 30), 101,679; Con- 
federate force, 77,518. The actual Union force in tlie field was probably 
about 93,500, and the Confederate at least 70,000. Union loss, 23,003; 
Confederate loss, 20,451. No two authorities agree as to the number of 
men in Pickett's column. Longstreet (" Manassas to Appomattox," p. 314) 
says 1 5,000. 



438 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1863. 

485. News of the capture of Vicksburg ; how Grant 

accomplished it From a military point of view, the Fourth 

of July, 1863, was the most memorable day in our national 
history since the close of the Revolution. On that day the 
telegraph flashed the news of the victory of Gettysburg 
throughout the loyal North ; on that day, too. Grant entered 
the Confederate stronghold of Vicksburg. 

Vicksburg was the "Gibraltar of the West." Standing on a 
clay bluff rising perpendicularly two hundred feet above the 
Mississippi, it defied attack in front. On the north it was pro- 
tected, as Sherman had found to his cost (§ 479), by a network 
of almost impassable bayous and swamps. On the south and 
rear it could only be approached by climbing steep ridges cut 
by deep ravines. 

Grant arrived on the west bank of the Mississippi just 
above Vicksburg in January, 1S63. He made up his mind 
that the true way to attack the place would be to go back 
to INIemphis, a distance of about two hundred miles, make 
that city his base of supplies, and then move his army down 
along the line of railroad to the rear of Vicksburg. But politi- 
cal reasons, he says, forbade his adopting this course. It was 
a period of gloom and doubt at the North. McClellan's move- 
ment on Richmond had failed ; Pope had been defeated at Bull 
Run. Lee had got away from Antietam, and was once more 
defiant. The election of 1862 had gone against the vigorous 
prosecution of the contest against secession. " Many strong 
Union men," says Grant, "believed that the war must prove a 
failure." " Voluntary enlistments had nearly ceased, and the 
draft was resisted." ^-^' Under these circumstances he feared 
that the North would regard any backward movement as a 
retreat; for this reason he finally determined to move down 
the western bank of the river, cross over, and then attack 
Vicksburg from the rear. 

Grant had to solve the problem: (i) of getting his army 
of over 40,000 men past the Vicksburg batteries, and (2) of 



FACSIMILE OF MR. LINXOLN S AUTOGRAPHIC COPY OF THE GETTYSBURG ADDRESS, MADE 
BY HIM FOR THE SOLDIERS' AND SAILORS' FAIK AT BALTIMORE, IX 1S64. 

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1S63.] THE WAR OF SECESSION. 439 

crossing the Mississippi and securing a base of operations 
south of the city. The land on which the long line of Union 
forces was encamped was low and swampy, and incessant rains 
made it dillftcult for the troops to tind ground on which to pitch 
their tents. 

The winter was spent in endeavoring to turn the Mississippi 
from its course by digging a canal across the peninsula oppo- 
site Vicksburg so that the army might be moved south by water. 
This work, with other attempts of a similar character, failed ; 
but as Grant says, it served the important end of diverting the 
attention of the enemy, keeping a part of the troops busy, and 
pacifying the impatience of the press. ^-^^ 

486. Grant crosses the river ; campaign against John- 
ston and Pemberton. — When spring came and the water had 
receded so that marching became practicable, Grant gave 
orders to move. Porter, having protected his gunboats with 
bales of cotton and hay, ran past the Vicksburg batteries in 
the night (April 16, 1S63). Grant's army then marched down 
the west bank a distance of about seventy miles, and on the 
last of April (1863) Porter's fleet began to ferry the men across 
the river. Pemberton, the Confederate general, liad a force 
about 40,000 strong in and around Vicksburg. He attempted 
to prevent the Union army from landing, but without success. 

General Joseph E. Johnston (§ 46S) hurried up to Jackson, 
the capital of Mississippi, with reinforcements from Tennessee 
for Pemberton. Grant at once moved eastward on Jackson, 
and drove Johnston out of the place (May 14, 1S63). He 
then destroyed the railroads centering there and the manu- 
factories of military goods, and so cut off Pemberton's sup- 
plies, all of which had come through Jackson. 

Grailx next turned on Pemberton, who had come out from 
Vicksburg to join Johnston. He whipped the Confederate com- 
mander in the battle at Champion Hills (May 16, 1S63), and 
the next day at the bridge over the Big Black River. Pember- 
ton then fled back to Vicksburg and shut himself up in that 



440 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



[1863. 



Stronghold with his army, reduced to about 28,000 men. Grant 
followed and made two attempts to take the city by assault. 
Failing to force an entrance, he fortified his rear against John- 
ston, and towards the last of May (1863) sat down to begin 
the famous siege of Vicksburg. 

487. Siege and capture of Vicksburg ; fall of Port Hud- 
son. — The "boys in blue" set to work with a will. They 

dug trenches by the 
mile and set up bat- 
teries by the score. 
For nearly seven 
weeks, Porter's fleet 
on one side, and the 
Union army on the 
other, kept up an 
incessant fire on the 
doomed city. Mean- 
while the opposing 
forces were digging 
mines and counter- 
mines to blow each 
other up. The piti- 
less storm of shells 
drove many of the 
inhabitants of 
Vicksburg from 




SCALE OF MILES. 
J I ^1 I 



50 



100 



150 



their homes. They 
burrowed in the sides of the hills for safety until the place was 
so honeycombed with caves that the streets looked like avenues 
of tombs in a cemetery.^'^'' Late in June (1863) the Union 
men blew up a fort they had mined, and, rushing into the 
breach, tried again to take Vicksburg by assault, but they met 
with a decided repulse. 

The provisions in the city were getting dangerously low. 
The Chief Engineer of the Vicksburg defences says that mule 




SIEGE OF VICKSBURG. 



1863.] THE WAR OF SECESSION. 44I 

meat and rats were regarded as "delicacies " ; ^'-° meanwhile the 
sick and wounded were increasing so fast that they at length 
reached 6000. Many of Pemberton's men began to lose heart, 
and said to him in a written appeal : " If you can't feed us, 
you had better surrender us." ^"^ 

Finally, the Confederate commander decided to hang out 
the white flag. He knew that Grant was making preparations 
for a grand assault ; he knew, too, that even if his worn-out 
men could repulse the attack, they could not repulse starva- 
tion. Negotiations were completed at the very time that 
Meade's forces were driving back Lee at Gettysburg (§ 484). 
The victorious Union army entered the town on the Fourth of 
July (1863), and were soon sharing their provisions with those 
whom they had so recently been engaged in " starving out." 

Nearly 32,000 prisoners (non-combatants included) were 
taken, besides many cannon and great quantities of small 
arms.* General Badeau says it was " the largest capture of 
men and material ever made in war," — Napoleon's campaigns 
not excepted. ^-^ 

Port Hudson (§ 467) below Vicksburg capitulated to General 
Banks a few days later (July 9, 1863). The South no longer 
held a fort or a battery on the Mississippi. The Confederacy 
was fairly and finally cut in two, and the " Father of Waters," 
as Lincoln declared, once more rolled " unvexed to the sea." ^-^ 

488. Battle of Chickamauga. — While Grant was besieg- 
ing Vicksburg (§ 487), Rosecrans (§ 479), in his brilliant 
Tullahoma campaign (June 24-July 7, 1863), drove Bragg 
across the Tennessee into Chattanooga, and then, by threaten- 
ing his communications, drove him out across the Georgia 
line. Bragg, having received reinforcements, turned on his 
pursuer at Chickamauga. Two severe battles were fought 

* Official estimate : Union force at the beginning of the Vicksburg 
campaign, 43,000 ;. at its close, 75,000. Confederate force under Pemberton, 
over 40,000 ; reduced before the siege of Vicksburg to 28,000. Union loss, 
9362; Confederate loss, probably over 10,000. 



442 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1863. 

(September 19, 20, 1863), in which Rosecrans was badly 
beaten. Thomas saved the Union army from destruction. He 
held his ground, repulsed a force much larger than his own, 
and then fell back in good order to Chattanooga. In admira- 
tion of the stubborn courage of their commander, the Union 
troops named Thomas the "Rock of Chickamauga." He now 
superseded Rosecrans and took command of the army he had 
saved. * 

489. Bragg besieges Chattanooga; battles of Lookout 
Mountain and Missionary Ridge. — Bragg pursued the Union 
forces to Chattanooga, and entrenched himself on the heights 
of Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge above the town. 
He then destroyed the railway connecting Chattanooga with 
Nashville ; this cut off Thomas from his base of supplies. 
Grant saw that the situation was fast getting desperate, and 
sent word to Thomas to hold on if possible until he could bring 
him help. The " Rock of Chickamauga " replied : " I will 
hold on till we starve." ^"* 

Meanwhile Bragg, feeling confident that he held the Union 
army in a trap, sent off part of his forces under Longstreet to 
capture Burn side in Knoxville. Longstreet failed to compel 
Burnside to surrender, and withdrew to strengthen Lee at 
Richmond. 

Grant, with Sherman, Sheridan, and Hooker, hastened to 
the assistance of Thomas, and ordered Thomas to open the 
Chattanooga campaign (November 23, 1863). The next day, 
Hooker swept Bragg's force from Lookout Mountain, in the 
famous "Battle above the Clouds" (November 24, 1863), and 
planted the stars and stripes on the crest of the height. 

The day following (November 25, 1863), Sherman, sup- 
ported by Thomas and Sheridan, led the attack on Missionary 
Ridge. When the Union men had stormed the first line of 
Confederate rifle-pits, the order to halt was given. But instead 

* Official estimate: Union force, 56,965; Confederate force, 71,551; 
Union loss, 16,179 ; Confederate loss, 17,804. 



1863.] THE WAR OF SECESSION. 443 

of stopping, the men with ringing cheers started up the steep 
sides of tlie Ridge and, scrambling over bowlders and fallen 
trees, charged Bragg's flying forces with irresistible fury.* Bragg 
fell back across the Georgia line to Dalton, to protect Atlanta ; 
here he was superseded by Joseph E. Johnston (§ 4S6). 

490. Sherman's raid on Meridian ; Grant made General- 
in-Chief. — Early in February (1864), Grant despatched Sher- 
man westward to destroy Meridian, Mississippi. It was a 
place of great importance to the Confederates on account of 
the railways centering there. Sherman set 10,000 men at the 
work of destruction. They labored with all their might for 
nearly a week. Nothing' was left of the town that axes or 
sledge-hammers could smash, or that fire could burn. When 
the work of devastation was completed, Sherman could truth- 
fully report : ' Meridian no longer exists.' '"^ This liberated a 
large Union force, hitherto on guard in Mississippi, and so 
strengthened the army which could be used in advancing against 
Johnston. 

The President had observed, as he said, that wherever 
Grant was, "things moved," and he was anxious to give him a 
chance against Richmond. Congress revived the grade of 
Lieutenant-General, and Lincoln now (March 12, 1864) con- 
ferred the honor upon the man who had taken Vicksburg and 
beaten Bragg. He was the first officer of the army who had 
regularly received the title since Washington. f Thus, the 
" Unconditiooal Surrender " Grant of Fort Donelson (§ 463) 
came into command of all the Union forces. Leaving Sher- 
man at the head of the Western army. Grant went East to pre- 
pare for the great final campaign against the Confederate 
capital. Sherman on his part made ready to move against 
Joseph E. Johnston (§ 489) at Atlanta, or wherever he should 
find him. 

* Official estimate : Union force (effective strength), 60,000 ; Con- 
federate force, probably about 45,000 ; Union loss, 5815 ; Confederate loss, 
6687. t Scott held it only by brevet. 



444 I'HE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [li?64. 

401, Summary of the third year of the war ^^ April, 1863- 
April, i864\ — The third year of tiie wiu opened witJi Lee's 
defeat of Hooker at Chancellorsville, but also with the Con- 
federate loss of " Stonewall " Jackson. On July 3. Lee was 
driven back at Gettvsbursr. and the next dav Grant entered 
Vicksburg: the surrender of Port Hudson foUo'wed. opening 
the Mississippi and cutting the Confederacy in two. 

In the autumn Rosecrans drove Brasrg out of Tennessee, 
but was defeated at Chickamauga and driven to take refuge 
in Chattanooga. Grant's army came to the relief of the Union 
forces shut up in Chattanooga, and in the battles of Lookout 
Mountain and Missionary Ridge compelled Bragg to retreat 
into Georgia. Sherman annihilated Meridian, and Grant was 
soon afterwards put in command of all the L'nion armies, and 
called East to move airainst Richmond. 



FOURTH AND FINAL YEAR OF THE WAR, APRIL, 1864, 
TO .APRIL. 1S65. 

402. Grant's << hammering campaign"; the twofold 
advance; the battle of the ''Wilderness." — Up to the 
spring of 1S64 the Union armies of the East and West had 
acted, said Grant, " like a balky team * — never pulling to- 
gether.*^ The new General-in-Chief resolved that in future 
both should start at the word "Go!" He was determined 
to '* hammer "' the Confederates dav and night until he should 
literally pound them to pieces.*^ His plan was to keep Lee 
so busy that he could not send help to Johnston, while Sher- 
man kept Johnston so busy that he could not help Lee. 

On May 4. 1S64. Grant crossed the Rapidan just above 
Fredericksburg and entered the tangled forest of the *• Wilder- 
ness," — a region tilled with a gloom like that of the "shadow 
of death." Seated on a log in that desolate region. Grant 
telegraphed to Sherman to advance at once against Johnston 

(§ 490)- 



1^64.] 



THE WAR OF SECESSION. 



445 



Meanwhile Grant had sent General Butler with a force 
nearly 40,000 strong up the James River to threaten Richmond 
from the south, while another Union army of 20,000 men 
commanded by General Hunter was sent up the Shenandoah 
\'alley to threaten the Confederate capital from the west. The 
enemy "bottled up " Butler on a peninsula on the James River, 
and drove out the 
Union force from 
the Shenandoah 
Valley, so that in 
the end Grant had 
to rely entirely on 
his own army. 

Grant had an 
etYective force of 
1 1 S, 000 men, or 
nearly twice as 
many as Lee's en- 
tire force, count- 
ing the reserve 
held at Rich- 
mond ; '^ but Lee 
had the immense 
advantage of 
knowincr everv 
foot of the diffi- 
cult ground, and 
as fast as he was 




SCALE OF MILES. 



oO 



1(10 



driven from one line of intrenchments he had another ready to 
fall back upon.^~' 

The battle of the '-Wilderness" (iSIay 6-7, 1864) was a 
desperate two days' encounter, in which neither side could 
show any positive gain. The combatants fought in a laby- 
rinth of woods where they scarcely saw each other. The 
losses on both sides were fri£:htful. 



446 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1864. 

493. Spottsylvania ; Cold Harbor ; change of base ; 
Petersburg. — Two days later, Grant, in making the attempt to 
get between Lee and Richmond, had to fight the battle of 
Spottsylvania Court House (May 9, 10, 1864). Again the 
Union army suffered terribly ; but the Union commander, in no 
wise discouraged, telegraphed to Washington: "I propose to 
fight it out on this line, if it takes all summer." ^'■^ But even 
the conqueror of Vicksburg found that he could not continue to 
advance on that line further than the North Anna River. He then 
swung round to the Pamunkey and advanced to Cold Harbor. 
There, within sight of the outer circle of the fortifications of 
Richmond, the " boys in blue " charged on Lee's intrench- 
ments, and lost about 10,000 men in twenty minutes. ^^''^ Grant 
himself said that he always regretted ordering that assault.^^^" 

He now found the swamps of the Chickahominy (§ 468) 
such a serious obstacle to his further advance that he crossed 
over to the south side of the James River. Lee fell back 
behind the line of works which extended around Richmond. 
Petersburg, on a tributary of the James, formed part of that 
circle of defence. Grant tried in vain to storm the city ; 
failing to do this, he resolved to carry it by siege as he had 
Vicksburg, but it proved to be a ten months' job. 

During the six weeks of fighting (May 5-June 15, 1864) 
in which the Union army had been engaged since they left 
the Rapidan, Grant had lost nearly 55,000 men, or almost as 
many as Lee's entire force in the field. ^^^^ Lee's losses were 
only partially reported, but he must have suffered terribly. 
He knew that the Confederacy was fast exhausting its force, 
and that it could not replace the men that had fallen. Lee 
had succeeded in shaking off every other general that had at- 
tacked him, but now he felt a grip that he could not shake off. 

494. Early's raid; the burning of Chamber sburg ; Sheri- 
dan retaliates. — In the vain hope of compelling Grant to 
relax his hold on Petersburg, Lee in June despatched Early 
with about 20,000 men on a raid northward. ■'^^ He moved 



1864.] THE WAR OF SECESSION. 447 

down the Shenandoah Valley — that convenient Confederate 
avenue of attack — and threatened the national capital itself. 
The alarm at Washington was so great that the President 
appealed to Grant to come to the rescue, and the convales- 
cents from the hospitals and the clerks in the Government 
departments were mustered into service. ^"'^^ Had Early moved 
promptly (July ii, 1864), "he might have entered the cap- 
ital ";^^® but he delayed action just long enough to give Grant 
time to throw reinforcements into that fort-girdled city. The 
Confederate general then fell back, carrying off many thousand 
horses and cattle, with other plunder. Finding that he was 
not pursued, he sent a detachment of cavalry into Pennsylvania 
to levy a contribution on Chambersburg. The citizens were 
called on to furnish $100,000 in gold, or $500,000 in "green- 
backs." They could not or would not comply with the 
demand, and the raiders laid the town in ashes, leaving 3000 
non-combatants without food or shelter. 

Grant resolved to retaliate by cleaning out the Shenandoah 
Valley so that the Confederates could no longer draw provis- 
ions from it to feed their armies. He selected Sheridan, who 
had distinguished himself in his raids on the enemy's supplies, 
to do the work of destruction. Grant says that the only order 
this energetic soldier required was the simple command : 
"Go in !" Sheridan, with an effective force of about 26,000 
men, ^^'' "went in." He started from the lower part of the 
Valley at Harper's Ferry (September 19, 1864) and moved 
slowly up to the top, driving the last armed Confederate out 
of the region. 

Then (October 6, 1864) he turned and moved down the 
Valley, devastating it as he advanced. He slaughtered or drove 
off thousands of cattle and sheep, burned more than seventy 
grist-mills and more than two thousand barns filled with hay 
and grain. When he had finished he had stripped the Valley 
so bare of food supplies that it was said, a crow could not fly 
through it unless he carried his provisions with him. 



44^ THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [15*4. 

495. *< Sheridan's ride"; the Petersburg mine. — Lee 
now ordered Early to make an attempt to recover the desolated 
Valley, which, though destitute of supplies, still remained a 
most convenient thoroughfare for raids on the North. Early 
moved cautiously, and under cover of darkness attacked and 
nearly defeated the Union forces at Cedar Creek (^October 19. 
1864). 

Sheridan had just returned to Winchester from Washington. 
Hearinsr heavv firins: in the direction of Cedar Creek, and sus- 
pecting something wTong, he mounted his horse and rode 
toward that point. The retreating Union men when they 
met their commander turned of their own accord and 
started for the front. Sheridan's arrival on the field was 
greeted with cheer after cheer. Swinging his hat, he dashed 
along the line of battle shouting : " Never mind, bo}-s, we *11 
whip them yet/' *^^ The "boys" responded by throwing up 
their caps and hurrahing with the wildest joy. Before night 
set in thev drove Earlv out of the Vallev. The Confederates 
never entered it in force again, and never attempted to make 
another raid through it. 

Meanwhile Grant had burrowed beneath the defences of 
Petersburg (§ 493), and on the last of July (1S64') he exploded 
a gigantic mine under one of the Confederate forts. A detach- 
ment of Union troops rushed into the " crater " to force their 
way into the city. The commander did not act promptly, and 
the attacking part}- were caught in a death-trap. The enemy's 
guns opened upon the struggling mass of men in the "crater," 
and about 4000 brave fellows were killed or taken prisoners. 
In his report. Grant called the Petersburg mine a •• stupendous 
failure." '^' 

496. Sherman advances on Atlanta. — On May 4. 1S64, 
the day on which Grant advanced into the *• Wilderness " (^§ 
492), Sherman, in obedience to orders, moved against Joseph 
E. Johnston (^ 490). Sherman had an army nearly 100,000 
strong. Johnston had only about half as many men, but he was 



1S64.] THE WAK OF SECESSION. 449 

Strongly intrenched among the hills at Dalton, Georgia, and he 
knew the country. Again, Sherman had to draw his supplies 
over a single-track line of railroad, open to guerrilla raids, 
while Johnston was exposed to no such danger.^-*' 

By a skillful tiank movement, Sherman compelled Johnston 
to abandon Dalton (^May 13, 1S64) and fall back to Resaca. 
From this point Sherman, in a series of battles, forced his 
antagonist back to Allatoona, then to Dallas, then to Kenesaw 
Mountain. He continued to push him step by step until he 
drove him across the Chattahoochie River (July 9, 1864), and 
the Union army caught sight of the spires of Atlanta, — the most 
important center in the Confederacy for the manufacture of 
military supplies and for tlieir distribution by rail. 

497. Sherman takes Atlanta. — Jetferson Davis thought 
Johnston was too slow. He now relieved him from his com- 
mand, and put the impetuous Hood at the head of the Con- 
federate forces in Georgia. Hood was a " fighter." He made 
a furious attack (^July 20-.; 4, 1S64) on the Union army, but 
the '"battle of Atlanta" went against him, and Hood had to 
retreat and seek shelter within the intrenchments of the city. 

Sherman, fighting his way, worked round to the right, in 
order to cut the railroad on which Hood depended for his sup- 
plies. The Confederate general seeing that he could not 
continue to hold the city, blew up his works and decamped in 
the night (September i, 1S64). The next morning the 
Union forces entered Atlanta in triumph.* 

Jefferson Davis then ordered Hood to move northward and 
threaten Nashville. The Union commander heard with joy 
that Hood was advancing in that direction, and sent Thomas 
to look after him. It is reported that Sherman said : " If 
Hood will go to Tennessee, I will give him rations to go 
with" ;'-*^ could he have forseen the result of the conflict with 

* Official estimate : Union force nearly 100.000 ; Confederate force not 
reported, but estimated at 60,000 ; Union loss in the advance from Chatta- 
nooga to Atlanta about 40,000 ; Confederate loss about the same. 



450 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1864. 

Thomas, he would have promised his adversary double rations. 
But Jefferson Davis declared that Sherman was lost. Hood, 
he said, was now in his rear, while Johnston was in front ; he 
predicted that these two Confederate millstones would grind 
the Union army to powder, 

498. Sherman removes the citizens of Atlanta. ^ Sher- 
man had decided to make Atlanta " a pure military garrison or 
depot, with no civil population to influence military measures." 
The reasons he gave for coming to that decision were : (i) that 
if he permitted the inhabitants to remain, he would have to 
feed them, and he felt that he had all he could do to feed 
his army ; and (2) he would have to maintain a strong force 
"to guard and protect the interests of a hostile population." ^'•^'^'■^ 

He therefore ordered (September 12, 1864) the inhabitants 
to leave the place, offering to provide free transportation for 
all, either northward or southward. Hood and the authorities 
of Atlanta protested against the "heartless cruelty" of this 
order. Sherman replied : " War is cruelty, and you cannot 
refine it ; and those who brought war into our country deserve 
all the curses and maledictions a people can pour out." "We 
don't want your negroes or your horses or your houses or 
your lands or anything you have ; but we do want, and will 
have, a just obedience to the laws of the United States." " I 
want peace, and believe it can only be reached through union 
and war . . . when peace does come, you may call on me for 
anything. Then I will share with you the last cracker, and 
watch with you to shield your homes and families against dan- 
ger from every quarter." ^^^•" 

499. Admission of two new States ; the presidential elec- 
tion (1864) During the progress of the war, two new States, 

West Virginia (1863) and Nevada (1864), were admitted to 
the Union, making the total number of States thirty-six. 

While Grant was besieging Petersburg and Sherman was 
holding Atlanta, the presidential election took place. Origi- 
nally three candidates were in the field. The Radical Repub- 



1864.] THE WAR OF SECESSION. 45 1 

licans, who thought Lincohi moved too slowly and dealt too 
tenderly with "the rebellion," had nominated John C. Fremont 
(§ 472), In September (1864) Fremont withdrew his name 
and the Radicals then united with the regular Republicans. 
They, in connection with many War Democrats, united in 
renominating Lincoln, with Andrew Johnson, a War Demo- 
crat of Tennessee, for Vice-President. The Union Convention 
warmly endorsed the measures of the administration. They 
voted the thanks of the American people to the army and navy 
that had vindicated the honor of the country's flag, and they 
pledged the national faith for the payment of the public debt. 

The Democratic Convention, under the control of the Peace 
Democracy, declared that the object of the party was " to pre- 
serve the federal Union and the rights of the States unim- 
paired." They accused the administration of violating the 
Constitution under plea of military necessity. They further 
declared that "after four years of failure to restore the Union 
by the experiment of war," the public welfare demanded " that 
immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities." Like 
the Republicans, they acknowledged the debt they owed to 
"the brave soldiers and sailors of the Republic," and pledged 
themselves to secure to them the care and protection that they 
had so " nobly earned." ^-** 

The Convention nominated General McClellan for the presi- 
dency. McClellan virtually repudiated the platform on which 
he was nominated. He said : " The Union must be preserved 
at all hazards. I could not look in the face of my gallant 
comrades of the army and navy, who have survived so many 
bloody battles, and tell them that their labors and the sacri- 
fices of so many of our slain and wounded brethren had been 
in vain." '^'** 

Twenty-five States voted at the election, and of these thirteen 
cast an army vote as well as a home vote. McClellan received 
21 electoral votes; Lincoln received 212, carrying every State 
which took part in the election except New Jersey, Delaware, 



452 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1864. 

and Kentucky. The popular Democratic vote stood 1,808,725, 
to 2,216,067 cast for the Republican candidate. 

500. Allatoona ; Sherman burns Atlanta and sets out for 
the sea. — Meanwhile a Confederate force had attacked Alla- 
toona, Sherman's secondary base of supplies. General Corse 
fought desperately to hold the place. He lost nearly a third 
of his little force, and reported himself "short a cheek and an 
ear," but he held out until help arrived and the attacking party 
withdrew. Sherman issued a general order giving Corse high 
praise for his gallant defence of this important position. ^-*^ 

But the Union commander saw that he could hardly hope to 
advance into the heart of the Confederacy and at the same 
time keep his lines of communication open in the rear. His 
supplies of food, ammunition, arms, and clothing - — amount- 
ing to 150 car-loads a day — had to come all the way from 
Nashville by a single-track road, which might be cut at any 
time. 

With Grant's consent Sherman now decided on the boldest 
move of the war. He resolved to abandon Atlanta, sever all 
communication with the North, and strike out across the country 
for the sea — " smashing things " as he went. 

He first destroyed the railroad and telegraph lines in his 
rear, so that the enemy could not use them. He next applied 
the torch to Atlanta, burning all factories, machine shops, and 
other works, so that they could be no longer useful to the Con- 
federate forces, in case they should reoccupy the city. 

Then (November 15, 1864), with 60,000 "as good soldiers 
as ever trod the earth," '-^'' he set off on his great march. As 
the Union army left the smoking ruins of Atlanta, a band struck 
up " John Brown's soul goes marching on ; " and regiment 
after regiment spontaneously broke out into the " Hallelujah " 
chorus of that famous song. 

501. Sherman's «< bummers " ; the <' freedmen." — Sher- 
m?.n carried a goodly store of provisions with him, but he pur- 
posed to draw largely from the region through which he passed. 



1864.] 



THE WAR OF SECESSION. 



453 



His orders were : "Forage liberally." Every morning a body 
of men nicknamed "bummers" set out to obtain supplies. 
They started on foot, scouring the country for many miles in 
every direction ; at night they came back mounted on horses 
or mules or riding in some family carriage, laden down with 
pigs, chickens, hams, bags of sweet potatoes, and jugs of mo- 



£?i/y^X^E.'^ 



\ ftResaca -ff I 



.nijton 




Sherman's March — Chattanooga to Atlanta ; Atlanta to Savannah ; 
Savannah to Raleigh. 

lasses. What with his cavalry and his foraging parties, Sher- 
man cut a swath not far from sixty miles in width. The Con- 
federate forces were not strong enough to oppose him, and 
retired as he advanced. Their "bummers" — for they, like 
Sherman, lived off the country — were quite as greedy for good 
things as the Union men. Between the ravages of the two the 
plantations were stripped bare. 

As Sherman advanced he systematically destroyed all lines 
of railroad, in order to cripple the Confederate means of trans- 
portation. The soldiers not only tore up the rails, but heated 
them red-hot in huge fires, and then twisted them round trees. 

The negroes welcomed the " boys in blue " with frantic joy. 
They shouted, hugged the regimental colors, and crowded round 



454 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1861. 

Sherman with prayers and tears that he says "would have 
moved a stone." To them the stern destroyer was the "angel 
of the Lord " who had come to set them free.^^ 

502. Milledgeville ; Savannah; Thomas vs. Hood. — Sher- 
man reached Milledgeville, the capital of Georgia, late in No- 
vember (1864), and burned all buildings which the Confederates 
could use for military purposes. He then moved forward by 
way of Millen to Savannah. Early in December (1864), twenty- 
four days after leaving Atlanta, he reached the sea, and put him- 
self in communication with the federal gunboats. He stormed 
Fort McAllister, entered the port which it guarded, and sent 
word to the President : " I beg to present you as a Christmas 
gift the city of Savannah." The message reached the " White 
House" on Christmas eve (1864). 

Sherman remained at Savannah more than a month in order 
to rest his army. In his great march of 300 miles through the 
heart of the Confederacy, he had lost less than 800 men. 

Meanwhile Hood (§ 497) had met part of Thomas's force 
at Franklin, Tennessee, and had driven them to seek safety in 
Nashville. He next moved against the " Rock of Chickamauga " 
himself (§ 488), but on that rock he was dashed to pieces. 
The battle of Nashville (December 15, 16, 1S64) ended in the 
utter rout of Hood's army as an effective force. The great 
mass of his men were reduced to a " disheartened and disor- 
ganized rabble," glad to throw down their arms in order to end 
their sufferings. But Hood's famous rear guard never flinched, 
and Thomas gladly paid them the tribute of respect that a 
brave man never grudges to brave men — no matter how mis- 
taken their cause may be.^"''^ The victory at Nashville was 
far-reaching.* It put an end to all thoughts of the invasion of 
the North, and left only one strong Confederate army in the 
field, and that was gathered about Richmond. 

* Official estimate: Union force, 70,272; available force in and about 
Nashville, December 15, 1864, at least 55,000. Confederate force, nearly 
39,000. Union loss, 3057 ; Confederate loss, 15,000. 



1864.] THE WAR OF SECESSION. 455 

503. The <<Kearsarge" vs. the << Alabama"; Farragut 
enters Mobile ; capture of Fort Fisher. — While these stirring 
events were taking place on land, the Union navy was doing 
its full part at sea and along the coast. Of the score of Con- 
federate cruisers (§ 454) which roamed the ocean " seeking 
what they might devour," none was so much dreaded as the 
notorious "Alabama." She was built (1862) in a British ship- 
yard, armed with British guns, and manned, in great part, by 
British sailors, under the command of Captain Semmes.* In 
less than two years Semmes captured nearly seventy American 
merchantmen and destroyed property worth $10,000,000. 

Captain Winslow of the United States man-of-war " Kear- 
sarge," after vainly cruising for months, at length encountered 
the " Alabama " off Cherbourg, France. After a memorable 
battle (June 19, 1864) the Union commander sent this scourge 
of the ocean to the bottom. 

Late in the summer (1864), Farragut, t the hero of New 
Orleans (§ 467), entered Mobile Bay. He said it was "one 
of the hardest-earned victories of his life." The entrance 
to the bay was defended by forts on opposite sides, by a thickly 
rammed line of piles, and by a triple line of torpedoes, which 
left only a narrow opening into the harbor. Inside the bay 

* The " Alabama" was built by the Lairds of Birkenhead, England, for 
the Confederate States. Hon. Charles Francis Adams', our Minister to 
England, urged the English Government not to permit her to sail ; after 
much delay the law-officers of the crown recommended her seizure, but 
on that very day (July 29, 1862) she escaped and began her career of de- 
struction. The following year the Lairds built two powerful ironclad rams 
for the Confederate States. Mr. Adams asked the English Government to 
detain them. The head of the Foreign Office replied that the legal evi- 
dence was insufficient. Mr. Adams rejoined with a despatch, in which he 
said : " It would be superfluous in me to point out to your lordship that 
this is war." Shortly after the receipt of this letter, the English authorities 
issued orders to seize and hold the rams. 

t Farragut, Scott, and Thomas were all Southerners by birth ; but they 
felt that they owed their first duty to the Union, instead of to their 
State. 



456 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [u-i«>4-li?65. 

the "Tennessee," a formidable ironclad ram, stood ready to 
receive the attacking party. 

Farragut fully realized the desperate work before him. The 
day preceding the battle he wrote home : " I am going into 
Mobile in the morning, if God is my leader, as I hope he is." 

The Union commanders favorite maxim was: "To hurt your 
enemy is the best way to keep him from hurting you." ^^ He 
acted on that maxim at Mobile. Lashed in the rigging of the 
" Hartford," Farragut, with his tleet of four ironclads and 
fifteen wooden vessels, fought his way, foot by foot, into the 
harbor (^August 5, 1864^ The forts soon aftenvard surren- 
dered to the attack of a land force, and the last important pen 
on the Gulf coast was occupied by the Union forces. 

In recognition of Farragut's distinguished service. Congress 
created the office of vice-admiral for him (December. 1S64). 
and later (1S66) that of admiral. He had fairly won them 
both. 

Near the close of 1S64 Porter's fleet, aided by a land force 
under Butler, made an attack on Fort Fisher, which guarded 
the entrance of the harbor of Wilmington. North Carolina. It 
was the last port in the Confederacy which remained open 
to blockade-runners. The attack failed. The next month 
(January 13-15. 1S65) a second assault was made by Porter 
and Terry. The garrison of the fort fought bravely, but none 
the less they had at last to haul down the stars-and-bars, and 
see the stars-and-stripes hoisted in their place. 

504. Sherman advances northward ; arrival at Columbia. 
— It was Grant's intention to transport Sherman's army from 
Savannah (§ 502) to Virginia by sea ; but Sherman believed that 
if he marched through the Carolinas he could render the cause 
of the I'nion more effective service. He consulted Grant on 
this point and received permission to carr\' out his plan. The 
march through Georgia was regarded as something like a "'mil- 
itary picnic," but the forward movement presented many for- 
midable obstacles. It would be necessarv for the men to build 



FLAG 







^ 



J/ "*•*.* V 




FARRAGUT'S LETTER. 



1865.] THE WAR OF SECESSION. 457 

bridges over many swollen streams, to wade at times breast- 
deep in water, to hew their way through dense forests, to con- 
struct scores of miles of "corduroy" road over treacherous 
soil and swamp, and finally to hold themselves in readiness to 
fight Johnston's army. That the men did their work thoroughly 
is evident from the fact that Johnston himself complimented 
Sherman's veterans by saying, " there had been no such army 
since the days of Julius Cajsar." ^"^' 

Sherman began his march from Savannah on February i 
(1865), and in less than three weeks he entered Columbia, the 
capital of South Carolina. He found the city on fire. When 
Wade Hampton, the Confederate general, retreated, he set fire 
to a quantity of cotton, and the flames spread to the houses. 
Sherman ordered his men to endeavor to stop the progress of 
the conflagration ; but a high wind made this impossible, and 
the heart of the city was burned out. Meanwhile the Union 
soldiers helped themselves to the old wines, silverware, and 
rich carpets, which the wealthy secessionists of Charleston had 
sent to Columbia for safe keeping. Had Sherman deliberately 
plundered and then burned the city he would have done no 
more than Early's cavalry had done at Chambersburg (§ 494). 
On the contrary, when the Union commander left Columbia he 
gave the mayor generous supplies of food to feed the desti- 
tute.'^- 

505. Capture of Charleston ; battles of Avery sboro' and 
Bentonville ; Conference at Hampton Roads ; Lincoln's second 
inauguration. — Now that Sherman's army had got in the rear 
of Charleston, and by breaking up the railroad had cut off 
f supplies, the Confederates gave up the attempt to hold the 
city. The Union forces when they entered it (February 18, 
1865) found it on fire, but by hard work they saved it from 
entire destruction. 

By the middle of March (1865) Sherman was far on his way 
to Raleigh, the capital of North Carolina. He encountered 
Johnston's army near Kinston, and at Averysboro' and IJenton- 



458 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1865. 

ville (March 14, 16, 19-21, 1865). After some sharp fighting, 
especially at Bentonville, the Confederates retreated, and 
Sherman entered Goldsboro' (March 23, 1865).* Here the 
great march virtually ended. Sherman then went to City 
Point to meet the President, General Grant, and Rear-Admiral 
Porter and to complete arrangements for beginning the last 
campaign of the war. 

Meanwhile Alexander H. Stephens, with two other Confed- 
erate commissioners, met President Lincoln and Secretary 
Seward at Hampton Roads (February 3, 1865) and made over- 
tures for peace.! The commissioners " were not authorized to 
concede the reunion of the States." The President would not 
treat on any other basis, and so the Conference ended without 
accomplishing anything. 

The next month (March 4, 1865), Lincoln entered upon his 
second term of office. He finished his inaugural address with 
these words: " Fondly do we hope — fervently do we pray — 
that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet if 
God will that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bond- 
man's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be 
sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall 
be paid by another drawn with the sword ;' as was said three 
thousand years ago, so still it must be said, ' The judgments 
of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.' With malice 
toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as 

* Official estimate : Union force, about 58,000 ; Confederate force, re- 
ported by Johnston, less than 20,000. Union loss at Bentonville, 1646; 
Confederate loss reported by Johnston, 2606. 

t In July, 1864, certain Confederates in Canada wrote to Horace Greeley 
proposing a Peace Conference at Niagara. Greeley urged the President to 
respond favorably to it, saying : " It may save us from a Northern insur- 
rection." The President deputed Greeley to meet the Confederates in 
Canada, but explicitly declined to consider any terms proposed unless 
responsibly accredited agents of the Confederate Government would come 
to Washington and present their case. The whole matter terminated in 
failure. See Greeley's " American Conflict," II. 664. 



1865.] THE WAR OF SECESSION. 459 

God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work 
we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who 
shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and orphans, — 
to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and a lasting 
peace among ourselves and with all nations." ^-^''' 

506. Sheridan's raid ; fall of Petersburg and of Rich- 
mond ; surrender of Lee and Johnston ; assassination of 
Lincoln. — In the field of war, events now moved rapidly 
toward the final crisis. Sheridan's cavalry destroyed (March 
19, 1865) a part of the James River Canal and the Lynchburg 
Railroad which furnished supplies for Richmond. He then 
pushed on to Five Forks, twelve miles southwest of Petersburg, 
overwhelmed the Confederate garrison at that important road 
center (April i, 1865), and took nearly 6000 prisoners. The 
capture of Five Forks cut off Lee's supplies for Petersburg. 
The Confederate general saw that he must abandon the town -j^'^''* 
but to give up Petersburg meant giving up Richmond. 

The next day (April 2, 1865), Grant ordered the final assault 
on Petersburg. It was gallantly defended, but it fell. That 
night Lee retreated from both Petersburg and Richmond, and 
Jefferson Davis fled, but was soon afterward captured.* On the 
following day (April 3, 1865), the Union forces entered the 
Confederate capital. 

Lee's only hope of escape now lay in moving southward and 
uniting with Johnston. But Lee's men were in a starving con- 
dition, and many threw away their arms and took to the woods. 
Sheridan intercepted the remnant of the Confederate leader's 

* Jefferson Davis was imprisoned in Fort Monroe ; he was indicted for 
treason; but was released on bail in 1867. On Christmas Day, 1868, Presi- 
dent Johnson granted a full, unconditional pardon to all persons who had 
been engaged "in the late insurrection or rebellion." The Government, 
therefore, took no further action against Davis ; with the single exception 
of disability to hold office, imposed by the Fourteenth Amendment to the 
Constitution (which Congress refused to remove), Davis was relieved from 
all penalties for his attempt to destroy the Union. He died at New Orleans 
in 1889. 



460 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1865. 

force before he could reach Johnston. On April g, 1865, Lee 
surrendered to Grant at Appomattox Court House. Grant 
treated his fallen foe with characteristic magnanimity. He 
simply stipulated that Lee's army should lay down their arms 
and pledge themselves to obey the laws of the United States. 
He allowed the men to take their horses home with them " to 
work their little farms." ^"^^ The Union commander then issued 
an order to furnish Lee's half-famished army with 25,000 
rations.* Meanwhile the " men in blue " and the " men in 
gray " were mingling as friends. The Union soldiers made 
haste to share their provisions with their former antagonists ; 
and the officers of both armies greeted each other with the 
heartiness of fellow-countrymen who felt that they were no 
longer foes, but that henceforth they would fight under the 
same flag. 

Less than three weeks later, Johnston surrendered his army 
(April 26, 1865) to Sherman near Raleigh. But in the midst 
of the nation's joy a terrible crime had been committed. On 
the very day (April 14, 1865) that the Union flag was restored 
on Fort Sumter (§ 449), President Lincoln fell by the hand of 
an assassin. t Many of the people of the South mingled their 
tears with those of the North over the bier of one whom " they 

* In speaking of Lee's surrender Grant says: "I felt like anything 
rather than rejoicing at the downfall of a foe who had fought so long and 
valiantly, and had suffered so much for a cause, though that cause was, 1 
believe, one of the worst for which a people ever fought, and one for which 
there was the least excuse. I do not question, however, the sincerity of the 
great mass of those who were opposed to us." Grant's " Personal 
Memoirs," II. 489. 

t The President was shot by John Wilkes Booth, an obscure half-crazed 
actor. He died the following morning (April 15). Booth was one of a 
number of conspirators who formed a plot to assassinate the President, the 
Vice-President, Secretary Seward, and General Grant. The plot had no 
political significance and the Southern leaders had no knowledge of its 
existence. Booth escaped, but was soon afterwards shot in his hiding- 
place; the remaining conspirators were tried by military commission, and 
four were convicted of murder and hanged. 



^ /R^U^i— (U^^ fliri^ OtiTUl^ 

(uyil^j^ t^~0L4/v~LcL~ lAyiA.AM/) tMVt/U.^ywy 
/^fe*> /^^t^t/«^0 C^/iTlA^ /C4rtkij ^Yf^ ^^ — 




LEE'S LETTER OF SURRENDER. 



1865.] THE WAR OF SECESSION. 46 1 

knew to have wished them well." The work of reconstruction 
which Lincoln had begun now devolved on President Johnson. 

507. Summary of the fourth and last year of the war — 
In the spring of 1864, Grant began his famous "hammering 
campaign " against Richmond, while at the same time Sher- 
man (by his orders) moved against Atlanta. After the capture 
of Atlanta, Sherman set out on his great march for Savannah. 
Thence he moved northward to Goldsboro', North Carolina, 
beating back Johnston as he advanced. 

Meanwhile Farragut had entered Mobile Bay, and Grant, 
after a series of terrible battles, had moved round to the south 
side of the James River and begun the siege of Petersburg, 
sending Sheridan to drive the Confederates out of the Shenan- 
doah Valley. 

In the spring of 1865, Grant took Petersburg and Rich- 
mond, and forced Lee to surrender at Appomattox Court 
House. A few weeks later, Johnston surrendered to Sherman. 
Meanwhile the national flag had been restored at Fort Sumter, 
but the President had been assassinated and the work of recon- 
struction had fallen to President Johnson. 

508. Cost of the war in life and treasure. — During the 
four years of the war, fighting was taking place somewhere 
along the line every day. The total number of engagements, 
great and small, count up over 2000. On the Union side the 
loss of life reached a total of over 360,000, of whom the 
greater part are buried in the national cemeteries at Gettys- 
burg and elsewhere. Probably the South lost as many as the 
North ; if so, we have a total of over 720,000.^*^® At the North 
more than two-thirds of the men * who entered the ranks were 

*The total number of men who entered the Union army and navy is 
given by Phisterer, in his " Statistical Record" of the Civil War, at some- 
what over 2,850,000 (counting those who reenlisted). The total number of 
colored troops included in the above estimate is 186,097. It .should be 
noted that the border States of Delaware, Maryland, Missouri and Ken- 
tucky furnished no less than 252,122 to the Union Army; Tennessee 
(mainly eastern Tennessee) furnished 31,092; and West Virginia 32,068. 



462 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1865. 

American-born ; at the South nearly all were so. The average 
age, at enlistment, of those who entered the Union army is 
said to have not exceeded twenty-two. ^^^ The expense of the 
war to the national Government, above the ordinary expenses, 
was about $3,250,000,000 ; ^^ but allowance must be made for 
the fact that the Government paid most of its bills, including 
the army and navy, in " greenbacks " which were worth much 
less than gold. 

The United States, says Colonel Dodge,^^^ paid its soldiers 
more liberally than any other nation ever paid its troops ; be- 
sides this it gave them $300,000,000 in bounties, and has since 
paid them over $2,000,000,000 in pensions ; if we add the pen- 
sions which will continue to be disbursed, the sum may reach a 
total of nearly $3,000,000,000. If we could add the amounts 
spent by States and towns for the war, the grand total would 
exceed $8,000,000,000 — or more than the entire assessed valua- 
tion of the loyal States at the outbreak of the contest (§ 453). 

The expenditure on the secession side cannot be reckoned ; 
but it may be said with entire truth that the people of the 
South stripped themselves bare, and spent their last dollar in 
their desperate effort to tear the Union asunder. In addition 
to these losses, the Union armies had destroyed property in 
that section to an incalculable amount. 

509. Results of the war. — But however enormous the 
cost of life and treasure, the economic, political, and moral 
results of the war have justified the cost. It is true that this 

President Lincoln issued the following calls for troops, during the war : 
On April 15, 1861, he called for 75,000 three-months men; between May 
and July, 1861, he called for 500,000 men for from six months to three years ; 
in July, 1S62, he called for 300,000 three-years men, and in August, 1S62, for 
300,000 militia for nine months' service, but obtained only 87,588 ; in June, 
1863, a call for militia for six months' service brought 16,361. In October, 
1863, and February, 1S64, he called for 500,000 men, in the aggregate for 
three years. In these calls the men raised by draft in 1863 ^^'^ included. 
In March, 1864, he called for 200,000 three-years men ; in July, 1864, for 
500,000, and finally in December, 1864, for 300,000. 



1865.] THE WAR OF SECESSION. 463 

great struggle entailed serious evils on the country. It en- 
couraged extravagance, speculation, political corruption, the 
disorganization of regular labor to a considerable extent, and 
the temporary increase of pauperism ; but the good achieved 
offset these evils. 

1. The war freed the whole country, but especially the 
South, from the burden and curse of slavery. It made it pos- 
sible to develop the immense natural resources of that section, 
which had in great measure lain dormant since the colonization 
of the country. New energy, new life, new enterprises have 
sprung up, which have stimulated industry, disseminated edu- 
cation, and re-created the South. These influences are fast 
making it one of the most prosperous and wealthy parts of the 
Republic. The negro shares in this new life. A little more 
than a generation ago, he was so poor that he did not own 
himself; to-day he is a free laborer — the maker of his own 
future, and the possessor of property assessed at many millions. 

2. The war not only saved the Union, but perfected it. It 
prohibited the secession principle forever, and stamped that 
prohibition ineffaceably upon the Constitution " by blood and 
iron." '^'* The South accepts this fact, and nine of the States 
which seceded have adopted new constitutions or amended old 
ones, repudiating disunion as treason.''"' Thus the terrible 
struggle completed the work of the founders of the Republic, 
and, in the words of the Supreme Court (1868), it made the na- 
tion "an indestructible Union" of "indestructible States." '^"^ 
In doing this the war showed the world that there is nothing 
stronger or more stable than what President Lincoln called 
" Government of the people, by the people, and for the 
people." 

3. Finally, the contest lifted the whole nation to a higher 
moral level. It did away with slavery and with the evils which 
slavery inflicted on black and white alike. It made the Decla- 
ration of Independence true, not of one favored race, but of all 
who to-day claim the name and the rights of American citizens. 



464 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [l865. 

In accomplishing this great work, the war has made North and 
South one in purpose, in patriotism, in brotherhood — it has 
estabhshed a Union resting on mutual respect, and on heart and 
conscience, which will stand as long as heart and conscience 
are obeyed. 



VII. 

RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 
(1865 to the Present Time.) 

For Authorities /or this Chapter, see Appejuiix, page xxiv. Tlic small figures in the 
text refer to Autliorities cited on page xxx of t lie Appendix. 



510. President Johnson; his previous record; attitude 
toward the South. — A few hours after the death of Lincoln 
(April 15, 1865), Vice-President Johnson took the oath of office 
which made him head of the Republic. Like Lincoln, Johnson 
sprang from the class then known at the South as " Poor 
Whites." He began the practical work of life at the tailor's 
board in a log-cabin in eastern Tennessee. He had never 
attended school, but taught himself to read, and his wife taught 
him to write. His ambition and force of character led him to 
enter the field of local politics. He became one of the leaders 
of the workingmen in his section in their contest with the slave- 
holding aristocracy. He rose step by step until he became 
Governor of his State ; soon afterward the Democrats elected 
him (1857) to the United States Senate. He was the only 
Southern man in the Senate who stood resolutely by the Union 
and openly denounced secession as "unholy rebellion."'^''' 

In the spring of 1862 President Lincoln appointed Senator 
Johnson military governor of Tennessee. He greatly strength- 
ened the Union cause in that State, and when the Republicans 
renominated Lincoln to the presidency (1864), they recognized 
the services of the " War Democrats " by putting Johnson on 
the ticket as Vice-President. When the assassination of the 



466 ' THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1865. 

President raised Johnson to the highest office in the nation, he 
entered upon its duties with the declaration : " The American 
people must be taught to know and understand that treason is 
a crime." " It must not be regarded as a mere difference of 
political opinion. "^^"^ Again he said : " Treason must be made 
infamous, and traitors must be impoverished." '■"* 

511. The << freedmen " ; plans for reconstruction. — Two 
political questions of prime importance pressed for settlement : 

1. What should be done to aid and protect the "freedmen".? 

2. What action should be taken respecting the restoration or 
reconstruction of the seceded States .'' 

At the close of the war the Government was confronted with 
the stupendous problem of providing for several millions of 
negroes. Tens of thousands of them had followed the Union 
armies and had been gathered into camps at different points. 
These poor people were legally free ; but that was all. They 
were "landless, homeless, helpless," and there was danger 
that many of them would sink into a state of permanent pau- 
perism. One of President Lincoln's last acts was to sign a 
bill (March 3, 1865) creating the " Freedmen's Bureau." The 
bureau was to continue for one year ; its object was to place 
the freedmen, as far as practicable, on abandoned or confis- 
cated lands at the South, and render them self-supporting. 
General O. O. Howard was appointed commissioner, and was 
invested, he says, with "almost unlimited authority." 

The second problem — that of reconstruction — was even 
more formidable than the negro question, which was neces- 
sarily closely bound up with it. 

The Constitution was silent in regard to secession and civil 
war ; it threw no light on the delicate, difficult, and dangerous 
work of restoring or reconstructing the Southern States, Three 
questions arose: i. What was the condition of the seceded 
States, — were they still members of the Union, as a dislocated 
arm is still a member of the body, or had secession put them 
wholly out of the Union and were they now simply conquered 



1863-1865.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 467 

territory ? 2. Did the power to restore or reconstruct rest with 
the President or with Congress ? 3. What action should be 
taken respecting the negro ? Should he be made a citizen and 
a voter or simply left free ? If the ballot was put in his hands 
he might swamp the white vote in the South by force of num- 
bers ; if simply left free, his presence would increase the basis 
of representation and so increase the power of the South in 
Congress. On the other hand, if he could not protect himself 
he might be virtually reenslaved. 

President Lincoln, in accordance with his inaugural address 
(§ 448), took the position that the Union and the States were 
alike indestructible and that secession had simply thrown cer- 
tain States temporarily out of gear with the rest. He believed 
that it was his work to set them right again. His plan was 
essentially that of restoration. Toward the last of 1863 he 
issued a proclamation of amnesty. By it he granted " a full 
pardon " to " all persons," except the leaders of secession, who 
had been engaged in the "existing rebellion," provided they 
should take an oath to support the Constitution and all acts of 
Congress to date. He furthermore declared that whenever 
one-tenth or more of the loyal voters of i860 in the seceded 
States should reestablish a State Government in accordance 
with the Constitution and the oath of allegiance, he would 
recognize it as " the true government of the State." 

President Lincoln added, however, that the admission of 
such reconstructed States to representation did not rest with 
him but with Congress.^^*^ In this plan no provision was made 
-for negro suffrage. 

The radical Republicans in Congress denounced President 
Lincoln's policy as dangerous to the welfare of the nation, and 
the next spring (1864) Henry Winter Davis introduced a 
reconstruction bill which put the whole control of the late 
Confederate States in the hands of Congress ; but like the 
President's method, it was silent in regard to negro suffrage. 
President Lincoln killed the bill by a " pocket veto " (§ 365), 



468 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1865. 

mainly on the ground that it was too rigid in its character.^'^^^ 
The angry radicals, under the leadership of Senators Davis and 
Wade, issued an address " to the supporters of the Govern- 
ment," in which they charged Lincoln with deliberately strik- 
ing " a blow at the friends of the administration, at the rights 
of humanity, and at the principles of Republican Govern- 
ment." 1268 

The President did not lose his temper ; but in the last words 
which he spoke in public (April 11, 1865) declared his adher- 
ence to his own plan of restoration or reconstruction. He 
earnestly advocated a policy of conciliation toward the seceded 
States, saying : " We shall sooner have the fowl by hatching the 
egg than by smashing it." ^-*^^ 

512. President Johnson's plan of reconstruction vs. Con- 
gress. — Johnson declared that he held the view of reconstruc- 
tion which Lincoln had defended. His idea of liberty for the 
negro was that it gave him the right to work for himself, but 
did not include the right to vote. He believed that this is 
a "white man's Government" and must remain such. He 
insisted that the question of negro suffrage rested solely with 
the people of the Southern States. ^^^ 

Congress was divided ; a few members held with Senator 
Sumner that the Southern States had committed political sui- 
cide, and that the Government should proceed to deal with 
them as conquered territory. Thaddeus Stevens went further 
still and proposed to confiscate the " estates of rebels " worth 
more than $10,000, to give forty acres of land to each "freed- 
man," and to use the remainder in paying off the national war 
debt.i^" But the great majority of Congress held that the 
States still existed as States, and that the Constitution, though 
suspended, was still in force in that section. They insisted, 
however, that Congress, and Congress only, should decide on 
the readmission of the seceded States to their political rights. 
This view was confirmed later (1868) by a decision of the 
Supreme Court (Texas vs. White)}'^''^ 



1865.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 469 

Johnson had none of Lincoln's tact; he stood up stubbornly 
in defence of his theory. Congress was equally determined; 
the result was a prolonged battle between the Executive and 
Legislative power. In that battle Secretary Seward stood 
firmly by the President. 

513. The grand review; disbanding the army; the war 
debt; condition of the South. — The struggle between the 
Executive and Congress over reconstruction did not begin 
at once. The close of the war called for a grand military 
review at Washington. The parade of even a part of the Union 
armies occupied two entire days (May 23, 24, 1865). On the 
first day the " Army of the Potomac," with General Meade at 
the head, marched from the national capitol down Pennsyl- 
vania Avenue to the "White House." The following day 
General Sherman at the head of the "Army of the West" 
passed over the same ground. These men were no "holiday 
troops," but a great body of war-worn veterans, "who had not 
slept under a roof for years." They bore the shot-torn ban- 
ners which they had carried on a hundred hard-fought fields. 
On those fields they had left dead comrades, far more numer- 
ous than the throngs who now joined with them in celebrating 
the final victory of peace. 

The muster-out of the Union forces — more than a million in 
number — had already begun. It continued at the rate of about 
250,000 a month, until all but a comparatively small force of 
regular troops had been disbanded. At the same time the Govern- 
ment began to pay off the war debt, and before all the soldiers 
had been discharged the debt had been reduced $30,000,000. 
The European press predicted that men who had so long been 
accustomed to the use of arms would not return peacefully to 
their homes ; but they went back as quietly as they came. The 
Confederates did the same ; they, like the Union forces, had 
that American sense of self-respect which forbade disorder. 

But the " men in blue " and the " men in gray " returned 
to widely different fields. The devastating hand of war had 



470 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1865. 

hardly touched the North in a material sense. No invading 
armies had ravaged the loyal States. In that section, through- 
out the terrible contest, trade, commerce, agriculture, and manu- 
facturing flourished, and thousands prospered and grew rich. 

At the South everything was different. The followers of 
Lee and Johnston, " ragged, half-starved, heavy-hearted," went 
back to find practically everything gone. Their money was 
worthless, their States bankrupt, their railroads and manu- 
factories destroyed, their houses in ruins, their barns empty, 
their plantations stripped, their slaves set free. 

But though the people of the South had little left but the 
land and their hands with which to work it, yet they did not 
despair. Alexander H. Stephens spoke for multitudes when 
he said : " We should accept the issues of the war and abide 
by them in good faith." " The whole United States is now 
our country, to be cherished and defended as such by all 
our hearts and all our arms." The speaker claimed "full pro- 
tection " for the negroes, so that they should "stand equal 
before the law in the provision and enjoyment of all rights of 
person, liberty, and property." ^^'^ 

Lee exhibited the same loyal purpose. He applied to the 
Government for pardon in order to encourage others to do 
likewise. When Johnston bade farewell to his men he urged 
them to devote all their energies " to discharge the duties of 
good and peaceful citizens." ^'^^* Out of this spirit and the life 
and labor it has inspired a " new South " has arisen, progres- 
sive, prosperous, patriotic. 

514. Proclamations respecting the South ; ratification of 
the Xlllth Amendment. — Before Congress met, the Presi- 
dent issued a proclamation (1865) opening the Southern ports 
east of the Mississippi, and removing all restrictions on trade 
and intercourse. He next offered free and full pardon to all 
save the leaders in the " late rebellion," on the same general 
conditions as those offered by Lincoln (§ 511). President 
Johnson soon afterward declared the insurrection over in Ten- 



1865-1866."] KECONSTKIHTKIN, Pill'. NKW NAllON. 47 I 

nessee. The following spring (i86()) he made the same dec- 
laration respecting all the Southern States except Texas. A 
few months later he proclaimed that peace and civil author- 
ity existed '' throughout the whole of the United States of 
America.'"''* 

\\hen Congress met (1865) it omitted the names of the late 
Confederate States from its roll-call, and appointed a committee 
to inquire into their condition. The announcement was made 
by the Secretary of State that the Xlllth Amendment (§ 476) 
— the first constitutional amendment which had been adopted 
for sixty years — had been duly ratified (Appendix, p. xvii). It 
clinched and extended the Emancipation Proclamation so that 
it covered all the States (§ 476) and made the reestablishment 
of slavery impossible. 

515. Veto of the second Freedmen's Bureau Bill and of 
the Civil Rights Bill ; the XlVth Amendment. — The origi- 
nal Freedmen's Ikireau Act was about to expire by limitation 
(§ 511). Congress therefore (February 6, 1866) passed a bill 
renewing that act. It extended the powers of the commis- 
sioner and provided military protection for the "freedmen." 
President Johnson vetoed it. His grounds were: (i) that the 
bill was a war measure which was uncalled for in time of 
peace; (2) that it took land from former owners without due 
process of law, and gave it to the destitute " freedmen " and 
"refugees " ; * (3) finally, he objected that the bill was uncon- 
stitutional, because it had been passed by a Congress from 
which "all the people of eleven States " were excluded.'™ 

The veto killed the proposed act, but later (July 16, 1866) 
Congress passed a similar bill over a second veto. 

Meanwhile the President bitterly denounced Congress in a 
public speech, and declared that two prominent members, whom 
he called by name, were laboring to destroy the Government. ^^" 
Congress retaliated by passing the Civil Rights Bill. This bill 

* The Southern Union white men who took refuge with the Union 
armies were called "refugees"; many of them had lost everything. 



472 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1866. 

gave the negro the full benefit of all laws for the security of 
person and property which are enjoyed by white citizens. It 
made the recently liberated slave the equal of his former master 
in the courts. 

The President vetoed the bill, mainly on the ground that 
since many of the Southern States were still unrepresented in 
Congress, that body had no constitutional right to declare 
several millions of ignorant negroes citizens of the Republic. 
This stirred the temper of Congress, and both Houses united 
in promptly passing the bill over the veto. From this time 
the President and the majority in Congress were openly at. 
war. Johnson broke more completely with the Republicans 
who had elected him than even Tyler did (^§ 37S) with the 
Whigs a quarter of a century earlier. 

A few months later Congress enacted, by joint resolution, 
the XlVth Amendment to the Constitution (Appendi.x. p. 
xviii). This amendment did four things: (i) it confirmed 
the Civil Rights Act ; (2) it reduced the basis of representa- 
tion of any State which excluded the negro from tlie polls ; 
(3) it declared' that no prominent person who had been en- 
gaged in the rebellion should be eligible to election to Con- 
gress, should be a presidential elector, or should hold any civil 
or military oftice under the United States, or under any State, 
unless Congress removed such disability ; (4) it declared that 
the validity of the Union war debt must not be questioned ; 
and that neither the United States nor any State should pay 
any portion of the Confederate debt, or any claim for the loss 
or emancipation of the slaves. The President protested against 
submittins: this amendment to the States for ratification until 
all the Southern States had been readmitted to Congress. 

516. Contest between the President and Congress; re- 
admission of Tennessee ; negro suffrage in the District of 
Columbia; "swinging round the circle." — Tn the long contest 
which ensued between the President and Congress, each re- 
solved to defeat and humiliate the other. Johnson henceforth 



1866-1867.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 4/3 

regularly vetoed every bill — eleven in all — which favored the 
Republican reconstruction policy ; Congress, on the other hand, 
just as regularly "vetoed his veto." 

Meanwhile Tennessee had adopted a State constitution which 
abolished slavery and all ordinances and laws of secession ; 
repudiated the Confederate debt, and ratified the Xlllth and 
XlVth Amendments to the federal Constitution. Tennessee 
was therefore readmitted (July 24, 1866). It was the first 
seceded State which was fully restored to all its former rights 
and privileges as a member of the Union. The next winter 
(1866-1867) the remaining seceded States rejected the XlVth 
Amendment, and South Carolina enacted laws which seemed 
intended to reduce the freedmen to a state of subjection not 
far removed from slavery itself. Toward the close of 1866 
Congress passed an act over the President's veto which granted 
suffrage to the negroes of the District of Columbia. They were 
the first freed slaves who obtained the ballot directly from the 
hands of the nation.* 

Meanwhile the President had been making a Northern tour, 
or "swinging round the circle." He spoke in a number of 
the principal cities and made bitter attacks on Congress. He 
declared that it was not a true Congress since it did not repre- 
sent all the States, that it was " trying to break up the Govern- 
ment," and that the Freedmen's Bureau was simply a swindle 
and a disguised form of slavery.^^'^ 

517. New proclamation of amnesty; action of Congress; 
admission of Nebraska ; the Tenure of Office Act ; the Mili- 
tary Reconstruction Act ; readmission of States. — In the 
autumn of 1867 the President issued a proclamation of gen- 
eral amnesty, by which pardon was extended to a large class 
hitherto excepted. 

When Congress met (1867) it adopted a series of retaliatory 
measures : (i) it made provision for an almost continuous 

* The form of government of the District of Columbia has since been 
changed, and none of the inhabitants liave the right of suffrage. 



474 THE STUDENTS AMERICAN HISTORY. [1867. 

session ; (2) it took from the President the power of issuing 
general proclamations of pardon ; (3) it virtually deprived 
him- of the command of the military forces of the United 
States, by requiring that all orders respecting them should pass 
through General Grant ; (4) it set aside his power to suspend 
the writ of habeas corpus ; (5) it admitted the State of Nebraska 
(1867), the thirty-seventh State, over the President's veto, and 
granted negro suffrage in the new State ; (6) it passed the 
Tenure of Office Act over the Executive veto. The object of 
this act was to prevent the President from carrying out his threat 
of removing public officers who sided with Congress and op- 
posed his reconstruction policy. It deprived the President of 
the right of removing such officers, even when they were mem- 
bers of his Cabinet, without the consent of the Senate.^-^^ 

Congress next proceeded to deal with the seceded States by 
passing the Military Reconstruction Bill (March 2, 1867). 
This bill provided that : i. The ten "rebel States" should be 
divided into five military districts, each to be placed under the 
command of a general of the army appointed by the President. 

2. Under the supervision of these military authorities, each 
State was to hold a convention to frame a State constitution. 

3. Negroes were to have the right to vote for delegates to this 
convention and to act as delegates in it ; but all prominent ex- 
Confederates were excluded. 4. If the constitution so framed 
was accepted by the duly qualified voters of the State and 
approved by Congress, the State might then be readmitted to 
representation, provided its Legislature had ratified the XlVth 
Amendment, which gave the "freedmen" full civil rights, 
repudiated the Confederate debt, acknowledged the validity of 
the Union war debt, and renounced all claim for emancipation 
of slaves (§ 515). This bill set aside the provisional govern- 
ments which President Johnson had created, and put the whole 
work of reconstruction in the hands of Congress. 

The President vetoed the bill, on the ground that its object 
was to coerce the people of the Southern States by military 



1867-1870.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 4/5 

force into adopting measures to which they were known to be 
opposed, and that such a measure was " in palpable conflict with 
the plainest provision of the Constitution." Congress at once 
passed the bill over the veto. ^^** The United States Supreme 
Court {Texas vs. White, 1868) virtually confirmed the consti- 
tutionality of this act, though it also declared in this case, and 
later {^Slaughter- House Cases, 18"/ 2), that the power of the 
Southern States as States remained in all respects unim- 
paired.^^' 

Under this stringent Reconstruction Act, the six States of 
Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Louisiana, and North and South 
Carolina were readmitted in 1868. Georgia ratified the XlVth 
Amendment in 1868, but was not fully and finally readmitted 
until 1870. Mississippi, Texas, and Virginia refused to accede 
to the conditions laid down by Congress, and held out until 
1870, when they accepted them and were readmitted.* 

518. Johnson removes Stanton ; impeachment of the 
President. — Meanwhile the President, in disregard of the 
Tenure of Office Act (§ 517), which he considered unconstitu- 
tional, resolved to remove Secretary Stanton, with whom he had 
long been at swords' points. He accordingly (August 5, 1867) 
sent the Secretary this brief note : " Sir, — Public considera- 
tions of a high character constrain me to say that your resigna- 
tion as Secretary of War will be accepted." Mr. Stanton, in 
his almost equally brief reply, said : " Sir, — ... I have the 
honor to say that public considerations of a high character, 
which alone have induced me to continue at the head of this 
department, constrain me not to resign the office of Secretary 
of War before the next meeting of Congress." '^^''^ 

The President thereupon suspended the Secretary from office, 
but Congress promptly reinstated him. The President then 
ordered the Secretary to resign. Instead of doing so, Mr. 

* Congress required that they should ratify the XVth Amendment, 
passed subsequently to the readmission of the first six reconstructed 
States. 



476 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [I867-IS68. 

Stanton sent the order to the House of Representatives. There- 
upon that body resolved by a vote of 126 to 47 to impeach the 
President for " high crimes and misdemeanors." The offences 
with which he was charged were : (i) the removal of Secretary 
Stanton in direct violation of the Tenure of Office Act (§ 517) ; 

(2) commanding General Emory not to obey the law (§ 517) re- 
quiring all military orders to be issued through General Grant ; 

(3) attempts to excite the resentment of the people against 
Congress, by declaring that it was not a true Congress (§ 516) 
and that the President was not bound by its laws.^^**^ 

The impeachment trial began the last of March (1868), be- 
fore fifty-seven Senators, representing twenty-seven States; 
Chief-Justice Chase presided. The trial ended toward the last 
of May. Thirty-five Senators voted "guilty" and nineteen 
" not guilty." A two-thirds vote was required to secure con- 
viction ; the President, therefore, escaped removal by the 
narrow margin of a single vote. '-^* 

519. The presidential election (1868). — The campaign was 
fought on two questions : i. Should the presidential or the 
congressional plan of reconstruction be adopted? 2. Should 
the national debt, in cases not specified on the face of the 
bonds,* be paid in coin or in "greenbacks" ? 

The Republicans adopted a platform which heartily endorsed 
the reconstruction policy of Congress ; at the same time they 
commended the "spirit of magnanimity and forbearance shown 
by the recent secessionists," and asked for the removal of the 
disqualifications and restrictions imposed upon the " late 
rebels " as far as might be " consistent with the safety of the 
loyal people." 

They resolved that the national honor required the payment 
of the national debt, "not only according to the letter, but the 
spirit of the laws under which it was contracted." 

* The Republicans held that the bonds should be paid in coin unless 
paper had been agreed upon ; the Democrats tliat they should be paid in 
paper unless coin had been agreed upon. 



1RR8.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 477 

They nominated General Grant for President, with Schuyler 
Colfax of Indiana for Vice-President. 

The Democrats charged Congress with subjecting ten States, 
in time of peace, to " military despotism and negro supremacy." 
They condemned the Tenure of Office Act (§ 517) and the 
Reconstruction Act (§ 517) as " unconstitutional, revolutionary, 
and void." They demanded "complete " amnesty for all past 
political offences and the regulation of the elective franchise in 
the States by their citizens. 

They resolved that, except in cases where coin was stipulated 
in the bond, the obligations of the Government " ought in right 
and justice to be paid in the lawful money of the United 
States." 

They nominated Governor Horatio Seymour of New York 
for President, with General F. P. Blair of Missouri for Vice- 
President. Grant and Colfax were elected by 214 electoral 
votes, against 80 cast for Seymour. The popular vote stood 
3,012,833 for Grant to 2,703,249 for Seymour. 

The States of Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas (§ 517) were 
excluded from taking part in the election. ^^^ 

520. Proclamation of general amnesty ; the Atlantic 
telegraph ; purchase of Alaska ; China ; Mexico ; the XVth 
Amendment. — Notwithstanding the prohibition of Congress 
respecting proclamations of pardon (§ 517), the President 
issued on Christmas Day (1868) a final proclamation of am- 
nesty, by which he granted a full and unconditional pardon 
"to every person who directly or indirectly participated in the 
late insurrection or rebellion." ^^^^ 

Meanwhile Cyrus W, Field of New York had accomplished 
a remarkable work destined to have a lasting influence on both 
America and Europe. About ten years after Morse opened the 
first line of telegraph in the world (§ 386), Mr. Field organized 
a company to. establish a line between England and the United 
States. In 1858 a cable was laid, and for a few weeks mes- 
sages were sent over it ; then it ceased to act. A large amount 



478 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1866-1867. 

of money had been sunk in the enterprise, but the originator of 
it at once began the work anew, and millions more were spent. 
Finally, after thirteen years of labor, and after crossing the 
ocean more than forty times, Mr. Field succeeded (July 27, 
1866) in laying a permanent Atlantic telegraph cable, which, 
as John Bright said, "moored the New World alongside the 
Old." 

From a political, diplomatic, and commercial point of view, 
the success of the cable was of great significance. It brought 
the most highly civilized nations of the globe into electric 
touch with each other. 

Such events change the whole current of history. When at 
the close of the War of 18 12, the United States Commissioners 
signed the Treaty of Ghent, it took a fast-sailing sloop seven 
weeks to bring the intelligence to our shores ; when, in the 
next generation, the Indian mutiny broke out, we did not hear 
of it for a fortnight, although the news was sent forthwith by a 
Cunard steamer ; but when the Franco-Prussian War began, 
the Atlantic cable flashed the news to us a few minutes after 
the first gun was fired. 

To-day London and New York are such near neighbors that 
a rise or fall in the English stock market or the passage of an 
important bill in Parliament is published in our papers as soon, 
or, it may be, even sooner than it is in London itself. 

In the autumn of the following year (1867), the United 
States purchased Russian America for $7,200,000 in gold. 
The territory received the Indian name of Alaska, or "great 
country." During the Civil War, when Confederate cruisers 
were destroying Union vessels in the North Pacific, the Gov- 
ernment felt the need of a foothold on the coast in that vicinity. 
The annexation of Alaska gave more than half a million of 
square miles of territory to the United States, and secured to 
us a country rich in fish and furs, and which gives promise of 
valuable mines. The purchase was ridiculed as " Seward's 
folly," — "a waste of money on rocks and ice, fit only for a 




This map shows the territorial growth of the 

United States in its relation to the Continent 

from the time of the Revolution to the 

present day. 



lS6(>-l«;6i>.j KECONSTKUCTIOX, THE NEW NATION. 479 

polar bear garden " ; but it has since repaid its cost uian\- 
times over. '■''' 

The next year (1S68) tlie Burlingame Treaty with China 
(§ 430) was ratified, and the Mtniroe Hoctrine was applied to 
the French occupation of Mexico. During the Civil War 
Louis Napoleon had sent a French army to Mexico to over- 
throw the Republic and place the Austrian prince, Maximilian, 
on the throne. President Johnson notified Napoleon that the 
Monroe Doctrine (^§ 331) must be respected, and sent troops 
to the Mexican frontier. This bayonet-pointed hint was 
sufficient ; Napoleon withdrew his forces and left Maximilian 
to his fate. 

One of the last acts of the Fortieth Congress was to propose 
(1S69) the XVth Amendment to the Constitution, whereby the 
negro would receive the right to vote. 

521. Summary. — Politically, the entire administration of 
President Johnson was occupied with the readmission of the 
Southern States, and with legislation for the freedmen. The 
President urged the immediate restoration of the late Confed- 
erate States ; but Congress insisted on reorganization accord- 
ing to its own will. The conflict between the President and 
Congress led to the passage of the Freedmen's Bureau, Civil 
Rights, Tenure of Office, and Military Reconstruction Acts over 
the Executive veto. 

The refusal of the President to obey the Tenure of Office 
Act resulted in an impeachment trial, in which he was 
acquitted. 

Six Southern States were reconstructed and readmitted 
during Johnson's administration, and the entrance of Nebraska 
raised the whole number of States in the l^nion to thirty-seven. 

We note, too, the successful laying of the Atlantic cable, 
the Rurlingame Treaty with China, the purchase of Alaska, the 
withdrawal of the French from Mexico, the ratification of 
the XII Ith and XlVth Amendments, and the passage of the 
XVth. 



480 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1869. 

ULYSSES S. GRANT (REPUBLICAN), TWO TERMS, 1869-1877. 

522. Grant's inaugural address; completion of the Pacific 
railroad. — In his inaugural address, General Grant (§ 519) 
laid especial emphasis on the necessity of extending suffrage 
to the "freedmen " and on the payment of the war debt in coin. 
" To protect the national honor," said he, " every dollar of 
government indebtedness should be paid in gold, unless other- 
wise expressly stipulated in the contract. Let it be understood 
that no repudiator of one farthing of our public debt will be 
trusted in public place, and it will go far toward strengthening 
a credit which ought to be the best in the world." 

In conclusion, he expressed the hope that the ratification of 
the XVth Amendment might soon place the ballot in the hands 
of the negro. ^"^^ 

A little more than two months later, the last spike was 
driven (May 10, 1869) which completed the building of a 
railroad to the Pacific. This great undertaking was first 
brought to the attention of Congress in 1846 by Asa Whitney, 
a New York merchant who was engaged in the China trade. 

The discovery of gold in California renewed the interest in 
the project. Whitney induced Congress to make a survey, and 
the discovery of precious metals in Colorado, with the settle- 
ment of Denver, stimulated the work still more. In i860 both 
of the great political parties declared that a transcontinental rail- 
road was "imperatively demanded by the interests of the whole 
country." The outbreak of the Civil War soon gave unmistak- 
able emphasis to the demand for joining the East and the Far 
West in closer political, commercial, and military union. 

While the war was in progress, the Government offered to 
give nearly 13,000 acres of land and a loan of over $28,000 
for every mile of the proposed road which any company would 
build and equip with a line of telegraph. Two companies 
accepted the offer. The " Central Pacific Company " began 
work (1865) at the San Francisco end, and the " Union 



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It^tii).] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 48 1 

Pacitic " at Omaha. While the " Central Pacific " was 
climbing the Sierras on its way eastward, the '' Union Pacific " 
was rapidly pushing its way westward across the plains of 
Nebraska. Five years later, the engines met at Promon- 
tory Point, near Ogden, Utah. There the last rail was 
laid. The next day (May 11, 1869) a through train from New 
York — the first that ever crossed from ocean to ocean — 
passed Promontory Point on its way to San Francisco. That 
meant that steam and electricity had conquered three thousand 
miles of space, and that the Republic at last held the whole 
breadth of the continent with an iron grasp. 

Commercially, the Pacific road put the Eastern States in 
quick communication with China and the Indies, so that 
cargoes of teas, silks, and spices shipped from Asia could be 
delivered in New York in a month's time. 

Politically, the road had a most important influence. Before 
it was built the Atlantic and the Pacific coasts seemed so far 
distant from each other that many believed it doubtful if they 
could be held together under the same central Government. 
But the completion of the road changed all that, for a member 
of Congress from California could leave the Golden Gate with 
the certaintv that in less than a week he would be in his seat 
at the national capitol. 

The road was of equal importance from a military point of 
view. In case of need, the Far West could call on the East for 
help, and a corps of United States troops could be speedily 
transported from the shores of the Atlantic to those of the 
Pacific. 

Nor was this all. In piercing the heart of the continent the 
railroad opened up a great central region for settlement. Be- 
tween the tier of States bordering on the west banks of the 
Mississippi and the States of the Pacific slope there was a vast 
half-explored wilderness, which, with few exceptions, the Indian 
and the buffalo shared between them. Here was a broad field 
inviting immigration, (icneral Grant says that when the Civil 



482 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1869-1870. 

War came to an end, great numbers of young men who had 
fousrht in the Union armies went West. The Pacific road * 
helped that movement forward as nothing else could, and 
aided in planting bodies of settlers, who became the connect- 
ing link in population .between the remote East and the remote 
\\-est.^-*--* 

523. Reconstruction completed ; the negro in Congress. — 
When Congress met it completed (1869-1870') the work of 
reconstruction by removing the greater part of the remainder 
of the legal and political disabilities which had been imposed 
upon the Southern whites ; it then readmitted the remaining 
four (^§ 517) seceded States. 

The Secretary of State (^1870') announced that the XVth 
Amendment (^§ 520) had been duly ratified and was henceforth 
in force. This finished the constitutional work of reconstruc- 
tion. The first of those amendments (^§ 476) declared the 
ne^ro free forever: the second made him a citizen; the third 
made him a voter. He now had every right, every privilege, 
every opportunity which the law gives the white man, — in the 
courts and at the ballot box he stood on an equality with his 
old master ; henceforth if he failed to advance, the fault would 
be his own. 

The same year that the XVth Amendment was ratified 
(1870^ the "■ freedmen " entered Congress. H. B. Revels, a 
negro from Mississippi, took the seat in the Senate which Jef- 
ferson Davis had vacated less than ten years before. South 
Carolina sent Joseph H. Rainey, the son of slave parents who 

* In 1S64 the •• Credit Mobilier " — a PennsylvaHia company deriving its 
name from a French financial company formed to promote industrial enter- 
prises — undertook the construction of a part of the Pacific railroad. In 
the presidential campaign of iS-.:, the Vice-President, the Vice-President 
elect, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Speaker of the House, and a num- 
lier of members of Congress \\'ere charged with selling their political 
influence in favor of the road, in return for stocks furnished them by the 
Credit Mobilier Company. Congress ordered the charge to be investi- 
gated ; two Representatives were censured, and there the matter dropped. 



1865-.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 4S3 

had worked in the rice swamps, as a representative from that 
State. From that time for a period of nearly twenty years, 
every Congress had from four to six negro members.'*^' 

524. The '< Carpet-Baggers." — At the close of the war 
many Northern men went South. Some of them settled there 
as cotton-planters, and did everything in their power to aid 
the work of reconstruction in the best interests of all concerned. 
Others went simply to get political place and plunder. It was 
but natural that the Southern people should regard the new- 
comers with suspicion. They lumped good and bad together 
under tlie general name of " Carpet-Baggers," — a synonym 
for greedy and unscrupulous adventurers. The name some- 
times did great injustice to worthy men ; but in a majority of 
cases it truthfully described those to whom it was applied. 

But however much the former slave-holding aristocracy hated 
the " Carpet-Bagger," they hated the " Scalawag " still more. 
The '' Scalawag " was a renegade Southerner who joined hands 
with the political " Carpet-Bagger " in the scramble for spoils. 
By themselves they probably could not have done much harm ; 
but using the negro voter as their tool, they did an enormous 
amount of mischief, from which the South has not yet fully 
recovered. 

Congress gave the " freedmen " the ballot in order that they 
might protect themselves. The number of the colored people, 
taken as a whole, was only one-fifth less tlian that of the 
whites, and in three States it exceeded it. The former slave 
fully realized his power. "Now," said he, "the bottom rail is 
on the top, and we 're going to keep it there." '"'' 

For a number of years the " Carpet-Bagger," the •' Scala- 
wag," and the negro ruled supreme at the polls and in the 
legislatures.^-'- They pillaged the prostrate States which lay 
helpless at their feet until they had rolled up debts ^^ aggre- 
gating nearly $300,000,000.* All things considered, perhaps 

* The debts imposed on the reconstructed States were as follows : Ala- 
bama, $52,761,917 ; Arkansas, $19,398,000; Florida, $15,797,587 ; Georgia, 



484 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [iSTI. 

South Carolina suttered most from this " carnival of crime and 
corruption"; but eight other States were in the same pitiful 
case. Judge Black of Louisiana felt moved to declare that a 
" conflagration sweeping over all the State from one end to 
the other, and destroying every building and every article of 
personal propert}\ would have been a visitation of mercy in 
comparison with the curse of such a government." '*^ 

525. The *<Ku Klux Klan"; the Force Act; end of 
< ' Carpet-Bag " government. — This state of things roused 
the spirit of retaliation and gave rise to the " Ku Klux Klan." 
It was a secret, oath-bound organization, formed especially to 
intimidate the negro and prevent his voting or getting otfice. 
At tirst the " Ku Klux " confined themselves mainly to threats, 
but later they resorted to violence. Bands of masked men 
broke into negro cabins at midnight, dragged the occupants 
from their beds, and flogged them without mercy. In some 
cases the *• Ku Klux " pushed matters to the farthest extreme, 
and deliberately maimed or murdered their victims. Eventu- 
allv, the organization became a gang of marauders and robbers. 
who preyed on white and black alike. ^-^ 

President Grant in a special message to Congress (^187 1") 
called the attention of that body to the fact that the " Ku 
Klux " not only rendered life and property unsafe, but that 
they interfered with the carrying of the mails and the collec- 
tion of the revenue. Believing the emergency demanded an 
'"ironclad" measure, Congress passed (April 20, 1S7O the 
so-called " Force Act." * The three chief features of this act 
were: (i) it empowered the federal courts to severely punish 
all attempts to deter any citizen, white or black, from voting or 
holding office : (^2) in case of need it authorized the President 

^42,560, 500; Louisiana, 540,021.734 ; Xovth Carolina, 534.887,464 ; South 
Carolina. 522,480,516 ; Texas, 514,930,000 ; Virginia, 547,090,866. 

* Congress passed the first Enforcement Act on May 31, 1870; see 
McFherson's "History of Reconstruction," p. 546, and "Political Hand- 
Book for 1870-1892," p. 3. The second act (1871) was much more stringent 
in its character. 



K*69-.] RFXONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 485 

u> employ military force to suppress disorder and to protect tho 
polls ; (3) it temporarily suspended the operation of the writ of 

lender this law many arrests were made, the " Ku Klux 
Klan " was broken up, and order was established. The follow- 
ing- vear (^1872) Congress restored full civil rights to all 
persons at the South, with the exception of a few hundred who 
had made themselves especially conspicuous as leaders in the 
war of secession. The whites now graduallv obtained the 
political control of tJie reconstructed States, and the reign of 
the V Carpet-Bagger," the " Scalawag," and the negro came to 
an end. 

526. The << Knights of Labor"; establishment of the 
Weather Bureau; San Domingo; the Treaty of Washington. 
— On rhanksgiving Day, 1S69, the first attempt in this 
country was made to organize all branches of manual labor 
on a permanent basis. Under die leadership of Uriah S. 
Stephens of Philadelphia, seven clothing-cutters met in that 
city and organized the secret society of the " Five Stars," or 
the " Knights of Labor." They later (1S78) adopted a plat- 
form, denouncing '• the alarming development and aggressive- 
ness of the power of money and corporations under the present 
industrial and political systems." They stated their object to 
be •• to secure to the workers of society the fullest enjoyment 
of the wealth they create." A few years later (iSSi) the oath- 
bound obligation of secrecy was abolished. 

The *• American Federation of Labor " was organized in 
iSSi for purposes similar to those of the " Knights of Labor." 
The " American Railway Union," organized in 1893, confines 
its membership to men employed on railroads of the United 
States. The total number of persons enrolled in these three 
powerful organizations has been estimated at about 800,000. 

The various trades unions, some of which are connected 
with the first two organizations, claim a membership of about 
600,000. These societies, though professedly non-political, 



486 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1870-1671. 

have exercised a marked influence on State and national legis- 
lation with respect to factory laws, hours of labor, and indus- 
trial arbitration ; and they have probably helped to shape the 
platforms issued of late years by the Labor Parties. ^"* 

In 1870 Congress, acting on a suggestion made many years 
earlier, established a Weather Bureau at Washington for the 
purpose of predicting the probable course of the weather 
throughout the countr}- a day or more in advance. The Bureau 
has done service of great value to mariners and farmers ; and, 
directly or indirectly, has been the means of saving much life 
and property from destruction by storms and floods. 

Near the close of this year (1870), a treaty was concluded 
with San Domingo for the annexation of that negro Republic to 
the United States. President Grant strongly favored the 
measure on the ground that the possession of the island would 
secure a very valuable coaling station for the vessels of our 
navy. The Senate refused to ratify the treaty, and the Presi- 
dent reluctantly abandoned the annexation project. 

The following year (May 8, 187 1), the Treaty of Washing- 
ton was concluded with Great Britain. It provided for: (i) 
the settlement by arbitration of certain questions relating to 
the boundary line between Washington Territory and British 
America; (2) the settlement of the "Alabama" claims — or 
damages demanded by citizens o* the United States for 
destruction of property by the " Alabama " and other Confed- 
erate cruisers equipped in England (§ 454) ; (3) the settlement 
of the claims of Great Britain for the alleged interference by 
our fishermen with those of Canada. 

The boundary question was referred to the Emperor of Ger- 
many, and his decision was duly accepted. The " Alabama " 
claims were referred to a board of five arbitrators,* who met in 

*The Geneva tribunal met December 15, 187 1. Charles Francis 
Adams, Esq., represented the United States, and Lord Chief-Justice 
Cockburn represented England ; the remaining three members of the 
tribunal were appointed by the King of Italy, the President of the Swiss 
Republic, and the Emperor of Brazil. 



K->71-I87-J.] KKCONSTKUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 487 

Cicneva, Switzerland. After a iL'iiylliy session, they decreed 
(1871) that Great Britain should pay the United States 
$15,500,000 in gold, which was accordingly done. 

A board of commissioners meeting in Halifax (1877) decided 
the fisheries dispute by decreeing that we should pay Great 
Britain $5,500,000 in gold and remit duties amounting to 
$4,200,000 more.'"'^ 

This treaty of arbitration established a precedent for dis- 
posing of similar international questions in the future without 
the costly and cruel aid of bayonet and cannon. 

527. The presidential election (1872) The persistent 

attempt to annex San Domingo (^§ 526) created a strong oppo- 
sition to the administration, and alienated Chase, Sumner,* 
Seward, and Greeley, with other influential members of the 
Republican Party. '-""* They not only refused to support 
General Grant for a second term, but charged his administration 
with having directly or indirectly encouraged the rise of politi- 
cal " bosses," who secured offices for their favorites, to the ex- 
clusion of better men. Furthermore, many Republicans were 
dissatisfied with the working of the Force Act (§ 525). They 
questioned whether it did not go " beyond constitutional 
limits," and doubted if it helped forward the cause of good 
government.'-"* 

This opposition to what Sumner called " Grantism " caused 
a split in the party, and led to the formation of an organiza- 
tion which took the name of "Liberal Republicans." They 
adopted a platform severely condemning the administration, 
and calling for the immediate and absolute removal of all dis- 
abilities imposed on account of the rebellion. They nominated 
Horace Greeley for President, with B. Gratz Brown of Missouri 
(the Labor Reform candidate) for Vice-President. 

* Senulor Sumner inadL' a noted speei li in the Senate (May 31, 1872) 
on "Republicanism vs. (liantisni," in whii h lie concentiatcil "in one 
massive l)i< Kid side all that could he suggested " against Cliant. See 
Sumner's Works, XV. S2-171, and Ulaine's •• Twenty Vears in Congress," 



488 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1872. 

The Democrats adopted the Liberal Republican platform 
and candidates ; but some of the party " bolted " and, under 
the name of " Straight-out Democrats," nominated Charles 
O'Conor. He, however, declined to accept the nomination. 

The regular Republicans reaffirmed the principles of the 
party, heartily endorsed the work of the administration, and 
renominated General Grant for President, with Henry Wilson 
of Massachusetts for Vice-President. 

The Prohibitionists and the Labor Reformers now made their 
first appearance as national political parties ; both have since con- 
tinued in the field, though neither have yet obtained electoral 
votes for their respective candidates. The Prohibitionists, in 
addition to the prohibition of the sale of intoxicating liquor, 
adopted woman suffrage as one of the planks in their platform.* 

The political movements and combinations of recent years 
make the original platform of the Labor Party of much inter- 
est. It demanded : (i) that the federal Government should 
issue all money and that banks of issue should be abolished ; 
(2) that no public land should be sold to any but actual set- 
tlers ; (3) that the immigration of Chinese laborers should be 
stopped ; (4) that the Government should adopt an eight-hour 
day for its employes ; (5) that the civil service should be 
removed from all partisan influences ; (6) that the Govern- 
ment should regulate the charges made by railroads and tele- 
graph lines ; (7) that the occupancy of the presidential chair 
should be -limited to a single term.t 

* In 1S96 a number of Prohibitionists calling themselves "Broad 
Gangers," or workers for humanity, endeavored to secure the insertion of 
a "free-silver " plank in the platform adopted by the National Convention. 
The plank was rejected ; the " Broad Gangers " then seceded and formed 
an independent organization, under the name of the National Party, advo- 
cating prohibition, woman suffrage, and the free coinage of silver at the 
ratio of 16 to i. See Stanwood's "Presidential Elections" (revised edi- 
tion), Appendix, pp. 494-497. 

t The demands made under Nos. 3, 4, 5, and 6 have since been obtained 
either wholly or in part. 



1872-1873.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 489 

At the election, the popular vote stood 3,597,132 for Grant 
to 2,834,125 for Greeley. Mr. Greeley died before the presi- 
dential electors met. Grant received 286 electoral votes, and 
63 votes were given for T. A. Hendricks, Gratz Brown, and 
other candidates. Grant was therefore reelected by an over- 
whelming majority.^^** 

528. The New Coinage Act ; the Salary Act ; postal-cards. 
— When Congress met it passed a Coinage Act (February 7, 
1873) which had been debated on and off for between one and 
two years. The measure did not then excite any particular in- 
terest, though it has since been denounced as " the Crime of 
1873."'^"' At that time neither gold nor silver was in circula- 
tion. The Government had not resumed specie payment, and 
"greenbacks," or national bank notes, were in use through- 
out the country. Very few silver dollar pieces had been 
coined since the mint was established. In a period of eighty 
years the average number issued was only about $100,000 a year. 
These silver dollars had disappeared and none had been seen 
for more than a quarter of a century.* 

*The act of 1792 established a double standard with free coinage of 
gold and silver in the ratio of i to 15 (§ 255). This act undervalued gold, 
which was therefore exported and ceased to circulate. The act of 1834 
was passed to remedy this by changing the ratio to i to 16 and reducing 
the fineness of the gold dollar from 25.8 grains to 23.2 grains. The act 
of 1834 undervalued silver, as that of 1792 had done in the case of gold ; 
the result was, that silver was withdrawn from circulation and exported to 
Europe. The act of 1S37 made the fineness of gold and silver coins uni- 
form, but silver still continued to be exported. The act of 1853 reduced 
the weight of silver coins of a denomination less than one dollar and pro- 
vided that they should be legal-tender to the amount of $5.00 only — under 
the previous acts they had been full legal-tender. Up to February 12, 1873, 
the entire number of silver dollar pieces coined was only $8,031,238 ; after 
1853 that coin practically disappeared from circulation. The act of P'ebru- 
ary 12, 1873, recognized this fact by omitting the silver dollar from the list 
of coins. It provided that the unit of value should be the gold dollar of 
the standard weight of 25.8 grains; it furthermore provided for the coin- 
age of a silver " trade dollar " of 420 grains (for trade with China) and of 
fractional silver coins which were made legal-tender for an amount not 



490 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1873. 

In the Currency Act, Congress now dropped the standard 
silver dollar — "the dollar of our fathers" — from the list. 
The act provided for the coinage of gold, and of fractional 
silver pieces. It also ordered the coinage of a special "trade 
dollar," much heavier than the former standard silver dollar. 
This new piece was issued in order to facilitate trade with 
China. It was used as legal-tender for a short time until an 
act forbade it; a few years later (1878) the issue of this 
special coin was discontinued. 

In addition to this legislation respecting coinage, Congress 
passed another noted financial measure (1873), which received 
the nickname of the " salary grab." The act raised the Presi- 
dent's salary from $25,000 to $50,000, where it has since re- 
mained. It also increased the salaries of the judges of the fed- 
eral courts and of the members of Congress, including that of the 
Congress which passed it. Popular indignation was aroused, 
and Congress was compelled to repeal so much of the act as 
related to the increase of members' salaries. 

The same year (1873), Congress passed a bill which received 
the hearty approval of the whole country. It ordered the issue 
of the first one-cent postal-cards (§ 404). 

529. Political <' rings" ; the panic of 1873 ; the << Farm- 
er's Alliance"; the "Inflation Bill" vs. Resumption. — 
One of the evil results of the Civil War was the speculative 
spirit it encouraged (§ 509). The country was full of paper 
money which was subject to great fluctuations. The actual 
value of the "greenback" was at the best not quite eighty- 
nine cents in coin. Speculation bred extravagance and political 
corruption. A " ring " of politicians, under the leadership of 

exceeding $5.00. By oversight the use of the "trade dollar" as legal- 
tender was not prohibited. In 1876 this oversight was rectified. See 
William C. Hunt's "Notes on the Money of the United States" (compiled 
from the report of the Director of the Mint for Bulletin of the United 
States Department of Labor, No. 2, January, 1S96, pp. 181-196); and com- 
pare John Sherman's "Recollections," I. 464 et seq. 



1873-.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 49 1 

"Boss Tweed," managed to get possession of the government 
of New York City and (1865-187 1) robbed the tax-payers of 
many milHons. Tweed and his gang of fellow-plunderers were 
finally overthrown (187 1) through the efforts of Samuel J. Tilden 
and other prominent citizens. 

The Erie Ring got possession of the Erie Railroad, and the 
Whiskey Ring defrauded the Government of an immense 
amount of revenue. Many Government officials were indicted 
(1875) for their connection with this gigantic liquor swindle. 

Later (1876), the Secretary of War was charged with selling 
sutlerships in the army ; he escaped impeachment by resigning 
his office. Senator Hoar of Massachusetts denounced the 
corruption of the times in a powerful speech (May 6, 1876), in 
which he declared that these frauds, with others that had been 
exposed, were eating the heart out of the Republic and turning 
our national triumph to " bitterness and shame." ^^'■^ 

But if the political results of speculation were disastrous, so, 
too, were the commercial results. Cheap money encouraged 
overproduction in manufactures, overtrading with foreign coun- 
tries, and led to the building of many thousands of miles of 
railroads in excess of the actual demand, and through sections 
of the country where the population was insufficient to support 
them. In addition to losses through unwise investments, the 
great fires of Chicago (187 1) and of Boston (1872) wiped out 
not less than $200,000,000 of property and ruined many busi- 
ness men and insurance companies. 

In the autumn of 1873 a prominent banking-house in New 
York, which was largely interested in the construction of the 
Northern Pacific Railroad, suspended payment. This failure 
was speedily followed by the collapse of another important 
house in the same city, and the panic of " Black Friday " at 
the Stock Exchange. The panic spread from the great money 
center of the country to the country at large. Credit was re- 
fused, many savings-banks were forced to close their doors, 
large corporations were driven into bankruptcy, and mills and 



492 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1873-. 

factories shut down, throwing thousands out of work. The 
crisis was soon reached and passed, but it was followed by a 
very long period of depression.''"^ 

Meanwhile a secret association had been formed at Wash- 
ington (1867), which spread rapidly, especially in the Western 
States. The new order took the name of the " Farmer's 
Alliance," or " Patrons of Industry." Later, the members 
were commonly known as " Grangers." Their chief object 
was to secure lower freight rates for farm produce. The 
panic of 1873 stimulated the growth of the " Grangers," and in 
some States they obtained the passage of legislative measures 
regulating the charges for grain transportation and storage.* 
The order exercised a strong political influence which helped 
to secure the Interstate Commerce Act (1887), and which 
was one of the causes favoring the organization (1892) of the 
People's Party, or " Populists.""^"* 

In the spring following the panic of 1873, Congress passed a 
measure commonly known as the " Inflation Bill." The pur- 
pose of the bill was to relieve the financial strain by issuing 
$100,000,000 more "greenbacks" (§ 455). The President 
vetoed it, on the ground that the country had an abundance of 
paper currency and that Congress had pledged (1869) the 
faith of the United States to resume specie payment at the 
earliest practicable moment. '^"^ 

530. The Centennial Exhibition ; admission of Colorado. 
— In the spring of 1876 a national exhibition, held under the 
auspices of the Government, was opened at Fairmount Park, 
Philadelphia. Its object was to commemorate the one hun- 
dredth anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. All 
the leading nations of the world took part in the exhibition, 
which was visited by nearly ten millions of persons. The sub- 
stitution of machine power for hand labor was the most marked 

*The United States Supreme Court decided (1876) six cases in favor of 
the " Grangers," tliereby sustaining the constitutionality of the legislation 
they had obtained. 



1876.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 493 

feature of the great fair. It showed that a hundred years had 
completely revolutionized manufacturing, transportation, and 
means of communication. Two of the most remarkable novel- 
ties exhibited were the recently invented electric light and the 
Bell telephone, which was then generally regarded as an ingeni- 
ous and amusing toy of no practical value. 

The centennial year was further marked by the admission of 
Colorado, the thirty-eighth State. It represented the " New 
West." Its entrance emphasized the territorial growth of the 
nation, which began its career a century before with but thirteen 
States stretched along the Atlantic seaboard, and with no claim 
to a single acre of the vast wilderness extending from the Mis- 
sissippi to the Pacific. 

531. The "Greenback" Party; the disputed presidential 
election of 1876; Indian wars. — The distress caused by the 
long-continued financial depression (§ 529) induced the form- 
ation of a new party, calling itself the " Independent," or 
" Greenback," Party. It demanded an increase of the paper 
currency issued by the Government. The Supreme Court had 
decided (1869) that such currency was not legal-tender for the 
payment of all debts; but later (187 1, 1884) the court reversed 
that decision. Eventually (1884) the Greenback Party advo- 
cated the issue of General B. F. Butler's "fiat money."* This 
party developed its greatest strength in the Western States. 

A part of the Republicans urged the renomination of Gen- 
eral Grant for a third term ; but the House of Representatives 
passed a resolution by 234 to 18 declaring that such a nomi- 
nation would be " unwise, unpatriotic, and fraught with peril to 
our free institutions."'^"'' 

* Fiat Money. — Paper money issued by decree or " fiat " of the national 
Government, and not redeemable in coin. In 1884 the Greenback Party 
and the Anti-Monopolist Party both nominated General liutler for Presi- 
dent. Speaking- of " greenbacks," he said : " I desire that the dollar so 
issued shall never be redeemed." He added that he saw no more reason 
why such a paper dollar should be redeemed, than why a yardstick or a 
quart measure should be redeemed. " Butler's Book," p. 953. 



494 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [l876. 

The Republican Convention nominated Governor Rutherford 
B, Hayes of Ohio for President, and WilUam A. Wheeler of 
New York for Vice-President. 

The Democrats nominated Governor Samuel J, Tilden of 
New York — a "hard money" man who had labored success- 
fully to destroy the robber gang led by the infamous " Boss 
Tweed" (§ 529). For Vice-President they nominated Thomas 
A. Hendricks of Indiana. 

The South dreaded negro supremacy, and cast a " solid 
vote " for Tilden. The election was so close that each party 
claimed success and charged the other with gross fraud. In 
order to settle the dispute, which was fast growing serious, 
Congress appointed a commission composed of five Senators, 
five Representatives, and five Judges of the Supreme Court. 
The commission was in session for more than a month, during 
which time the whole country was kept in a state of anxiety and 
alarm. The commissioners finally decided (March 2, 1877), 
two days before Inauguration Day, by a vote of eight to seven, 
that the certificates of returns showed that Hayes had received 
185 electoral votes to 184 cast for Tilden.^*-' (The popular 
vote stood 4,033,950 for Hayes to 4,284,885 for Tilden.) 
Governor Hayes was therefore declared President by a major- 
ity of one. 

In the course of Grant's presidency the Modoc Indians of 
California began hostilities (1872), but were speedily overcome. 
Three years later (1876) the Sioux Indians led by "Sitting 
Bull " massacred the gallant General Custer and his entire force 
near the Black Hills of Dakota Territory. General Miles, the 
present commander of the Army of the United States, forced 
the savages to surrender, but " he adds his weighty testimony 
to that of leading military men who have gone before him, in 
saying that he has never known an Indian war in which the 
white man was not the aggressor." 

532. Summary. — The chief points in Grant's administra- 
tion were : (i) the completion of the first transcontinental 



1877.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 495 

railroad; (2) the admission to Congress of representatives 
from all the seceded States ; (3) the passage of the " Force 
Act"; (4) the settlement by arbitration of the "Alabama" 
claims, the fisheries dispute, and the northwest boundary 
question ; (5) the organization of the " Knights of Labor " and 
the "Grangers"; (6) the demonetization of silver; (7) the 
financial and business panic of 1873 ; (8) the opening of the 
Centennial Exhibition and the admission of Colorado; (9) 
the rise of the "Greenback" Party, and the Hayes-Tilden 
disputed election. 

RUTHERFORD B. HAYES (REPUBLICAN), ONE TERM, 1877-1881. 

533. Inaugural address ; civil-service reform ; with- 
drawal of troops from the South. — In his inaugural ad- 
dress President Hayes (§ 531) declared that he should endeavor 
to wipe out the " color line " in politics and " the distinction 
between North and South," to the end that we might have 
"a united country." 

There had long been an earnest demand for reform in the 
civil service. The leader in that movement was George W. 
Curtis. But Lincoln saw its necessity before Curtis began 
his great work. A few days after the fall of Richmond, as he 
was standing with a friend, Lincoln pointed to the crowd of 
office-seekers besieging his door, and said : " Look at that ! 
Now we have conquered the rebellion ; but here you see some- 
thing that may become more dangerous to this Republic than 
the rebellion itself." ^^°* 

Grant was conscious of the same danger and made an un- 
successful effort to break up the " spoils system " (§ 349), but 
he could not drive the wedge deep enough.* 

* In 1865 ^I""- Thomas A. Jenckes of Rhode Island introduced the 
first bill in Congress for the reform of the civil service. The bill met with 
ridicule and oveFwhelming defeat ; but in 187 1 a bill was passed giving the 
President power to establish rules for the admission of applicants for places 
in the civil service. President Chant appointed Ceorge W. Curtis of New 



496 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1877. 

President Hayes pledged himself to labor for a "thorough" 
reform in the civil service ; but although both of the great 
political parties had urged it in their platforms, nothing prac- 
tical was done. Many men were indifferent ; others believed 
with Jackson (§ 350) that frequent rotation in office was best 
for the interests of all ; while the " machine politicians," . in 
and out of Congress, naturally fought with all their might 
against any change which would deprive them of their influ- 
ence and of the votes and profits it brought them. 

On another important point the President met with better 
success. He believed that the time had come for the with- 
drawal of federal troops from the South, and that the people 
of the reconstructed States must be trusted to manage their 
own affairs. Both South Carolina and Louisiana had dual and 
rival Governors and Legislatures, one elected by the Republi- 
cans, the other by the Democrats. After a conference with the 
Governors of those States, President Hayes withdrew (1877) 
the troops, and the Democrats came peaceably into power. 

534. Great railway strike. ^ — In the summer of 1877 a 
formidable strike broke out on the Baltimore and Ohio Rail- 
road, and spread rapidly over a large part of the Northern 
States. The movement was a protest against reduction of 
wages. At one time more than 100,000 men were out. They 
held control of from 6000 to 7000 miles of road. Serious 
riots took place, especially at Pittsburg. Machine shops, freight 
houses, and freight cars were burned, and many people killed 
and wounded. The Governors of Pennsylvania, West Virginia, 
Illinois, and Maryland appealed to the President for help. He 
sent detachments of troops, who happily succeeded in restor- 

York chief of a commission for that purpose. The object sought was to 
do away with the system which gave positions simply as rewards for party 
services, and to substitute competitive examinations which would secure 
an equal opportunity for all candidates. In 1873 Congress refused to make 
further appropriations for continuing the work of the commission, and 
the following year the President was obliged to abandon it. 



1878.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 497 

ing order without resort to force. The strike was unsuccess- 
ful ; its total cost in loss of wages and dividends, in increased 
taxes to cover damages, and in interruption to business was 
estimated ^'"'^ at between $80,000,000 and $100,000,000. 

535. The Bland- Allison Silver Act ; resumption of specie 
payment. — By the Public Credit Act (1869) "the faith of 
the United States was solemnly pledged to the payment in coin, 
or its equivalent," of all Government bonds, except in cases 
where the law authorizing the issue of such obligations pro- 
vided that the same might be paid in paper currency. ^"'^ Some 
persons regarded this law as unjust since it might compel the 
Government to pay specie in return for loans it had received 
in depreciated "greenbacks "; but others took the ground that 
since it had always been understood that the Government 
would redeem the " greenbacks " in coin, the holders of bonds 
were entitled to receive specie payment. 

When the "Public Credit Act" (1869) was passed, "coin" 
meant either gold or silver, but the act of 1873 dropped (§ 528) 
the silver dollar from the list of coins (§ 255) ; hence, as the 
law stood, all bonds calling for specie must be paid in gold. 

A majority in Congress urged the restoration of the silver 
dollar as legal-tender ; but a minority objected on the ground 
that the enormous output of silver from the Western mines had 
caused it to fall heavily in value. For this reason they argued 
that to revive the old standard silver dollar would be to issue 
"dishonest money." 

Congress finally (February 15, 1878) passed the Bland- Alli- 
son Bill, which required the coinage of standard silver dollars 
at the rate of from $2,000,000 to $4,000,000 a month. 

President Hayes vetoed the bill on the ground of the depre- 
ciated value of silver. He urged that it would be a grave 
breach of the public faith to pay the bondholders in silver 
coin worth less in the market than the coin received from 
tiem. He closed by saying : "If the country is to be bene- 
fited by a silver coinage, it can be done only by the issue of 



498 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1878-1880. 

silver dollars of full value * which will defraud no man." ^^^^ 
But Congress did not take the President's view ; some mem- 
bers believed that if the Government made large purchases of 
silver the price of that metal would rise, and so bring the 
silver dollar to a parity with gold ; others argued that the 
community demanded more money, and that the recoinage of 
silver could alone satisfy this demand. Others, again, asked 
for a " cheap dollar " on the ground that it would lessen the 
burden of taxation by enabling them to pay the interest and 
principal of the national debt in silver. ^^^^ 

For these reasons Congress passed the bill over the Presi- 
dent's veto on the same day it was received. Less than a 
twelvemonth later (January i, 1879) the Government, having 
accumulated a large sum in gold and silver, resumed specie 
payment, and all " greenbacks " presented at the Treasury 
were promptly redeemed in coin. Up to that date more than 
$400,000,000 of the principal of the public debt (§ 508) had 
been cancelled ; the payments since the close of the war (1865- 
1897) have averaged more than $2,500 for each hour of the 
entire time, and reach a total of nearly $1,000,000,000; this 
leaves the outstanding debt (1897) at $1,785,412,640.90, The 
effect of the resumption of specie payment was to greatly 
strengthen the credit of the Government, and enable it to 
borrow all the money it required at low rates of interest. 

536. The presidential election (1880). — The presidential 
question and the question respecting the division of honors and 
offices had split the Republican Party into two factions.! One 
demanded the renomination of Grant for a third term, while 

* The market value, by weight, of the standard silver dollar was then 
from 90 to 92 cents. 

t One faction styled itself " Stalwarts," or Thorough-Going Republicans; 
they advocated the nomination of Grant, and dubbed the opposition " ilalf- 
Breeds," or Half-Republicans. The " Stalwarts " were under the leader- 
ship of Senator Conkling of New York, while Senator Blaine of Maine 
marshalled the "Half-Breeds." See Moore's" History of Congress," 
p. 470, and Andrews's " Last Quarter-Century," I. 327. 



1880.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 499 

the Other bitterly opposed it. The RepubHcan National Con- 
vention adopted a platform demanding a tariff which should 
"favor American labor" and restrict Chinese immigration. 
They declared that now that slavery had been destroyed, Mor- 
mon polygamy must go. After a hard struggle the factions in 
convention compromised by nominating General Garfield of 
Ohio for President, and Chester A. Arthur of New York for 
Vice-President.* 

The Democratic Convention demanded a tariff for revenue 
only. They nominated General W. S. Hancock for Presi- 
dent, and W. H. English of Indiana for Vice-President. The 
electoral vote stood 214 for Garfield to 155 for Hancock. 
The popular vote gave Garfield 4,454,416 to 4,444,952 for 
Hancock.'"^^ 

537. The improvement of the Mississippi. — In 1874 Cap- 
tain James B. Eads completed the great steel bridge across 
the Mississippi at St. Louis, — " the finest specimen of metal- 
arch construction in the world." Captain Eads then laid 
before the Government plans for deepening the South Pass, or 
chief mouth of the Mississippi, which was blocked by a sand 
bar seriously obstructing navigation. Both the State of Louis- 
iana and the United States had spent many millions in endeav- 
oring to permanently deepen the channel of the river, but 
without effect. 

Captain Eads's plans were accepted, and he began the con- 
struction of a system of jetties, or artificial banks. His object 
was to narrow the river, and thereby increase the force of the 
current so that it would not only deepen the channel, but carry 
the sediment out to sea. He completed his great work four 
years later (1879). It proved to be an entire success. The 
river, as he anticipated, deepened its own channel to a depth 
of thirty feet, so that large ocean steamers now have no diffi- 
culty in reaching New Orleans. This improvement has saved 

* General Garfield ranged himself on the side of the " Half-Breeds," 
while Mr. Arthur was a prominent " Stalwart." 



500 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1881. 

the expenditure of many millions for dredging, and has added 
enormously to the commerce of the chief port of the South. ^^^^ 
Four years later the completion of the East River Suspen- 
sion Bridge, connecting New York and Brooklyn (1883), was 
another triumph of American engineering skill.* 

538. Summary. — The principal events of the Hayes ad- 
ministration were : (i) the withdrawal of federal troops from 
the South; (2) the great railway strike; (3) the passage 
of the Bland-Allison Silver Act over the President's veto ; 
(4) the resumption of specie payment ; (5) the improvement 
of the navigation of the lower Mississippi. 

JAMES A. GARFIELD (REPUBLICAN), ONE TERM, 1881-1885. 

539. Trying position of the President; his assassination. 

— The President (§ 536) was anxious to bring about a recon- 
ciliation between the opposing factions of the Republican Party, 
but at the same time he resolved to pursue an independent 
course and make nominations to office from either side, as he 
thought best. This course involved him in difficulty and made 
his position peculiarly trying. Among the disappointed office- 
seekers was Charles J. Guiteau, a political adventurer, — "half 
fool and half fanatic." Not being able to secure the appoint- 
ment of consul-general to Paris, which he coveted, he resolved 
to murder the President. His avowed object was to throw 
the Executive power into the hands of Vice-President Arthur, 
who belonged to the faction opposed to that which chose 
Garfield as head of the Republic (§ 536). Guiteau shot the 
President (July 2, i88i);t when arrested he exulted in the 
act of assassination, and declared that the Almighty had in- 

* This bridge was begun in 1869 by Mr. John A. RoebHng of Trenton, 
N. J., the inventor of wire suspension bridges. The work was finished in 
1883 by his son, Mr. W. A. Roebling. 

t President Garfield lingered until autumn and then died (September 19, 
18S1). 



1882.] RECONSTRUCTION, TIIK N KW NATION. 5OI 

spired him to commit the deed. He was tried fur murder, 
found guilty, and hanged. ^^^* 

540. The Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act ; the << Star 
Route" frauds. — The murder of the President gave an un- 
mistakable emphasis to the demand for civil-service reform 
(§ 533). Senator Pendleton of Ohio introduced a bill (1882) 
to give "all citizens, duly qualified," "equal opportunities" to 
secure employment in the civil service of the United States. 
The bill received the hearty support of both the great political 
parties. It was promptly passed (January 16, 1883),^^^*' and 
President Arthur at once appointed a Civil Service Commis- 
sion to carry the law into effect. The new system of filling 
minor Government ofifices was put in operation at Washington, 
where many thousand clerks are employed in the different 
departments. It was gradually extended to all custom-houses 
and post-offices having upwards of fifty clerks. It was the 
beginning of the end of the spoils system (§ 349). Hence- 
forth the rule was to be based on Napoleon's maxim: "No 
favoritism, but give the tools to those who know how to use 
them." 

Meanwhile Congress set itself to investigate the " Star 
Route " frauds. The name " Star Route " was used to desig- 
nate stage-lines for carrying the mails in parts of the country 
where they could not be carried by railroads or steamboats. 
The whole number of such routes was between nine and ten 
thousand. A number of mail contractors and Government 
officials formed a "ring," This "ring" got appropriations on 
false estimates and on fictitious pay-rolls, by means of which 
they robbed the Government — that is to say, the tax-payers 
of the country ^ — of about $500,000 yearly. The "ring " was 
broken up, but unfortunately the swindlers who originated it 
managed to get off without punishment.^''^^ 

541. The Edmunds Anti-Polygamy Act ; the tariff; labor 
legislation. — For twenty years a law had existed forbidding 
polygamy in the Territories. The Mormons protested that 



502 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1882-1884. 

this law was a direct violation of that article of the Constitu- 
tion which forbids Congress prohibiting the " free exercise of 
religion " (Appendix, p. xvi, I). But the United States Su- 
preme Court {Reynolds vs. U. S.) decided (1878) that the act 
was constitutional.^^^^ * In 1882 Senator Edmunds of Ver- 
mont brought in a bill which provided that polygamy in the 
Territories should be punished by fine and imprisonment, and, 
furthermore, that the person convicted should be deprived of 
the right to vote or to hold any office or place of public trust. 
The bill passed, ^^^^ and more than a thousand Mormons were 
convicted and sent to the penitentiary. 

The year following (1883) the tariff was thoroughly revised 
for the first time since the war (§ 455). The succeeding year 
(1884) Congress established the National Bureau of Labor 
Statistics at Washington, for the purpose of collecting informa- 
tion which might be of use in the equitable adjustment of the 
relations of labor and capital, and which would help to promote 
the best interests of workingmen. The same Congress passed 
a bill (1884) prohibiting Chinese immigration for ten years, 
and a bill prohibiting the importation of any foreign laborers 
under contract, where their work would compete with American 
labor.i^'-o 

542. The presidential election (1884). — There was a strong 
reaction in both of the great parties against " machine politics " 
and professional politicians. The issue, so far as one existed, 
was between the Republican policy of protection and the 
Democratic demand for a simple revenue tariff. 

The Republican Party nominated James G. Blaine, with 
John A. Logan of Illinois for Vice-President. The Democrats 
nominated Grover Cleveland, with Thomas A. Hendricks of 

* The court took the ground that while Congress had no power to 
interfere with religious belief as such, it had the same right to prohibit 
the members of a church from practicing polygamy that it had to forbid 
their offering up human sacrifices as part of their religious worship. See 
Carson's " History of the United States Supreme Court," pp. 498, 499. 



1884.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 503 

Indiana for Vice-President. Many members of the Republi- 
can Party declared themselves strongly opposed to the action 
of the National Convention. These Independent Republicans 
were nicknamed " Mugwumps." * They cast their votes for 
the Democratic candidate in the belief that he would use his 
influence to extend civil-service reform (§ 540), 

The electoral vote stood 219 for Cleveland to 182 for Blaine ; 
the popular vote gave Cleveland 4,874,981 to 4,857,981 for 
Blaine. 

543. The New Orleans Exposition. — The following Decem- 
ber the Cotton Planters' Association opened (1884) a World's 
Fair in New Orleans, the largest cotton port in the United 
States. The exhibition was designed to commemorate the 
one hundredth anniversary of the shipment of cotton from 
this country to Europe. In 1784 a few bags of cotton, amount- 
ing in all to about one bale, were exported from Charleston 
to Liverpool. 

Slavery and the invention of the cotton-gin (§ 259) gave 
an immense impetus to the production of cotton, and in i860 
the crop amounted to 5,000,000 bales. This made cotton 
the "king" of American staples. When slavery was over- 
thrown many believed that the chief industry of the South 
was ruined ; but under free labor the production of cotton 
increased enormously, and in 1884 8,000,000 bales were put 
into the market. 

Side by side with this increase another most lucrative in- 
dustry had grown up. Under slavery, the cotton seed was 
thrown aside, and every year thousands of tons were burned 
as useless. Free labor found by experiment that the seed 
could be made to furnish "food, fuel, oil, and fertilizer," which 
would sell for more than $20,000,000 annually. 

The New Orleans Exhibition did a much-needed work in 

* Mugwump. ^ An Indian word, occurring in Eliot's Indian Bible 
(1661), and meaning a leader, or chief. The Independent Republicans 
accepted the nickname as an honorable title. 



504 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [l8«5. 

calling attention to the national wealth and immense resources 
of the Southern States, and it helped to foster friendly politi- 
cal and social relations between those States and the North. 
Both sections stood on a common basis of labor ; both recos:- 
nized the fact that whatever contributed to the prosperity and 
progress of one could not fail to be of use to the other, and 
that however good independence might be, interdependence 
might be better still. 

544. Summary. — The chief events of the administration 
were : (i) the assassination of the President and the succes- 
sion of Vice-President Arthur ; (2) the Pendleton Civil Service 
Reform Act and its results; (3) the Edmunds Anti-Polygamy 
Act, followed by important labor legislation, and by the open- 
ing of the New Orleans Exposition. 

GROVER CLEVELAND ^DEMOCRAT\ ONE TERM, 1885-1889. 

545. The inauguration ; death of General Grant. — Presi- 
dent Cleveland (§ 542) was the first Democratic President who 
had been inaugurated (§ 433) for a period of more than a 
quarter of a century, and many Southerners who had not visited 
Washington since Buchanan's da)- came to the capital to wit- 
ness the ceremony. Mr. Cleveland made no sweeping changes 
respecting Government officials ; his declared purpose was to 
be faithful to the spirit of the civil-service reform. 

Toward the close of July (1SS5) General Grant died. He 
had spent the last months of his life in writing his " Memoirs " 
in order to save his family from the consequences of bank- 
ruptcy, which came upon them through the fraud of a partner 
in business. It has been well said that nothing in his whole 
career was more heroic than the diligence and determination 
with which he worked at his task while he was slowly dying 
from an exhausting and painful disease. 

His funeral showed what progress reconciliation had made 
between North and South. Many of the prominent men who 










1818 



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4s^J^arl/••-B• ^ 



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from 92° Greenwich 



1885-1886.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 505 

fought against him followed him to the grave, and among the 
pallbearers were several Confederate generals. 

546. Cleveland's first annual message ; the tariff ; silver 
coinage ; public lands. — In his first annual message to Con- 
gress (1885), the President called attention to the fact that 
the revenue of the Government was in excess of its actual 
needs ; he recommended the adoption of a tariff which should 
yield enough to meet all reasonable demands, while at the same 
time it should " protect the interests of American labor." * 

He urged Congress to suspend " the compulsory coinage of 
silver dollars " by repealing the Bland-Allison Act of 1878 
(§ 535)- He recommended that steps should be taken to 
recover public land which had been obtained by fraudulent 
means or through defective legislation for purely speculative 
purposes. The Land Department acted on this suggestion 
and succeeded in getting back more than 100,000,000 acres, 
to be disposed of as farms and homesteads to actual settlers. '^^^ 

547. Strikes and Anarchist riots in Chicago. — The year 
1886 was noteworthy for labor troubles and strikes. The agita- 
tion began at the West; it was particularly violent in Chicago. 
On the first of May 40,000 workmen struck in that city on the 
question of a reduction of time. Nearly all labor came to a 
standstill and every railroad was crippled. Two days later, a 
band of strikers made an attack on the McCormick Reaper 
Works. The police undertook to defend the works and a fight 
occurred, in which several of the strikers were wounded. 

The following evening the strikers met in the Old Hay- 
market. Violent speeches were made, and the police ordered 
the gathering to disperse. As they were preparing to enforce 
the order, a dynamite bomb was thrown, which killed and 
wounded sixty officers, and the mob drawing revolvers began 
firing on the officers. The police returned the fire and charged 
on the mob with terrible effect. They arrested a number of 
the leaders of the riot ; all were foreigners. They were tried 

* The Mills Bill introduced in 1888 " to reduce taxation " was defeated 
in the Senate, where a majority regarded it as a "free-trade " measure. 



506 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1886-1887. 

for murder and four were executed ; a fifth escaped the gallows 
by blowing out his brains with some of his own dynamite. 

The result of the riot showed conclusively that the number 
of Anarchists in the country was by no means large, and that 
the great body of American workingmen utterly repudiated the 
use of bombs in place of ballots as a means for securing rights 
or rectifying wrongs. 

548. Five important laws; bills vetoed. — The death of 
the Vice-President (1885) led to the passage of a law regulat- 
ing the order of presidential succession. Had his death been 
followed by that of the President, the country might have 
been left in a very unsettled condition, since the Constitution 
makes no further provision (Appendix, p. xii) beyond leaving 
the matter in the hands of Congress. 

Congress now passed the Presidential Succession Act (1886). 
It provided that in case the offices of President and Vice-Presi- 
dent should both become vacant, the Executive office should 
pass to the Secretary of State, and then, if necessary, to five 
other members of the Cabinet in a prescribed order.* 

The excited and perilous contest over the disputed election 
of 1876 (Hayes ts. Tilden) (§ 531) induced Congress to pass 
(1887) the Electoral Count Act, which empowers each State, 
in case of controversy, to decide how its own vote stands ; if 
it fails to decide, the question then comes before Congress. 

The same Congress passed the Interstate Commerce Act 
(1887). Under it five commissioners are appointed to main- 
tain a just and uniform rate of transportation on all railroad 
and steamboat lines passing from State to State. 

The Edmunds Act (§ 541) was now supplemented by the 
passage of the Edmunds-Tucker Act (1887). It dissolved the 

* The order of succession is as follows : (i) the Secretary of State ; (2) 
the Secretary of the Treasury ; (3) the Secretary of War ; (4) the Attor- 
ney-General ; (5) the Postmaster-General ; (6) the Secretary of the Navy; 
(7) the Secretary of the Interior. The Cabinet was enlarged in 1SS9 so as 
to include the Secretary of the newly-organized Department of Agriculture. 



1887-1888.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. $0/ 

Mormon Church as a corporate body, confiscated all of its 
immense property in excess of $50,000, and put it in the 
hands of trustees. 

The next year (1888) Congress passed a new Chinese 
Immigration Act (§ 541), which absolutely excluded further 
immigrants from that Empire. ^^" 

During his administration President Cleveland vetoed more 
than three hundred bills, or more than double the number 
which had been vetoed by all preceding Presidents. These 
vetoes covered the Dependent Pension Bill (1887) * and sev- 
eral hundred private pension bills. The President gave as his 
reasons for refusing to sign the first measure that: (i) it was 
badly drawn and would lead to litigation ; (2) that the Union 
soldiers had been better provided for by pay and bounties than 
any other soldiers " since mankind first went to war," and that 
those who had been disabled in service were receiving liberal 
pensions, amounting to $75,000,000 a year; finally (3) that 
the bill would subject the tax-payers of the country to an 
enormous additional expense. ^^~^ 

Congress failed to pass the measure over the veto, but it was 
passed and approved under the next administration. One of 
President Cleveland's last acts was to veto the Direct Tax- 
Refunding Bill, the object of which was to reduce the surplus 
by refunding $16,000,000 levied and collected in behalf of the 
Union at the outbreak of the Civil War. 

549. Increase of the navy ; centennial celebration. — The 
navy which had done such noble service in the Civil War was 
rapidly falling into decay. Congress took the matter in hand 
(1886) by ordering the construction of a number of first-class 

* This bill pensioned all who served ninety days in the War of the 
Rebellion and had been honorably discharged, and who were unable to 
perform manual labor, and the widows, children, and dependent parents of 
such persons. Previous acts {1862-1879) had provided pensions for sol- 
diers and sailors disabled in the Civil War, for the dependent kinsmen 
of those who had died, and "back pay" on all pensions claimed in 1879 
and subsequently. , 



508 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [l8ei--I«89. 

Steel cruisers. To-day (1897) the United States has a fleet of 
fifty-eight new war-vessels which in point of efficiency and 
speed are second to none in the world. 

The autumn of 1887 completed the one hundredth birthday 
of the Constitution (§ 247). At the celebration held at Phila- 
delphia the President delivered an address on the great charter 
of the Republic. "We receive it," said he, "sealed with the 
tests of a century. It has been found sufficient in the past ; 
and in all the future years it will be found sufficient if the 
American people are true to their sacred trust." 

The following year (1888) the centennial of the settlement 
of Ohio (§ 258) and of the organization of the Northwest 
Territory (§ 237) was celebrated at Marietta, Cincinnati, and 
Columbus. 

550. The presidential election (1888); the Australian bal- 
lot. — In the presidential campaign the Democrats made " tariff 
reform " the principal plank in their platform. They renomi- 
nated Cleveland for President, with Allen G. Thurman of Ohio 
for Vice-President. 

The Republicans declared themselves " uncompromisingly 
in favor of the American system of protection." They nomi- 
nated General Benjamin Harrison of Indiana for President, 
and Levi P. Morton of New York for Vice-President. 

The issue at the election was the question of the adoption 
of a revenue or of a protective tariff. The electoral vote 
stood 233 for Harrison to 168 for Cleveland; the popular 
vote was 5,540,329 for Cleveland and 5,439,853 for Har- 
rison. ^^^ * 

In 1889 Massachusetts resolved to introduce, for the first 
time in American history, the Australian, or secret, ballot. 
It was found to possess great merit in securing independent 
action on the part of voters. Other States soon began to 
adopt it or some method suggested by it, and such ballots 

* The estimate of the popular vote differs slightly. Compare Stan- 
wood's " Presidential Elections " with Johnston's "American Politics." 



1889.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 509 

are now (1897) in use for both local and national elections in 
forty-one States.* 

551. Summary. — The principal events of Cleveland's 
administration were : (i) the Anarchist riot in Chicago ; (2) 
the passage of the five following important laws : the Presiden- 
tial Succession, Electoral Count, Interstate Commerce, Disso- 
lution of the Mormon Church, and the Chinese Immigration 
Acts ; (3) the President's veto of the Dependent Pension and 
Tax- Refunding Bills ; (4) the recovering of many millions of 
acres of public lands ; (5) the increase of the navy ; (6) the 
introduction of the Australian, or secret, ballot. 

BENJAMIN HARRISON (REPUBLICAN), ONE TERM, 1889 1893. 

552. '< Protection " and the South ; opening of Oklahoma. 

— In his inaugural address President Harrison (§ 550) said: 
"I look hopefully to the continuance of our protective system, 
and to the consequent development of manufacturing and mining 
enterprises in the States hitherto wholly given to agriculture, as 
a potent- influence in the perfect unification of our people.""^* 

The region called by the Indians Oklahoma, or the " Beau- 
tiful Land," constituted the heart of the Indian Territory. 
The whites coveted it, and " boomers " had made repeated 
attempts to take forcible possession. In 1889 the Govern- 
ment purchased this tract of land from the Indians. 

The President declared that it would be thrown open to 
settlement on April 22. At noon of that day the blast of a 
bugle was the signal for "a wild rush across the borders." 
Before nightfall more than 50,000 emigrants had entered the 
new Territory. Towns of tents and portable houses sprang up 

* The claims made for the Australian, or secret, ballot are: (i) that it 
facilitates independent nominations for office ; (2) that the ballots are 
officially printed ; {3) that they are distributed to voters by sworn election 
officers; (4) that the voter is isolated while preparing his ballot, that it is 
impossible for any one to know how he votes, and hence that opportunities 
for fraud, intimidation, or bribery are thereby greatly diminished. 



5IO THE STUDENTS AMERICAN HISTORV. [1689-1890. 

in a day, and a few months later Guthrie, the capital, could 
boast of Its four daily papers, its six banks, its city waterworks 
street cars, and electric lights. 

553. The Washington Centennial; the Pan-American 
Congress ; admission of six new States ; woman suffrage — 
A week after the opening of Oklahoma the centennial anniver- 
sary of the inauguration of Washington was celebrated in New 
York City (§ 249). 

In the autumn (18S9) the Pan-American Congress met in 
\\ ashington. It consisted of delegates from the leading South 
American Republics and the Republic of Mexico, who met 
delegates appointed by the United States, with the view of 
forming a closer political and commercial union. 

The following month (November, 1S89) four new States — 
North Dakota, South Dakota, Montana, and Washington - 
were admitted to the Union. The next summer (1S90) Idaho 
and Wyoming were added, making the total number of States 
forty-four. Wyoming was the first State admitted to the Union 
with a constitution granting equal rights of suffrage and com- 
plete political equality to women. Colorado, Utah, and Idaho 
have since adopted similar constitutions; in 1S94 Colorado 
elected three women to the legislature.* 

554. The new Pension Act ; the Sherman Silver Act ; the 
McKmley Tariff— In accordance with the earnest recommen- 
dation of President Harrison, Congress passed (1890) the 
Dependent Pension Bill which had been vetoed under the pre- 
ceding administration (§ 548). This act nearly doubled the 
list of pensioners, making the entire number about a million 
The disbursements in pensions from 1861 to 1889 amounted 
to nearly $1,000,000,000 ; in the last eight years (1SS9-1897) 

* Woman Suffrage. - Twenty-seven States now (1S97) recognize woman 
suffrage in some form ; of these States 20 give women schoof suffrage ; i 
Kansas) full municipal suffrage ; 2 (Arkansas and Mississippi) liquor 
hcense suffrage by petition ; and 4 (Wyoming. Colorado, Utah, and Idaho) 
full suffrage and right to hold office. (From information furnished by 
Henry B. Blackwell, Editor of the " Woman's Journal." ) 



1890.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 5II 

more than $1,000,000,000 has been expended, making a total 
of over $2,000,000,000. The present rate of disbursement is 
over $380,000 a day, or $140,000,000 a year.^^-^ 

The same Congress repealed the Bland-Allison Silver Coin- 
age Act (§ 535) and passed (July 14, 1890) the Sherman Silver 
Purchase and Coinage Act. It directed the Treasurer of the 
United States to buy 4,500,000 ounces, or about 140 tons, 
avoirdupois, of silver each month, and ordered 2,000,000 ounces 
to be coined into dollars each month until July i, 1891, and 
thereafter as might be deemed necessary. 

Senator Sherman, the reputed author of the law, says : " A 
large majority of the Senate favored free silver, and this bill 
was prepared to prevent the passage of an act for free silver 
coinage." ^^-^ The friends of silver believed that this enormous 
monthly purchase of that metal by the Government would 
advance its market value ; on the contrary it continued to 
steadily decline. ^^^^ * 

*The value of a silver dollar, measured by the market price of silver in 
1873 when silver was demonetized (§ 528), was $1,004 ; by 1878, when the 
Bland-Allison Silver Coinage Bill passed (§ 535), it had fallen to 89 cents 
and a fraction ; in 1890, when the Sherman Silver Purchase Act was passed, 
it had fallen to 81 cents; thereafter it continued to fall until, when the 
Sherman Act was repealed in 1893, it stood at 51 cents and a fraction, 
where it now (1897) stands. The Director of the United States Mint 
(Report for 1893, pp. 21-26) attributes the fall in the price of silver, first, 
to the fact that a number of the leading nations of Europe ceased coining 
it except in small sums ; and secondly and chiefly, because of the enor- 
mous increase in the output of the metal. In 1873 the total production 
was $81,800,000; by 1892 it had risen to $196,605,000, — an increase of 
140 per cent. 

On the other hand. Senator Jones, the great silver mine owner of Nevada, 
and President Andrews of Brown University contend that silver has not 
actually fallen in value or in purchasing power, but that there has been a 
" ruinously great " rise in gold. See Senator Jones's speech in Johnston's 
" American Orations," IV. 362; and Andrews's "United States," II. 276. 

Up to 1873 only about $8,000,000 in silver dollars had been coined, and 
at that date none were in circulation and had not been for many years ; 
on the first of October, 1896, the total issue of silver dollars was over 



512 THE STUDENTS AMERICAN HISTORY. [I890-1?*91. 

Early in the autumn of 1890 Congress passed the McKinley 
Tariff. Its object was to reduce the revenue, then largely in 
excess of our demands, and to secure to the American farmer 
protection against competition equal to that granted to the 
American manufacturer. The duties under the new tariff aver- 
aged 48^2^ per cent, — the highest ever imposed. The act con- 
tained certain provisions called Reciprocity or '' Fair Trade " 
Measures. They gave the President power to reimpose duties 
on certain articles on the free list in case he thouffht tliat 
the countries exporting those articles to the United States 
levied unreasonable duties on imports of American agricul- 
tural products. This provision led to the negotiation of com- 
mercial treaties with a number of European and South American 
countries.^^"""' 

555. The census of 1890 ; the Patent Office Centennial. 
— The " Centennial Census'' (1890) reported the total area of 
the United States, including Alaska, at over 3,600,000 square 
miles, and the total population (Indians not included) at 
62,622,250. 

We began our national life a poor and struggling people, 
weak in numbers ; on the West our possessions were bounded 
by the Mississippi. In a single century we had gained 58,000,- 
000 of population, we had taken possession of the entire 
breadth of the Continent, and had accumulated wealth suffi- 
cient to give $1000 to every man, woman, and child in the 
Union.i^^ 

The following year (1891), the hundredth anniversary of the 
founding of the Patent Office at Washington was celebrated. 

$437,000,000, besides $75,000,000 of subsidiary silver. A very large amount 
of silver bullion, estimated to be worth over $125,000,000, still remains 
uncoined. The total gold coinage to October i, 1896, was $600,544,227. 
The total amount of coin notes and bullion then on hand was $2,257,965,- 
845, and the total amount of specie and paper in circulation (including 
Government currency and national bank notes) was $1,585, 593,509, or $22.05 
per capita, estimating the population of the United States at 71,774,000. 
See "The World Almanac," 1S97, p. 1S2. 



1891-1892.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 513 

During the century of its existence the office had issued more 
than 450,000 patents. These cover well-nigh the whole field 
of human industry from the first patent issued in 1790 for mak- 
ing potash for soap down to those for the electric motors of 
the present day. A large proportion of patents are for new or 
improved labor-saving inventions. Carroll D. Wright testifies 
that American machinery has shortened the hours of work, in- 
creased the workman's wages, and reduced the prices he pays 
for all kinds of manufactured goods. ^^^ 

556. Labor troubles at Homestead. — In the summer of 
1892 the Carnegie Steel Company at Homestead near Pitts- 
burgh gave notice that it should be compelled to reduce the 
pay of its employes, more than three thousand in number. 
The men refused to accept the reduction, and hanged the 
President of the Company in effigy. Thereupon the com- 
pany shut its doors two days before the contract time expired. 

The discharged men took possession of the works and re- 
fused to give them up. The Company hired a strong body of 
armed Pinkerton detectives to dislodge them. A battle ensued 
in which a number were killed and wounded on both sides, 
and the Pinkertons were compelled to surrender. The Gov- 
ernor of Pennsylvania sent the entire militia force of the 
State to Homestead to restore order. The Carnegie Company 
then opened their mills with new men. The strike lasted about 
twenty weeks ; it cost the Company, the strikers, and the pub- 
lic an average of more than $200,000 a week, or a total of 
$4,325,000.1^2 

557. The Supreme Court vs. the Mormon Church ; am- 
nesty to the Mormons. — Meanwhile the United States 
Supreme Court had affirmed (1890) the constitutionality of the 
Edmunds-Tucker Law (§ 548) confiscating the property of the 
Mormon Church. A few months later the head of that church 
publicly advised his followers to obey the law and renounce 
polygamy. A general conference held at Salt Lake City (1890) 
pledged the whole body of Mormons to accept the advice of 



514 THE STUDENTS AMERICAN HISTORY. [1892-1893. 

their President. Thereupon President Harrison issued a proc- 
lamation of amnesty (1893) to the Mormons, and the confiscated 
church property was restored. 

558. The presidential election (1892). — The chief issue in 
the presidential campaign was the tariff question. The Repub- 
licans reafifirmed "the American doctrine of Protection" and 
renominated President Harrison, with Whitelaw Reid of New 
York for Vice-President. 

The Democrats denounced " Protection " as " a robbery of 
the great majority of the American people for the benefit of the 
few." They demanded a tariff for revenue only and nominated 
ex-President Cleveland, with Adlai E, Stevenson of Illinois for 
Vice-President. 

The People's Party, or " Populists " (§ 529), now held their 
first National Convention (1892). They demanded free silver 
coinage in the ratio of 16 to i (§ 255) and a speedy increase 
in the issue of money to not less than $50 per capita (§ 554, 
note). The remaining planks in their platform did not differ 
very essentially from the socialist features of those of the Labor 
Party or of the "Grangers" (§§ 527, 529). The "Populists" 
nominated General James B. Weaver of Iowa for President, 
and James G. Field of Virginia for Vice-President. 

In the five States of Kansas, Colorado, Idaho, North Dakota, 
and Wyoming the Democrats voted for the Populist candidate. 

At the election Cleveland received 277 electoral votes, 
Harrison 145, and Weaver 22. The popular vote stood 
5,556,543 for Cleveland, 5,175,582 for Harrison, and 1,040,886 
for Weaver. ^^^ 

559. Summary. — The principal events of Harrison's ad- 
ministration were the passage of the Dependent Pension Act, 
the Sherman Silver Act, and the McKinley Protective Tariff". 
Six States were admitted, one with woman suffrage ; and the 
first vessels of our new steel navy were built. The Census 
Report, the Patent Office Celebration, and the Homestead 
Strike also demand notice. 



1893.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 515 

GROVER CLEVELAND (DEMOCRAT), ONE TERM, 1893-1897. 

560. Cleveland's inaugural address ; the Columbus cele- 
bration ; the Columbian Exposition. — On the 4th of March, 
1893, the Democratic Party came into full control of all depart- 
ments of the national Government. In his inaugural address, 
(§ 558) President Cleveland dwelt mainly on the necessity of 
a " sound and stable currency " and of *' tariff reform." He 
urged that there should be no more " protection for protection's 
sake," and called on the people to support the Government 
instead of looking to the Government to support them.'^ 

The four hundredth anniversary of the discovery of America 
by Columbus had been celebrated (1892) in the schools 
throughout the United States. The celebration was resumed 
in the spring of 1893 by an international naval review held in 
New York Harbor. This pageant was preliminary to the open- 
ing of the '* Columbian Exposition " * at Chicago on the first of 
May. The Exposition was in every way worthy of the purpose 
for which it was planned, and it would be difficult to conceive 
of a more magnificent spectacle than this greatest of World's 
Fairs extending for two miles along the shore of Lake Michigan. 

561. The panic of 1893; repeal of the Sherman Silver 
Act and of the " Force Act" ; the Behring Sea case. — In 
the midst of the Columbian celebration a terrible financial 
panic swept over the country. Over three hundred banks sus- 
pended payment, business was paralyzed, and failures multiplied. 
This occurred at a time when the total amount of silver stored 
in the Treasury vaults at Washington or in circulation among 
the people was nearly $600,000,000.'^ 

The panic appears to have been caused by the action of 
foreign holders of our stocks and Government securities. They 

*The " World's Columbian Exposition " was created by act of Congress, 
April 25, 1890. The total expenditure on the great Fair exceeded $31,000,- 
000. The total number of visitors was more than 21,000,000, or an average 
of nearly 120,000 a day for the six months the exhibition was open. It 
was in every respect a brilliant success. 



5l6 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1893. 

believed that we intended paying our debts in silver dollars, 
worth then about 67 cents.* For this reason they made haste 
to sell their holdings at whatever price they could get. This 
caused depression and " tight money " in New York and 
throughout the country.! 

The crisis was so alarming that the President summoned an 
extra session of Congress (August 3, 1893) to consider what 
should be done. He believed that the primary cause of the 
panic was the continued purchase and coinage of enormous 
quantities of silver in a steadily falling market for that metal. 
In accordance with the President's recommendation, Congress 
proceeded to discuss the proposed repeal of the Sherman Act 
(§ 554). Senator Sherman himself spoke earnestly for that 
repeal, t It was carried in the House by a majority of 131, 
and after two months' debate a majority of 11 voted for it in 
the Senate and it at once received the President's approval 
(November i, 1893).^^ 

* In July, 1892, the market value of the silver dollar was 88 cents ; in 
June, 1893, the British Government closed the mints of India to the free 
coinage of silver, and the market value of the dollar speedily fell to 67 
cents. 

General Francis A. Walker, an earnest advocate of international bi- 
metallism, took the ground that the only true way to raise the price of silver 
was to induce the leading powers of the Old World to join the United 
States in remonetizing that metal. On the other hand, the Free Silver 
Party contended that the United States could and should act indepen- 
dently of Europe in the matter. See Walker's " International Bimetallism," 
Preface, et seq. 

t The Western Populists declared that the panic was caused by a con- 
spiracy hatched by British and American bankers with Mr. Cleveland's 
encouragement for the express purpose of driving silver money out of use. 
See " Political Science Quarterly," December, 1893. 

X Senator Sherman said : "The free coinage of silver and gold at any 
ratio you may fix means the use of the cheaper metal only. . . . No man 
will carry to the mint one ounce of gold to be coined into dollars when he 
can carry sixteen ounces of silver, worth but little more in the market than 
half an ounce of gold, and get the same number of dollars." See Sherman's 
"Recollections," II. 1 191. 



1893-1894.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 5 I / 

Congress later repealed the "Force Act" (§ 525). A con- 
troversy had long been going on with England respecting the 
infringement of our rights in Behring Sea. We claimed that 
when we purchased Alaska (§ 520) we thereby obtained the 
power to close that sea against foreign seal hunters. It had 
been agreed to settle the matter by arbitration. The com- 
mission appointed reported (1893) that the sea must remain 
open, but that we had the right to take measures to protect the 
seals at certain seasons. This decision ended the dispute. 

562. The Coxey «<Army"; the Chicago strike. — The 
business depression of the winter of 1 893-1 894 gave rise to a 
remarkable movement. One Coxey started from Massilon, 
Ohio, to lead an " army " of the unemployed to Washington to 
demand aid from the Government. Coxey's example led to the 
formation of similar " armies " in California and other parts of 
the West. They forced freight trains to transport them, and 
lived " tramp " fashion off the country through which they 
passed on their way toward the national capital. 

" General " Coxey with his followers of the " Commonweal 
of Christ" reached Washington the last of April (1894). The 
police forbade his addressing the people from the steps of the 
capitol, and the " Commonwealers " soon deserted him. The 
other " armies " gradually broke up, and the threatened demon- 
stration which had drawn recruits from fourteen States and two 
Territories ended in derisive and decisive failure. 

About midsummer (1894) the employes of the Pullman Car 
Company, at the Pullman Works near Chicago, struck against a 
reduction of wages. The men employed on the principal rail- 
roads radiating from Chicago struck in sympathy and refused 
to haul Pullman cars. Serious riots ensued, a great amount of 
property was destroyed, and the police and the militia were 
defied. The President sent United States troops to Chicago 
to protect Government buildings, enforce the decrees of the 
federal courts, and prevent interference with the carrying of 
the mails. In all, it required a force of more than 14,000 



5l8 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1894-1895. 

police, militia, and troops to hold the strikers and the mob effec- 
tually in check. The strike caused a loss estimated at $87,000,000. 
Good authorities make the total cost of the three great strikes 
of 1877 (§ 534), 1892 (§ 556), and 1894 about $172,000,000, 
or a loss of more than $30,000 a day for every working day of 
the seventeen years covering the period. '^^'^ 

563. Hawaii ; the Wilson-Gorman Tariff ; the income 
tax ; the Atlanta Exhibition ; the " New South " ; the 
<* New West." — A revolution occurred in Hawaii early in 
1893, and the revolutionists, after dethroning the Queen, 
opened negotiations for annexation to the United States. 
Meanwhile an American protectorate was declared. Presi- 
dent Cleveland sent commissioners to investigate the condi- 
tion of affairs ; acting on their report, he refused to continue 
the protectorate or to favor annexation, but issued a proclama- 
tion (1894) recognizing Hawaii as an independent Republic. 

Meanwhile Congress was discussing the Wilson-Gorman 
Tariff for reducing "taxation" and providing "revenue." As 
originally drawn it abolished duties on raw materials and on 
the necessaries of life ; but in its progress through the Senate 
the bill received more than six hundred amendments. These 
so changed its character that the President would not give it 
his approval, and it became law without his signature (Appen- 
dix, p. ix, sect. 7). The new tariff reduced the rate of duties 
about 1 1 per cent, making the average rate 37 per cent (§ 554). 
Wool was the chief raw material it admitted free.^''^ An in- 
come tax was appended to the tariff, but the United States 
Supreme Court (1896) decided it to be unconstitutional. 

The following autumn (1895) the " Cotton States and Inter- 
national Exhibition " was held at Atlanta. At the appointed 
moment the President's young daughter pressed an electric 
button communicating with the Exhibition buildings many 
hundreds of miles distant. At her touch the gates swung open 
to the public. The Exhibition showed the marvellous progress 
the " New South " had made since the war. 



1895.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION, 519 

The buildings stood in Piedmont Park on the very ground 
where thirty years before Sherman had planted the batteries 
which threw the first shell into Atlanta. Since then, not only 
Atlanta, but the whole section it represented had risen from 
its ruins. The South was no longer poor; between 1880 and 
1890 its valuation had increased nearly $4,000,000,000. It 
had ceased to be a purely agricultural country, dependent on 
the North for its manufactured goods. Mills had sprung up 
which spun and wove hundreds of thousands of bales of cot- 
ton, and by the aid of improved machinery a single operative 
could in a twelvemonth produce cloth enough to supply 1500 
persons. 

The South, too, is naturally rich in iron and coal, but before 
the war these mineral treasures had scarcely been touched. 
Now all had changed, mines had been opened, millions of 
tons of coal had been dug, and enormous quantities of iron 
smelted.* This was the work of free labor ; as ex-President 
Harrison said : " The Emancipation Proclamation was heard 
in the depths of the earth. , . , Men were made free and 
material things became our better servants." ^^'^ 

The intellectual progress of the South has kept pace with 
her material growth. Thanks to the labors of the diiTerent 
religious denominations of the country and to the princely gifts 
of George Peabody, John F. Slater, and Paul Tulane, schools 
and colleges were opened for both white and black at a time 
when the people of that section were too poor to undertake 
such work for themselves. Since then the South has raised 
and expended about $400,000,000 on the education of her 
children, so that all may have an *' even start in life." Of this 
sum the Southern people have given a generous share toward 
the maintenance of colored schools. 

In this astonishing advance nothing is more wonderful than 
the progress made by the negro. A little more than a genera- 

*In 1890 the South mined 15,000,000 tons of coal and smelted 1,600,000 

tons of iron ore. 



520 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1895-. 

tion ago the black man had no record ; he was simply a drudge 
driven to his daily toil by the overseer's whip. He " knew 
nothing, owned nothing, was nothing," The first school for 
freedmen was opened in the autumn of 1861 under the guns 
of Fort Monroe. To-day 40 per cent of the negroes can read 
and write, and an ever-increasing number are becoming prop- 
erty owners and tax-payers. It is true that the population of 
the section known as the " Black Belt " moves forward slowly ; 
nevertheless it moves, and idleness, ignorance, and degrada- 
tion — the heritage of slavery — are gradually giving way to 
the desire to know something, to do something, to have some- 
thing, and to be something.'"*' 

If we turn from the " New South " to the " New West," we 
find growth in population, industrial enterprise, and wealth 
without a parallel. Since the war, vast solitudes have been 
settled and thousands of miles of railroads constructed. Towns 
and cities have sprung up, mines of precious metals have been 
opened, and cattle and sheep ranches and grain farms estab- 
lished on a colossal scale. The food-products of that section 
alone would suffice to feed nearly the entire population of the 
United States. The live stock was valued in 1890 at over 
$1,000,000,000. A single State produces over sixty million 
bushels of wheat for its annual harvest, and the mills of a 
single city turn out a hundred thousand barrels of flour a 
week. 

564. The Venezuela controversy ; the Arbitration Treaty ; 
admission of Utah ; extension of civil-service reform. — For 
more than half a century a controversy had existed between 
Venezuela and Great Britain respecting the boundary line of 
British Guiana. In his third annual message (1895) President 
Cleveland said that he should renew his efforts to induce the 
disputants to settle the question by arbitration in order " to re- 
move from this hemisphere all causes of difference with Powers 
beyond sea." Great Britain declined to accept the proposal, 
and the President sent a special message to Congress (Decem- 



1895-1897.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 521 

ber 17, 1895), urging the application of the Monroe Doctrine 
(§ 331) to the case, and asking that a commission should be 
appointed to determine " the true divisional line between the 
Republic of Venezuela and British Guiana." A very large 
part of the American people greeted the message with enthu- 
siastic approval, but its warlike tone alarmed the stock market, 
and securities fell with panic-like rapidity. 

Congress authorized the appointment of commissioners, but 
before they had completed their labors Great Britain agreed to 
submit the whole matter to arbitration. This was done under 
a treaty made to that effect, and late in 1896 the question was 
satisfactorily settled. ^^^ 

Later (January 11, 1897), a general treaty of arbitration was 
negotiated between the United States and Great Britain, but 
the Senate has not yet taken definitive action respecting it. 

Meanwhile (1896) Utah had been admitted to the Union, 
making the total number of States forty-five. 

The cause of civil-service reform (§ 533) had been pushed 
forward by President Arthur and his successors until the whole 
number in the classified service had risen from about 15,000 
to nearly 50,000. In the spring of 1896 President Cleveland, 
by one stroke of the pen, added more than 40,000 positions 
or offices, raising the total to nearly 90,000, or about one-half 
of the entire number — classified and unclassified — in the 
civil service. The party which has recently gained the presi- 
dential election pledges itself to enforce and extend the Civil 
Service Law "wherever practicable."'"''^ 

565. The presidential election (1896) The two main 

questions at issue were : (i) the free coinage of silver (§ 554), 
and (2) that of a protective tariff. The Republicans declared 
themselves " unreservedly for sound money " and unalterably 
" opposed to the free coinage of silver except by international 
agreement with the leading commercial nations of the world." 

They nominated Major William McKinley of Ohio for Presi- 
dent, with Garrett A. Hobart of New Jersey for Vice-President. 



522 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1896-1897. 

On the refusal of the Convention to adopt free silver, Senator 
Teller and twenty other delegates, representing the six States 
of Colorado, Idaho, Montana, Nevada, South Dakota, and Utah, 
seceded from the Convention and from the Republican Party. 

The Democrats demanded " the free and unlimited coinage 
of both silver and gold at the present legal ratio of i6 to i, 
without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation." 
They furthermore demanded that tariff duties should be levied 
for revenue only. 

They nominated William J. Bryan of Nebraska for President, 
with Arthur Sewall of Maine for Vice-President. 

A large number of Democrats refused to support the free- 
silver platform. They took the name of the National Demo- 
cratic Party and adopted a platform upholding " the gold 
standard." They nominated John M. Palmer of Illinois for 
President, with Simon B. Buckner of Kentucky for Vice- 
President. 

Meanwhile the People's Party, or " Populists " (§§ 529, 558), 
held their second National Convention. They adopted the 
free-silver plank of the Democratic platform and nominated the 
Democratic candidate for President, with Thomas E. Watson 
of Georgia for Vice-President. The general tone of the " Pop- 
ulist " platform decidedly favored that form of socialism in 
which the Nation or the State undertakes to act for the indi- 
vidual in the ownership and management of railroads, telegraph 
lines, and other important enterprises and industries. 

At the election McKinley received 271 electoral votes and 
Bryan 176. The popular vote stood 7,104,779 for McKinley 
to 6,502,925 for Bryan. Many thousands of " Gold Democrats " 
cast their votes for the Republican candidate. ^''^^ 

566. Summary. — The chief political events of President 
Cleveland's administration were : (i) the repeal of the Sherman 
Silver Act and the "Force Act"; (2) the Behring Sea and 
the Venezuelan arbitration settlements ; (3) the passage of the 
Wilson-Gorman Tariff ; (4) the great extension of civil-service 



1897.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 523 

reform, and the admission of Utah into the Union. Other events 
of greater or less importance were the opening of the World's 
Columbian Exposition, the Exhibition at Atlanta, the panic of 

1893, the march of the " Coxey Army," and the Chicago strike. 

WILLIAM Mckinley (republican), 1897-1901. 

567. Inaugural address ; the Dingley Tariff. — In his 

inaugural address President McKinley (§ 565) declared himself 
for "sound money," for a new revenue-protective tariff, for 
strict economy in the management of the government, for the 
advancement of civil-service reform, and for the maintenance 
of peace with all the nations of the world. ^^** 

The new Administration was called to deal with a serious 
deficit in the revenue. This deficit had been going on since 

1894, and it was estimated that it would amount to $200,000,000 
in 1897. The pressing need of money to meet the current 
expenses of the government compelled the President to send 
a special message to Congress, in which he declared that tariff 
legislation was the " imperative demand of the hour." 

In accordance with his recommendation Congress passed the 
Dingley Tariff Bill* The object of the measure was stated 
to be : " To provide revenue for the support of the govern- 
ment, and to encourage the industries of the United States." 

The Dingley Tariff differs from the Wilson-Gorman Act 
(§ 563) in several important respects. First, it takes wool, 
hides, and certain other raw materials from the free list and 
places them upon the dutiable list. Secondly, it generally im- 
poses a higher rate on woolens, silks, and other textile fabrics. 
Thirdly, in many cases, it levies specific or compound duties 
instead of ad valorem duties. f Fourthly, it concedes a some- 
what broader range of reciprocity duties (§ 554). 

* So called because the original bill was drawn by the late Nelson 
Dingley, a Representative from Maine. 

t Specific duties consist of a certain rate levied without regard to the 
cost or value of the goods imported — as, for instance, forty cents per yard 



524 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1897-1899. 

The Dingley Tariff expressly keeps in force the Anti-Trust 
clauses of the Wilson-Gorman Act, which forbid all combina- 
tions "in restraint of lawful tragic, " or of " free competition," or 
" to increase the market price in any part of the United States " 
of any imported article. ^^^ 

568. Growth of productive power ; great corporations and 
trusts.- — Since the adoption of the Constitution economic 
conditions in the United States have entirely changed. This is 
the natural and inevitable result of the enormous increase in 
manufacturing and other forms of productive power, and in the 
rapid growth of capital. These compel new methods of doing 
business. Less than a century ago most of the manufactured 
goods produced in this country and throughout the world were 
made by hand. Clothing and boots and shoes are familiar ex- 
amples. Now nearly every manufactured article is made by 
machinery. To-day a single workman operating one or more 
machines can often produce as much as twenty-five men could 
in Washington's time. 

This radical change has had far-reaching results. First, the 
use of machinery has made many kinds of goods much cheaper,* 
and has greatly extended their consumption among all classes 
of people. Secondly, notwithstanding this increase of con- 
sumption, the manufacturing power of the country is now so 
enormous that from time to time the market is glutted by over- 
production, and capital and labor are forced to stand idle for 
an indefinite period, at heavy loss to both. 

One result of this condition of things has been a constant 

on all silks ; ad valorem duties are levied on a sliding scale according to the 
value of the goods, as, for instance, forty cents per yard on all silks costing 
a certain sum with an increase of duty as the silk rises in price ; compound 
duties are a combination of specific and ad valorem rates. 

* For instance, when F. C. Lowell began to manufacture cotton cloth 
at Waltham, Mass., in 1814 (see § 314), the price was t,t, cents a yard; he 
predicted that the use of improved machinery would in time reduce it to 
8 cents a yard. His friends ridiculed the idea, but it has long since been 
realized. See Cowley's " History of Lowell," p. 40. 



1897-1899.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION, 525 

reaching out in search of new markets in different parts of the 
world. This effort, as will be seen later (§ 569), has met with 
a large measure of success. 

A second result has been the reorganization of methods of 
doing business. The past quarter of a century has seen the 
formation of many great corporations and " trusts " — that is, 
the combination of a number of corporations under one man- 
agement. The object sought is to reduce the cost, increase 
the aggregate profit, check excessive production, and restrain 
or destroy competition. Congress passed an Anti-Trust Act 
(1890) to check this tendency to consolidation, but the law has 
had little, if any, practical effect. 

This movement toward combination was first seen on a large 
scale in the union of independent or rival lines of railways. 
It next showed itself in the organization of the Western Union 
Telegraph Company (1881), whicli now practically controls the 
telegraph lines of the United States. In like manner the 
Standard Oil Company absorbed (188 1) the petroleum trade of 
the country. At the present time, besides petroleum, sugar, 
tobacco, and cotton-seed oil, many other products and manu- 
factures are controlled by corporations or " trusts." The same 
movement of consolidation is seen in retail business in the 
establishment of " department stores," which bring together 
an immense variety of goods under one roof. 

This tendency to combine, which is characteristic of our day, 
is seen in federations of labor as well as in federations of 
capital. It has led to much legislation, it has brought new 
forces into the field of political action, and it has given rise to 
earnest and honest attempts to adjust and harmonize the rela- 
tions of employer and employed. Finally, it has stimulated the 
Socialists to urge cooperation in production, and Municipal 
State or Federal ownership, not only for all lines of transporta- 
tion, communication, and other public utilities, but for all mines, 
oil-wells, and coal-fields ; while some radical thinkers of the 
Henry George school declare that the land itself should cease 



526 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1897-1899. 

to be private property and should be held by the common- 
wealth or the nation and leased to the people. ^'"^^ 

569. Enormous increase of exports ; the Congressional 
Library. — In connection with the subject of the productive 
power of the country attention should be called to the opening 
of new markets abroad and the immense increase of our exports. 
In 1898 we shipped to Europe bread-stuffs and provisions and 
cattle and sheep valued at upwards of $500,000,000. 

Next, in addition to our regular exports of cotton, petroleum, 
tobacco, and other staples, we are now sending abroad a con- 
stantly increasing quantity of iron, copper, steel, hardware, 
tools, machinery, furniture, and manufactured wood. 

Our locomotives are going to Russia, China, Japan, and in 
some cases even to England. India is importing our steel rails 
and Austria our steel water-pipes. American sewing-machines 
and bicycles, unless shut out by tariff, are found in every coun- 
try of Europe. Great Britain not only sends us large orders 
for machinery and cars to operate electric roads, but has recently, 
for the first time in our history, imported a cargo of Pennsylvania 
steel plates for shipbuilding. 

In less than a quarter of a century our exports have more than 
doubled. In 1898 they aggregated more than Ji, 200,000, 000, 
and exceeded our imports by nearly $600,000,000. 

These statistics appear to indicate that we are advancing to a 
point where we shall be recognized as holding the controlling 
influence in the commerce of the world.^^*^ Should our exports 
continue to increase in the same ratio, the time may come when 
the globe will be practically girdled with American rails, and 
the seas traversed by steamships built of American steel and 
freighted with American products, manufactures, machinery, 
tools ; and labor and time-saving inventions.* 

* Inventions and Discoveries. — Among the inventions of the nineteenth 
century, not previously mentioned, attention may be called to the follow- 
ing : The Gatling gun, smokeless powder, fixed ammunition, breech-loading 
cannon ; the Westinghouse air-brake for cars, the automatic electric sig- 



I 



1897-1899.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 52/ 

A landmark of progress in a different direction and one of 
equal interest is seen in the Congressional Library Building. 
This magnificent white granite structure was completed and 
opened late in the autumn of 1897. It has room for nearly six 
million volumes. Next to the capitol, which it faces, it is 
generally considered to be the finest public building in Wash- 
ington, and perhaps the finest of the kind in the world. 

570. "Greater New York" and other cities; municipal 
government ; revised State constitutions. — On New Year's 
Day, 1898, the charter of "Greater New York" went into 
operation. The metropolis now includes Brooklyn and many 
suburban towns. It covers an area of nearly 360 square miles 
- — • a territory equal to more than one-fourth the state of 
Rhode Island ; and it comprises a population estimated at 
over 3,500,000, which is rapidly increasing. 

nals, the interlocking safety switqh, the automatic car-coupler, vestibule 
trains, the Pullman and the Wagner palace cars ; the compressed-air drill, 
the sandblast for cutting designs on glass ; the electric search-light, elec- 
tric welding and heating; the self-binding reaper and harvester ; aluminum 
ware; enamelled kitchen ware; dyes made from coal tar; wood paper; 
wire nails, gimlet-pointed screws, plain and barbed wire fence ; the cash- 
carrier for stores, the passenger elevator ; ocean steamers built of steel 
with water-tight bulkheads and twin screws ; the hydraulic dredge ; the 
gas engine, the Corliss engine; the voting machine; the tin-can-making 
machine ; water gas ; Yale, combination, and time locks ; the bicycle, the 
horseless carriage. 

Perhaps no single invention in the latter part of the nineteenth century 
has had greater results in certain directions than the " safety bicycle," in- 
troduced in 1889. It has had a very decided influence on outdoor exer- 
ci.se, especially of women, on health, dress, social habits and manners, and 
on the improvement of roads. 

Among the most noteworthy scientific discoveries of the century (not 
previously mentioned) are : .Spectrum analysis, dynamite, the use of 
cocaine as a local anaesthetic in producing insensibility to pain, the X or 
Roentgen Ray used in surgery (and to some extent in the arts) for seeing 
and photographing objects otherwise invisible to the eye, the use of anti- 
septics in surgical operations, and finally the discovery and treatment of 
disease germs, and the production of liquid air. 



528 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1898-1899. 

New Orleans and San Francisco have likewise recently 
adopted new charters with the view of securing better mu- 
nicipal government. 

The growth of cities is one of the most remarkable features 
of our history. When the first Federal census was taken in 
1790, the population of the United States was almost wholly 
rural and agricultural. There were then only six cities which 
had more than 8,000 inhabitants — Philadelphia ranking first 
with a population of 42,000, and New York next with 33,000. 
Then only about three persons in a hundred lived in cities ; 
now the proportion is about thirty in a hundred, or almost one- 
third of the entire population. 

For this reason the question of good government in the 
United States has come to depend in large degree on the 
honest, intelligent, and efficient administration of affairs in our 
cities. It is certain that if their manM|RTient is permitted to 
fall into the hands of incapable or corii^t men the good name 
of the Republic will be put to shame and its welfare vitally 
imperilled. 

Within the past ten years several Southern States have 
adopted new or revised constitutions making important changes 
in conditions of suffrage. Mississippi (1892) requires the voter 
to pay a poll tax and to be able to " read " or understand any 
section of the State constitution. The Supreme Court of the 
United States has recently (1898) given a decision sustaining 
this clause. South Carolina (1895) and Louisiana (1898) 
have followed the example of Mississippi in adopting educa- 
tional or property qualifications for suffrage. The effect of 
these changes will be to disfranchise the greater part of the 
negroes in these states for an indefinite length of time, and to 
give the white race the political control. Several other South- 
ern States are considering the question of adopting similar 
provisions. 

In 1898 South Dakota made a still more radical change. It 
voted to amend the State constitution so that the people shall 



1600-1825.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION, 529 

have the right to initiate legislation on the one hand, and on 
the other to modify or repeal it by the use of the referendum.* 

This is the first attempt to introduce a principle of legisla- 
tion here which has been in operation in Switzerland for a 
number of years. The result will be looked for with deep 
interest. 

571. Spanish possessions in the sixteenth century. — 
At the close of the sixteenth century Spaniards were the only 
white men who had succeeded in planting permanent colonies 
on any part of the North American Continent (§§23,35). 
Furthermore the same race held the West Indies, the greater 
part of South America, the Philippines and other important 
groups of islands in the East. 

Territorially Spain was then the most powerful empire on the 
globe, and Philip II. could boast with entire truth that he ruled 
over " possessions on which the sun never set." 

The rise of Englanar as a "sea-power" and as a successful 
planter of colonies in Virginia forced the Spanish emperor to 
relinquish some of his plans respecting America. But as late 
almost as the beginning of the nineteenth century Spain still 
claimed, not only the greater part of the West Indies, Mexico, 
and the Peninsula of Florida, but the whole of that vast 
country west of the Mississippi now embraced by the United 
States. 

Less than twenty-five years later Spain had lost all of her 
immense possessions on the mainland of North America 
(§§280, 318, 319, map), and the only colonies she still held 
in the West Indies were Cuba and Porto Rico. 



* The amendment to the South Dakota constitution (1898) provides that 
whenever five per cent of the voters of the State shall petition for the 
enactment of a law, the Legislature shall at once submit the proposed 
statute to the people at a special election ; in like manner, on the petition 
of the same number of voters, any law which the Legislature may have 
enacted must be submitted to the popular vote, and if a majority then vote 
against it, it shall not go into effect. 



530 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1845-1868. 

572. Cuba and the Cuban revolution. — Columbus called 
Cuba " the Pearl of the Antilles " and declared that it was " the 
most beautiful land that eyes ever beheld." Commercially this 
fertile island has always ranked high. In a military point of 
view its position between Florida and Yucatan makes it " the 
Key to the Gulf of Mexico " and to the eastern entrance to 
any inter-oceanic canal which may be cut through Central 
America. 

But this happily situated island, as large as the state of 
Pennsylvania, and almost in sight from Key West, Florida, had 
long presented a striking contrast to the free states north of it. 
Under the arbitrary rule of Spain the masses of the people 
enjoyed neither civil, political, nor religious liberty. They 
were bowed down by an enormous burden of taxation, and they 
were excluded from having any share in the government. All 
public offices were, as a rule, monopolized by officials sent over 
from Spain. According to the last census (1887) the inhabit- 
ants of this island numbered somewhat over 1,600,000. They 
were divided into three classes : (i) a small number of native 
Spaniards who held nearly every position of power and trust ; 
(2) the white Creoles who constituted the great bulk of the 
people ; (3) mulattoes, free negroes, and Chinamen. 

For many years discontent had shown itself in insurrection. 
For many years, too, the South had coveted Cuba for purposes 
of slavery extension. In 1845 the United States offered Spain 
$100,000,000 for the island, and between 1849 ^""^ ^^57 s^^" 
eral American filibustering expeditions made vain attempts to 
seize it. In 1854 the Ostend Manifesto (§430) boldly de- 
clared that " the Union can never enjoy repose, nor possess 
reliable security, as long as Cuba is not embraced within its 
boundaries." 

In 1868 a formidable rebellion broke out in Cuba which 
lasted for ten years. President Grant condemned the bar- 
barous manner in which the combatants on both sides carried 
on the war, and interceded with Spain, but without avail. At 



1895-1897.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 53 1 

length, after terrible destruction of life, the Spanish government 
succeeded in quelling the insurrection on the surface. 

573. The war for Cuban independence. — Early in 1895 
a new and still more determined uprising began in Eastern 
Cuba. The insurgents did not demand reform, but declared 
themselves for " Independence or death." 

The progress of the movement developed three parties : (i) 
the ultra Revolutionists, who demanded absolute separation 
from Spain; (2) the Autonomists, who asked for "home rule" 
without separation ; (3) the Spanish party in power, who opposed 
any change whatever. 

The next year (1896) the natives of the Philippines, ani- 
mated by the example of Cuba, rose in revolt. Spain had 
therefore to undertake the formidable, if not hopeless, task of 
endeavoring to suppress two rebellions at the same time — one 
on one side of the globe, the other on the other. In the case 
of Cuba the revolutionists had more or less help from filibus- 
tering expeditions and funds sent by sympathizers in the United 
States. 

President Cleveland in his message of 1896 declared that, 
independent of all humanitarian considerations, we had a 
direct pecuniary interest in Cuba " second only to that of the 
people and government of Spain." He added that if the war 
should continue it must end in the utter " ruin of the island." 
President Cleveland concluded by saying that while the United 
States was willing to grant Spain any reasonable amount of 
time for pacifying Cuba, we could not permit the strife to go 
on indefinitely. 

When President McKinley entered office the Cuban war was 
raging with unabated fury. The situation was greatly aggra- 
vated by the frightful sufferings of the neutral Cuban peasants 
or non-combatants. On the one hand, the insurgents drove 
them off their farms and compelled them to support the revolu- 
tion, or hanged them if they refused. On the other hand. 
General Weyler, the Spanish leader, forced all peasants within 



532 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1897. 

his military area to concentrate in the towns held by his troops. 
He allotted them certain small areas of land, within the Span- 
ish lines, for cultivation. These wretched people huddled to- 
gether with their wives and children in confined spaces, could 
not or would not cultivate the fields allotted to them ; the result 
was that immense numbers perished miserably of pestilence and 
starvation. General Lee, United States Consul at Havana, re- 
ported that in the town of Santa Clara alone, out of a popula- 
tion of 14,000, nearly half starved to death in a single year. 

Spain had sent 200,000 soldiers to Cuba, and had well-nigh 
" bankrupted herself in men and money " in the vain attempt 
to suppress the rebellion. The insurgents kept up a guerilla 
war, ravaging the country, burning buildings, and destroying 
sugar and tobacco plantations. The loss incurred by Ameri- 
can investors alone was estimated at from $30,000,000 to 
$50,000,000. 

574. Demands made on Spain by the United States ; 
reforms granted. — The protests of the United States against 
the continuance of the war passed in great part unheeded. 
Finally President McKinley demanded that Spain should take 
immediate and effectual measures to pacify Cuba. 

The Spanish government made a conciliatory reply, and in 
the autumn of 1897 recalled General Weyler and sent out 
General Blanco to grant reforms. Blanco was heartily in favor •" 
of pursuing the policy outlined by the Liberal Party, which had 
come into power in Spain. He took active measures to relieve 
the starving peasants; he appointed native Cubans to office 
and made a formal offer of "'home rule " to the insurgents." 

The Spanish authorities had made similar pledges of reform 
in the insurrection of 1868-1878, but had not kept their word. 
The insurgents had no faith in these new assurances. Gomez, 
the revolutionist leader, declared that he and his followers 
would accept nothing short of absolute independence. By his 
orders the Spanish officer who came as an official peace envoy 
to his camp was seized and shot as a spy. 



1897-1898.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 533 

575. The destruction of the << Maine" ; Congress declares 
Cuba independent. — Such was the condition of afifairs in 
Cuba when an event occurred which suddenly changed every- 
thing. The United States had sent Captain Sigsbee to Havana 
with the battle-ship " Maine." There was nothing threatening or 
unfriendly in his visit to that port, and he had remained there 
in peace for nearly three weeks ; but. on the night of February 
15, 1898, the "Maine," while lying in the harbor of Havana, 
was destroyed by an explosion, and 2 officers and 264 of her 
crew were killed. 

The United States appointed a naval Court of Inquiry to 
make an investigation. After a long and careful examination 
they reported that in their opinion " the ' Maine ' was destroyed 
by the explosion of a submarine mine." The court found no 
evidence showing whether the explosion was caused by acci- 
dent or design, and they made no attempt to fix the, responsi- 
bility for the act on any person or persons. 

The Spanish government expressed their regret at " the 
lamentable incident," disavowed all connection with it, declared 
they believed that the explosion resulted from internal causes, 
and urged that the whole question should be referred to a 
committee of arbitration. This suggestion the United States 
declined to consider. 

.Later Spain ordered General Blanco to treat with the insur- 
gents for an armistice preparatory to establishing peace, and 
an offer of nominal independence was made to the Cubans. 
These measures had no practical results with the revolutionists. 

In April President McKinley sent a special message to Con- 
gress. He declared that, "in the name of humanity, in the 
name of civilization, in behalf of endangered American interests, 
which give us the right and the duty to speak and act, the war 
in Cuba must stop." 

Shortly afterward Congress took the matter up. A proposi- 
tion to recogtiize the Cuban Republic failed, but Congress 
resolved by joint resolution (April 19, 1898): (i) "That the 



534 The student's American history. [i898. 

people of Cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and inde- 
pendent." (2) Congress demanded that Spain should at once 
withdraw all of her forces from the island. (3) They author- 
ized the President to use the entire land and naval forces of 
the United States to carry the resolutions into effect. (4) The 
United States declared that when the pacification of Cuba 
should be fully accomplished we should " leave the govern- 
ment and control of the island to its people." 

576. War with Spain An ultimatum was sent to Spain 

which that power declined to receive. It was now seen that 
war was inevitable. Shortly after this action of Congress the 
President issued a call for 125,000 volunteers, and later for 
75,000 more. Captain William T. Sampson had been put in 
command of a naval fleet at Key West, and Commodore W. S. 
Schley was ordered to organize a " flying squadron " at Hamp- 
ton Roads,. 

Congress had already placed $50,000,000 in the hands of 
the President to purchase additional war-ships and carry out 
plans of national defence. 

Later the Government borrowed $200,000,000 from the 
people of the United States to prosecute the war. So eager 
were the people to purchase these new three per cent bonds 
that they subscribed for no less than seven times the amount 
called for. 

The Act of Congress which authorized the popular loan also 
made provision for securing a war revenue. This measure 
levied special domestic and internal taxes including stamp 
duties on business paper and taxes on legacies and on beer. It 
was expected to yield an annual revenue of from $175,000,000 
to $200,000,000. 

A few days before Congress formally declared war (April 25, 
1898) the President sent Captain Sampson with a squadron to 
blockade Havana and other important Cuban ports. 

577. The battle of Manila. — Commodore George Dewey 
was in command of our Asiatic squadron at Hong Kong. The 



1898.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 535 

President ordered him to proceed at once to Manila, the capi- 
tal of the Philippines, and "capture or destroy" the Spanish 
fleet which guarded that important port. The plan was to 
strike Spain in two vulnerable points — Cuba and the Philip- 
pines — at the same time. Dewey had but six war-ships, of 
which only one ranked as a first-class cruiser. Manila was 
protected by fortifications, and the Spanish there had twice as 
many vessels as Dewey ; but they were inferior in size and 
armament to the American squadron ; and although the enemy 
showed no lack of courage, they were miserable gunners. 

On May i, 1898, Commodore Dewey sent a dispatch to the 
President stating that he had just fought a battle in which 
he had destroyed every one of the enemy's squadron without 
losing a single man. 

Congress voted the thanks of the nation to the " Hero of 
Manila," and he was promoted to the rank of Rear-Admiral. 
Later, Captain Sampson and Commodore Schley were raised 
to the same rank. 

The ultimate results of Dewey's remarkable victory may 
prove a turning-point in American history, deciding the question 
of our colonial policy in the Far East ; and hence his destruc- 
tion of the Spanish fleet may eventually be regarded as one of 
the decisive battles of the world. 

Soon after Dewey's splendid success the President sent rein- 
forcements from San Francisco, under General Wesley Merritt, 
to cooperate with our squadron when it should undertake the 
capture of Manila. 

578. Cervera's fleet " bottled up." — Just before the 
battle of Manila a Spanish fleet, consisting of four armored 
cruisers and three torpedo-boat destroyers, under Admiral 
Cervera, left the Cape Verde Islands. They had started, as 
was supposed, for Cuban waters, or with intent to attack the 
cities of our eastern coast. 

Commodore Schley's " flying squadron " set out to find the 
enemy. After a number of weeks' search it was discovered 



536 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1898. 

that Cervera had entered the harbor of Santiago on the south- 
eastern coast of Cuba. 

A few days later Captain Sampson sailed with a number of 
war-ships for that port. One of his fleet was the battle-ship 
"Oregon," which had recently arrived from San Francisco, by 
way of the Straits of Magellan, after an exciting voyage of 
more than thirteen thousand miles. 

The long, narrow, crooked channel of Santiago made entrance 
for our vessels very hazardous, and it was known that it was 
protected by both land batteries and submarine mines. 

Cervera's fleet was " bottled up," but the question was 
whether he might not slip out under cover of darkness and 
elude our guns. 

Captain Sampson resolved to " cork the bottle," and Lieu- 
tenant Hobson, at his own earnest request, was given charge 
of the dangerous experiment. With the help of seven sailors, 
all eager to rush into the jaws of death with him, he ran the 
coal-ship " Merrimac " into the Santiago channel and sank her 
across it. Hobson and his men were captured by the Span- 
iards, but were soon exchanged, and on shore he became the 
hero of the day. 

579. Fighting near Santiago; Roosevelt's <' Rough 
Riders"; destruction of Cervera's fleet. — A few weeks 
later General Shafter landed a strong force near Sanciago to 
cooperate with Captain Sampson in the capture of that city. 
A skirmish brought out the fighting qualities of the regulars 
and of Colonel Roosevelt's " Rough Riders " who here fought 
on foot. A week later (July 2, 1898), after a sharp engagement 
at El Caney and San Juan, our men drove the Spaniards into 
Santiago with heavy loss. 

Shortly afterward Captain Sampson went to confer with 
General Shafter, leaving Commodore Schley in command of 
the fleet, with orders to keep a sharp lookout for Cervera, for 
the " Merrimac " had only half corked the bottle. 

Not long after Captain Sampson left a shout went up from 



1898-1899.J RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 53/ 

the flag-ship " Brooklyn," " The Spaniards are coming out of the 
harbor ! " Both sides opened fire at the same time ; but the 
Spanish admiral, with his six vessels, had small chance in a 
contest with a powerful fleet of eleven vessels, comprising four 
first-class battle-ships.* In less than three hours all of the 
enemy's fleet were blazing, helpless wrecks, and Cervera him- 
self was a prisoner of war on board of one of our ships. 

Spain had another squadron at home, but she needed that to 
protect her coast ; so far as we were concerned, her power on 
the ocean was practically destroyed. 

580. The end of the war; the treaty with Spain; 
outbreak at Manila ; the treaty ratified ; annexation of 
Hawaii. — Soon after this decisive defeat the Spaniards sur- 
rendered Santiago. 

A few days later Spain asked for terms of peace, and on 
August 12, 1898, a protocol covering the preliminaries of peace 
was signed at Washington. 

The President at once ordered the suspension of hostilities. 
General Nelson A. Miles, Commander of the Army of the 
United States, was then in Porto Rico preparing for a decisive 
battle. When the order to suspend hostilities was received, 
the island surrendered to our forces. Before the Government 
dispatch could reach the Philippines, Rear-Admiral Dewey and 
General Merritt had attacked and taken Manila. 

The Peace Commission appointed by the American and the 
Spanish Governments met at Paris October i, 1898, and the 
treaty was signed on December i o. By the terms of the treaty 
Spain (i) gives up all sovereignty over Cuba; (2) cedes to 
us the island of Porto Rico, and the island of Guam in the 
Ladrones ; (3) finally, Spain cedes the Philippines to us, re- 
ceiving in return $20,000,000 for the public works which the 
Spanish Government had erected on those islands. On New 

* The battle-ship " Massachusetts " and Captain Sampson's flag-ship, the 
armored cruiser " New York," were not in the battle, being absent on duty 
at other points. 



538 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1898-1899. 

Year's Day, 1899, the Spanish forces left Havana, and the 
American flag was hoisted over the palace and the castle of 
that ancient city. This leaves Spain without a foot of ground 
on this side of the globe. 

The chief point of discussion in the Senate respecting the 
treaty was the article on the cession of the Philippines. A 
number of Senators, both Democrats and Republicans, strongly 
opposed the ratification of the treaty as it stood. They argued 
that we should either reject it entirely, or amend it so that the 
conditions required from Spain should be the giving up of all 
control over the islands, but not the actual cession of the 
islands themselves to the United States. They believed that 
the annexation of the Philippines would prove to be a burden 
rather than an advantage to this country. They proposed that 
we should act as guardians over the islands until the people 
should become able to govern and protect themselves. 

The majority of the Senate held the view that the annexa- 
tion of the Philippines would be for the best interests of all 
concerned, and that Congress could govern them for an indef- 
inite period on the territorial plan, as we do Alaska. 

While the subject was under discussion the natives made an 
attack on our troops at Manila. The combined forces of Gen- 
eral Otis and Rear- Admiral Dewey speedily drove them back 
with terrible loss. The news of the battle was at once 
telegraphed to Washington. The next day, February 6, 1899, 
the Senate met and forthwith ratified the treaty, as it stood, 
by a vote of 57 to 27. This act makes the Philippines, Porto 
Rico, and Guam part of the territory of the United States. 

We had already annexed the Republic of Hawaii (§ 563); 
for after Rear-Admiral Dewey's victory many people thought, 
with Captain Mahan, that we needed these islands as a base 
of defence and of naval operations in the Pacific. The oppo- 
sition declared that the Hawaiian people had not been fully 
consulted, and that " the cry of ' war emergency ' " did not 
justify our taking the islands ; but the resolution to annex 



1898-1899.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. ^39 

passed the United States Senate by a vote of 42 to 21, and 
was signed by the President July 7, 1898. 

581. The cost of the war; the question of " expansion.*' — 
The war, so far as actual fighting was concerned, lasted a 
little over one hundred days. American history records no 
campaign having such remarkable success at such small cost 
of life on our side. The total loss in the army and navy was 
less than 430. The war exhibited the wonderful efficiency 
of our new navy ; it showed what American soldiers, whether 
"regulars" or volunteers, may always be expected to do; it 
brought Union and Confederate veterans into service under 
the old flag, and it illustrated the noble helpfulness of the Red 
Cross Societ}'^ and of the women of America. 

The total direct cost of the war was about $130,000,000. 
But the maintenance of a larger standing army to preserve order 
in Cuba and our other new dependencies ; the probable build- 
ing of more ships of war, and the outlay for pensions to disabled 
soldiers and sailors must, in all probability, greatly increase the 
national expenditures for a number of years to come. 

The close of the contest with Spain leaves us face to face 
with issues greater than the war itself. The country will now 
be called upon to decide the momentous problem of " expan- 
sion " or "non-expansion." On that hangs the policy of the 
retention of the Philippines ; with it are bound up questions 
of markets in the Far East, of increased military and naval 
forces, of taxation, of immigration and labor, and of the adapta- 
tion of the American Constitution to govern a semi-civilized 
people in distant island possessions. ^^^ 

582. The Trans-Mississippi Exposition ; cheap lands ; ag- 
ricultural prosperity ; the preservation of forests ; national 
wealth. — While the war with Spain was in progress the 
"Trans-Mississippi Exposition" was opened at Omaha, Ne- 
braska (June I, 1898). Its object was to exhibit to the world 
the marvellous growth and resources of the vast region west of 
the great river of our continent. 



540 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. [1898-1899. 

Spain held that country for nearly three hundred years and 
expected to hold it for all time. Throug'h it Coronado wandered 
in his search for gold (§ 21). Fifty years ago the greater part 
of it was an unexplored wilderness. North of Texas there was 
not a single state between Missouri on the east and California 
on the Pacific ; not a single mile of railroad penetrated the 
country, and one of the most conspicuous features of its range 
of territories was a desolate gray patch which covered a section 
of many thousand square miles on the school-maps and bore 
the forbidding name : " Great American Desert." 

When railroads began to cross the Mississippi (§ 522) the 
great change in the Far West began. Furthermore liberal land 
laws hastened the settlement of that part of the country. Prior 
to 1862 the right of pre-emption enabled the settler to secure 
public land at the lowest government price whenever it should 
come into the market. 

In 1862 Congress passed the Homestead Bill. That act, 
which is still in force, gave every permanent settler 160 acres 
of land practically free of charge. It drew to America a 
peaceful army of wealth-producing emigrants ; it filled great 
wastes with thrifty, hard-working, self-respecting citizens ; it 
enhanced the value of the remaining public domain, and thus 
enriched the treasury of the United States. Between 1862 and 
1899 Western farmers took up nearly 170,000,000 acres of public 
lands or more than 260,000 square miles. ^''^^ Forty years ago 
this vast area — four times larger than England and Wales — 
had no white inhabitants. To-day the whole of it is cultivated 
by those who own it and live on it.* 

A noted writer once said that " whoever could make two ears 

* Exclusive of Alaska, the United States has still about 500,000,000 
acres of public lands to dispose of, but a considerable part of them — say 
one-third — is unfit for either tillage or pasturage unless irrigation can be 
employed, and then only a portion can be made fertile. The time is not 
• very far off when there will be no more free land, and comparatively Uttle 
that will be considered cheap. 



1898-1899.] RECONSTRUCTION, THE NEW NATION. 54 1 

of corn or two blades of grass grow upon a spot of ground 
where only one grew before " would deserve better of mankind 
than those even who made its laws. 

The Trans-Mississippi Exposition showed conclusively that 
the Western farmer has accomplished far more than this, for he 
has made corn grow where not an ear grew before, and in some 
cases he has made grass spring up where not a blade had ever 
been seen. 

The same liberal government policy which gave homesteads 
granted large tracts of lands (1862) to the States for the estab- 
lishment of agricultural colleges. More than forty of these 
institutions have been founded. In many cases they have 
been productive of higher education, and have borne fruit in 
better tillage of the soil and in greater material results. 

1898 was a year of almost unexampled agricultural prosperity. 
The West raised enormous crops of breadstuffs and, owing to 
the foreign demand, sold them at prices which filled the farmer's 
pockets and added largely to the wealth of the country.^^^*^ 

In connection with agriculture, attention should be called 
to the preservation of forests. It is found that the destruction 
of timber involves in many cases very serious results. Streams 
unprotected by forests become torrents in the spring and 
dwindle or disappear in hot weather. Where such a process 
goes on for a long time on a large scale it renders the valleys 
sterile and sometimes uninhabitable. 

The total area of forests in the United States is about 480,- 
000,000 acres. Forest fires destroy on the average $20,000,- 
000 worth of standing timber every year. The lumberman's 
axe and saw-mills cut up enormous quantities annually, and 
pulp-mills for the manufacture of wood paper, and various 
kinds of wooden ware, make incessant demands on the forests. 

Since 1891 the Federal Government has set apart large 
reservations of timber, and a number of states have passed 
laws not only for the preservation of some portion of their 
wood-lands, but for tree-planting as well. Intelligent and 



542 THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. [1899. 

discriminating effort in this direction cannot fail to add to the 
general welfare of th^e country. 

The estimated increase of the " true value " of the real and 
personal property of the United States from 1880 to 1890 was 
nearly 50 per cent; should the same rate continue, the total 
"true valuation"* at the beginning of the twentieth century 
will probably not fall much short of $100,000,000,000. 

583. General survey of the history of the nation. — In 
growth of population, development of natural resources, and 
accumulation of wealth, the American Republic stands at the 
head of the civilized nations of the globe. 

The economic progress of the country is marked by the fact 
that nowhere else have labor-saving inventions reached such 
perfection ; that here steam was first used for purposes of 
transportation (§ 286), and electricity first employed to transmit 
intelligence (§ 385). 

Our progress on higher planes is not less evident. Here, free 
public schools and free public libraries have been established 
on a scale never before known ; here, manhood suffrage has 
become the rule ; here, entire religious toleration was first 
granted to all men (§ 124). 

Within the lifetime of a generation, civil-service reform has 
been placed on a secure foundation (§§ 540, 564), and the prin- 
ciple of international arbitration recognized (§§ 526, 561, 564). 
Within the same time, slavery has been abolished forever, and 
the Union has had a new birth in the hearts of the whole people. 

Now fresh problems meet us. They are the result, in great 
measure, of the progress which we have made. They challenge 
our best powers. If we solve them successfully, we shall 
add a chapter to American history which will be worthy of its 
past, and which cannot fail to instruct and encourage all who 
read it. 

* The total assessed valuation of the real and personal property of the 
United States in 1S90 was $25,473,173,418 (see U. S. Census), but the esti- 
mated "true valuation," or fair selUng price, was then over $65,000,000,000. 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, 

In Congress, July 4, 1776. 

A DECLARATION BY THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED 
STATES OF AMERICA, IN CONGRESS 1 ASSEMBLED. 

When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to 
dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to 
assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the 
laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of 
mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the 
separation. 

^ The First Continental or General Congress met in Carpenters' Hall, Philadelphia, Sep- 
tember 5, 1774- It consisted of forty-four delegates, representing eleven of the thirteen 
colonies. Later, eleven more delegates took their seats, and all of the colonies were repre- 
sented except Georgia, which promised to concur with " her sister colonies " in their effort to 
maintain their rights as English subjects. Peyton Randolph of Virginia was elected Presi- 
dent of the Congress. Among the distinguished men who had assembled there, were Washing- 
ton, Patrick Henry, Richard Henry Lee, John Dickinson, William Livingston, John Jay, 
John Adams, Samuel Adams, Roger Sherman, and the Rutledges of South Carolina. 

On the 14th of October, the Congress adopted a Declaration of Colonial Rights. On the 
25th, a Petition to the I^ing, asking the redress of their wrongs, was drawn up. 

The Second Continental Congress (at which Georgia was represented) , met in Philadelphia, 
in the State House (Independence Hall), May lo, 1775. A second Petition to the Kingfias 
adopted, and Washington was appointed commander-in-chief of the Continental army, though 
Congress still denied any intention of separating from Great Britain, and earnestly expressed 
a desire for the peaceful settlement of all difficulties. 

The King's Proclamation, declaring the Colonies in rebellion, and calling for volunteers to 
force them to submit to taxation without representation, and other unjust measures, finally 
convinced the delegates to Congress of the impossibility of our continuing our allegiance to the 
English crown. 

On June 7, 1776, Richard Henry Lee of Virginia moved "That these United Colonies 
are, and of right ought to be, /ree and i)idej>endent states." John Adams of Massachusetts 
seconded the motion. 

Later, a committee of five — Thomas Jefferson of Virginia, John Adams of Massachusetts, 
Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania, Roger Sherman of Connecticut, and Robert R. Living- 
ston of New York — was appointed to draft the Declaration of Independence. Jefferson 
drew up the paper, though a few alterations were made in it by the committee and by 
Congress. 

It was adopted on the evening of July 4, 1776, and signed by John Hancock, President of 
Congress, and Charles Thomson, Secretary. On August 2, 1776, it was signed by the raem<- 
bers, representing all the thirteen states. 



11 THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 

We hold these truths to be self-evident : — That all men are created equal ; that 
they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among 
these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, 
governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent 
of the governed; that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of 
these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a 
nevf government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its 
powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and 
happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments long established 
should not be changed for light and transient causes ; and accordingly all experi- 
ence hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are suffer- 
able, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accus- 
tomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the 
same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their 
right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for 
their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies ; and 
such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems 
of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of 
repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of 
an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a 
candid world. 

He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the 
public good. 

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing impor- 
tance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained ; and 
when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. 

He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of 
people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legis- 
lature — a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. 

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and 
distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing 
them into compliance with his measure. 

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing, with manly 
firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people. 

He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to be 
elected, whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to 
the people at large for their exercise; the State remaining, in the mean time, ex- 
posed to all the dangers of invasions from without, and convulsions within. 

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States ; for that purpose 
obstructing the laws for the naturalization of foreigners ; refusing to pass others to 
encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations 
of lands. 

He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws 
for establishing judiciary powers. 

He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their offices, 
and the amount and payment of their salaries. 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. Ill 

He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to 
harass our people and eat out their substance. 

He has kept among us in times of peace, standing armies, without the consent 
of our legislatures. 

He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil 
power. 

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our con- 
stitutions, and unacknowledged by our laws ; giving his assent to their acts of pre- 
tended legislation : 

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us ; 

For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which 
they should commit on the inhabitants of these States; 

For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world ; 

For imposing taxes on us without our consent ; 

For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury; 

For transporting us beyond seas, to be tried for pretended offences; 

For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, estab- 
lishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to 
render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute 
rule into these colonies; 

For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering, 
fundamentally, the forms of our governments; 

For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with 
power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. 

He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection, and 
waging war against us. 

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burned our towns, and de- 
stroyed the lives of our people. 

He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete 
the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of 
cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally un- 
worthy the head of a civilized nation. 

He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear 
arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and breth- 
ren, or to fall themselves by their hands. 

He has excited domestic insurrection among us, and has endeavored to bring 
on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule 
of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions. 

In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most 
humble terms; our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. 
A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is 
unfit to be the ruler of a free people. 

Nor have we been wanting in our attentions to our British brethren. We have 
warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature to extend an un- 
warrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances 
of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice 



IV 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



and magnanimity; and we have conjured them, by the ties of our common kin- 
dred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connec- 
tions and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and 
consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces 
our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in 
peace friends. 

We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General 
Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the recti- 
tude of our intentions, do, in the name and by the authority of the good people of 
these colonies, solemnly publish and declare. That these united Colonies are, and 
of right ought to be, free and independent states ; that they are absolved from all 
allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and 
the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that, as free 
and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract 
alliances, establish commerce, and do all other acts and things which independent 
states may of right do. And, for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance 
on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our 
lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. 



The foregoing Declaration was, by order of Congress, engrossed, and signed by 
the following members : — 

JOHN HANCOCK, 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

JOSIAH BaRTLETT, 

William Whipple, 
Matthew Thornton. 

MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

Samuel Adams, 
John Adams, 
Robert Treat Paine, 
Elbridge Gerry. 

RHODE ISLAND 
Stephen Hopkins, 

WlLLLAM ElLERV. 

CONNECTICUT. 

Roger Sherman, 
Samuel Huntington, 
William Williams, 
Oliver Wolcott. 

NEW YORK. 

William Floyd, 
Philip Livingston, 
Francis Lewis, 
Lewis Morkis. 



NEW JERSEY. 

Richard Stockton, 
John Witherspoon, 
Francis Hopkinson, 
John Hart, 
Abraham Clark. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Robert Morris, 
Benjamin Rush, 
Benjamin Frankun, 
Johr Morton, 
George Clymer, 
James Smith, 
George Taylor, 
James Wilson, 
George Ross. 

DELAWARE. 

C^SAR Rodney, 
George Read, 
Thomas M'Kean. 

MARYLAND. 

Samuel Chase, 
William Paca, 
Thomas Stone, 



Charles Carroll, of Car- 
rollton. 

VIRGINIA. 

George Wythe, 
Richard Henry Lee, 
Thomas Jefferson, 
Benjamin Harrison, 
Thomas Nelson, Jr., 
Francis Lightfoot Lee, 
Carter Braxton. 

NORTH CAROLINA. 

William Hooper, 
Joseph Hewes, 
John Penn. 

SOUTH CAROLINA, 

Edward Rutledge, 
Thomas Hayward, Jr., 
Thomas Lynch, Jr., 
Arthur Middleton. 

GEORGIA. 
Button Gwinnett, 
Lyman Hall, 
George Waltom. 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. V 

Resolved, That copies of the Declaration be sent to the several assemblies, con- 
ventions, and committees, or councils of safety, and to the several commanding 
officers of the continental troops ; that it be proclaimed in each of the United 
States, at the head of the army. 



\ 



vi THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.* 

We, the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, 
estabhsh justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, pro- 
mote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our 
posterity, do ordain and establish this CONSTITUTION for the United States of 
America. 

ARTICLE I, 

Section i. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress a 
of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. 

1 Before the Declaration of Independence, July 4, 1776, the Thirteen Colonies were subject 
to the king of Great Britain. From July 4, 1776, the United States of America were governed 
by a Continental or General Congress, until March 1, 1781, when the states adopted a con- 
stitution, called the " Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union between the States." 
The Confederation had no president, no supreme court; and consisted of a single house of 
Congress, made up of delegates elected by the legislatures of the states. Under this constitu- 
tion Congress continued to govern — in so far as a body with no practical authority can be 
said to govern — until March 4, 1789; but on May 14, 17S7, a convention of delegates from 
all the states, except Rhode Island, met in Philadelphia" to form a more perfect union" (see 
the opening words of the Constitution above). The whole number of delegates that attended 
was fifty-five, but only thirty-nine signed the Constitution. The Articles of Confederation 
had been made by the States only; but as the opening words of the new compact declare, 
" We, tke People," made the Constitution. 

George Washington presided over the convention, and Benjamin Franklin, Robert Morris, 
James Madison, Rufus King, Roger Sherman, Alexander Hamilton, John Dickinson, Charles 
C. Pinckney, Charles Pinckney, J. Rutledge, and Gouverneur Morris, were among its distin- 
guished members. 

Madison, Hamilton, Washington, and Franklin took the leading part in the great work of 
drafting the new Constitution, and after its adoption by the convention, Madison and Hamil- 
ton used their influence, with great effect, to urge its ratification by the states, especially by 
New York (see their papers in the Federalist). 

After a stormy session of nearly four months, during which the convention several times 
threatened to break up in hopeless dispute, the Constitution was at last adopted. (For the 
compromises on which it rested, see § 246.) 

As originally drawn the preamble to the Constitution ran : "We, the people of" the 
thirteen states, each of which was specifically named. Later, when the Convention required 
the assent of but nine states to put the new government in force, the preamble was altered 
to its present form, namely : " We, the People of the United States." See Foster's Com- 
mentaries on the Constitution, I. 94. 

The Constitution was then submitted to the thirteen states. In 1788 eleven had ratified 
it (Rhode Island and North Carolina declining then, though they gave their assent before 
the close of 1790), and on March 4, 1789, the new Constitution went into operation, although, 
owing to delays, Washington was not inaugurated as the first President until April 30 of that 
year. Virginia, New York, and Rhode Island ratified the Constitution with the express 
reservation that the people might reassume the powers they had granted in case those 
powers were perverted. See Elliot's Debates, i. 327, 334. 

* Congress assembles on the first Monday in December; the session closes, by custom, 
at midnight on the 3d of the following March. Each Congress exists two years. 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. VU 

Section 2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen 
every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State 
shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of 
the State Legislature. 

No person shall be a representative vi^ho shall not have attained to the age of 
twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who 
shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be 
chosen. 

Representatives and direct faxes shall be apportioned among the several States 
which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, l 
which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, includ- 
ing those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, 
three-fifths of all other persons. 2 The actual enumeration shall be made within 
three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within 
every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. 
The number of representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but 
each State shall have at least one representative : and until such enumeration shall 
be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three; Massa- 
chusetts, eight; Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, one ; Connecticut, five; 
New York, six; New Jersey, four ; Pennsylvania, eight ; Delaware, one ; Maryland, 
six; Virginia, ten; North Carolina, five; South Carolina, five; and Georgia, {hree. 

When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the executive 
authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. 

The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker 3 and other officers; 
and shall have the sole power of impeachment. 

Section 3. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two senators 
from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six years ; and each senator 
shall have one vote. 

Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, 
tiiey shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the 
senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year; of 
the second class, at the expiration of the fourth year; of the third class, at the ex- 
piration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every second year; and 
if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the Legis- 
lature of any State, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until 
the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 

No person shall be a senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty 
years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when 
elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. 

The Vice-President of the United States shall be president of the Senate, but 
shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. 

1 At present (census of 1890) one representative is sent to Congress for every 
173,901 persons. 

» " Persons " meaning slaves. This has been amended (by Amendments XIII. and XIV.), 
amd is no longer in force. 

* The Speaker presides. Other officers are the clerk, sergeant-at-arms, door-keeper, etc. 



Vlii THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 

The Senate shall choose their other officers,^ and also a president pro tempore, 
in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office of Presi- 
dent of the United States. 

The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments : When sitting 
for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the 
United States is tried, the Chief-Justice shall preside: and no person shall be con- 
victed without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present. 

Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal 
from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or 
profit under the United States ; but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable 
and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment, according to law. 

Section 4. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for senators 
and representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; 
but the Congress may at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except 
as to the places of choosing senators. 

The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be 
on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. 

Section 5. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifi- 
cations of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to 
do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and maybe 
authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and 
under such penalties, as each house may provide. 

Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for 
disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member. 

Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time pub- 
lish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secrecy, and 
the yeas and nays of the members of either house on any question shall, at the 
desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 

Neither house, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the 
other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which 
the two houses shall be sitting. 

Section 6. The senators and representatives shall receive a compensation 2 for 
their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United 
States. They shall in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be 
privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective 
houses, and in going to and returning from the same ; and for any speech or de- 
bate in either house, they shall not be questioned in any other place. 

No senator or representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be 
appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall 
have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased, during 
such time; and no person holding any office under the United States, shall be a 
member of either house during his continuance in office. 

' The chief of these are the secretary, sergeant-at-arms, door-keeper, etc. 
* $ 5000 a year, with twenty cents for every mile necessarily travelled in coming to and 
returning from the Capital. 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. ix 

Section 7. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Repre- 
sentatives ; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills. 

Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, 
shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the United States ; 
if he approve, he shall sign it, but if not, he shall return it, with his objections, to 
that house in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large 
on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration, two- 
thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the 
objections, to the other house, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if ap- 
proved by two-thirds of that house, it shall become a law. But in all such cases the 
votes of both houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the 
persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each house 
respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days 
(Sunday excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a 
law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their adjourn- 
ment prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. 

Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the Senate and 
House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment) 
shall be presented to the President of the United States ; and before the same shall 
take effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be re- 
passed by two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the 
rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. 

Section 8. The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, 
imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and 
general welfare of the United States ; but all duties, imposts, and excises shall be 
uniform throughout the United States ; 

To borrow money on the credit of the United States; 

To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and 
with the Indian tribes ; 

To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject 
of bankruptcies throughout the United States; 

To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the 
standard of weights and measures ; 

To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin 
of the United States; 

To establish post-offices and post-roads ; 

To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing, for limited 
times, to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and 
discoveries ; 

To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court; 

To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and 
offences against the law of nations ; 

To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concern- 
ing captures on land and water; 

To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be 
for a longer term than two years ; 



X THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 

To provide and maintain a navy ; 

To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces ; 

To provide for calling forth the mihtia to execute the laws of the Union, sup- 
press insurrections and repel invasions. 

To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for govern- 
ing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, 
reserving to the States respectively the appointment of the officers, and the author- 
ity of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress ; 

To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district (not 
exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular States, and the accep- 
tance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United States, and to 
exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the Legislature 
of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, 
dockyards, and other needful buildings; — And 

To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execu- 
tion the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the 
government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof. 

Section 9. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States 
now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress 
prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a tax or duty may be 
imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person.i 

The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when 
in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. 

No bill of attainder or ex-post-facto law shall be passed. 

No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census 
or enumeration herein before directed to be taken. 

No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State. 

No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the 
ports of one State over those of another ; nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one 
State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. 

No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of appropria- 
tions made by law ; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expen- 
ditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. 

No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States : And no person hold- 
ing any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, 
accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any 
king, prince, or foreign state. 

Section 10. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; 
grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit bills of credit ; make any- 
thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attain- 
der, ex-post-facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any 
title of nobility. 

No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any impost or duties on 
imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its in- 

* " Person " meaning slave ; referring to the foreign slave-trade, abolished in 1808. 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. xi 

spection laws; and the net produce of all duties and impost, laid by any State on 
imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States; and all 
such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the Congress. 

No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep 
troops, or ships-of-war, in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with 
another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, 
or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay, 

ARTICLE II. 

Section i. The executive power shall be vested in a President of the United 
Stales of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and, 
together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elected, as follows : 

Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, 
a number of electors, equal to the whole number of senators and representatives to 
which the State may be entitled in the Congress : but no senator or representative, 
or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, shall be ap- 
pointed an elector. 

[The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for two 
persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with 
themselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the num- 
ber of votes for each; which list they shall sign and certify and transmit sealed to 
the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the president of the 
Senate. The president of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House 
of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The 
person having the greatest number of votes shall be the President, if such number 
be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if there be more 
than one who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the 
House of Representatives shall immediately choose by ballot one of them for Presi- 
dent; and if no person have a majority, then from the five highest on the list the 
said house shall, in like manner, choose the President. But in choosing the Presi- 
dent, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having 
one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from 
two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. 
In every case, after the choice of the President, the person having the greatest num- 
ber of votes of the electors shall be the Vice-President. But if there should remain 
two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by ballot 
the Vice-President.l] 

The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the day on 
which they shall give their votes; which day shall be the same tl.roughout the 
United States.2 

1 This paragraph in brackets has been set aside by the XII. Amendment. 

* The electors are chosen on the Tuesday following the first Monday in November, next 
before the expiration of a presidential term. They vote (by Act of Congresj of Feb. 3, 1887) 
on the second Monday in January following, for President and Vice-President. The votes 
are counted, and declared in Congress on the second Wednesday of the next February. 



XU THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 

No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the 
time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President; 
neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained to 
the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years resident within the United 
States. 

In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resignation, 
or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall 
devolve on the Vice-President, and the Congress may by law provide for the case 
of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the President and Vice-Presi- 
dent, declaring what officer shall then act as President; and such officer shall act 
accordingly until the disability be removed, or a President shall be elected. 

The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a compensation i 
which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he 
shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other emol- 
ument from the United States, or any of them. 

■ Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or 
affirmation : — "I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the 
office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, 
protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States." 

Section 2. The President shall be commander-in-chief of the army and navy of 
the United States, and of the militia of the several States, when called into the actual 
service of the United States; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal 
officer in each of the executive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties 
of their respective offices ; and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons 
for offences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment. 

He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make 
treaties, provided two-thirds of the senators present concur; and he shall nominate, 
and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate shall appoint ambassadors, 
other public ministers and consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other 
officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided 
for, and which shall be established by law : but the Congress may by law vest the 
appointment of such inferior officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, 
in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 

The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during 
the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of 
their next session. 

Section 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress informatio 2 of the 
state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he 
shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene 
both houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them with 
respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall 

1 The President now receives $50,000 a year; the Vice-President, $ 8000. Previous to 
■1872 the President received but $25,000 a year. 

' The Presidents, beginning with Jeflferson, have done this by messages sent to Congress. 
Washington and Adams read speeches or messages to that body. 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. Xlll 

think proper; he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers; he shall 
take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers 
of the United States. 

Section 4. The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the United 
States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, trea- 
son, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. 

ARTICLE III. 

Section i. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Su- 
preme Court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may from time to time 
ordain and establish. The judges, both of the Supreme and inferior courts, shall 
hold their offices during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their 
services a compensation which shall not be diminished during their continuance in 
office. 

Section 2. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, aris- 
ing under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or 
which shall be made, under their authority ; — to all cases affecting ambassadors 
other public ministers, and consuls ; — to all cases of admiralty and maritime juris- 
diction ; — to controversies to which the United States shall be a party; — to con- 
troversies between two or more States; — between a State and citizens of another 
State ; 1 — between citizens of different States ; — between citizens of the same State 
claiming lands under grants of different States, and between a State, or the citizens 
thereof, and foreign states, citizens or subjects. 

In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and those 
in which a State shall be party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. 
In all other cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate juris- 
diction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions and under such regulations 
as the Congress shall make. 

The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury ; and 
such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been commit- 
ted ; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or 
places as the Congress may by law have directed. 

Section 3. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war 
against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. 

No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two wit- 
nesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. 

The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no 
attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the 
life of the person attainted. 

ARTICLE IV. 

Section i. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, 
records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by 

^ But compare Amendment XI. 



xiv THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 

general laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings 
shall be proved, and the effect thereof. 

Section 2. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and im- 
munities of citizens in the several States. 

A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall 
flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall, on demand of the executive 
authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the 
State having jurisdiction of the crime. 

No person 1 held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping 
into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged 
from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom 
such service or labor may be due. 

Section 3. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union ; but 
no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State ; 
nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, 
without the consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the 
Congress. 

The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and 
regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United 
States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any 
claims of the United States, or of any particular State. 

Section 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a 
republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion, 
and on application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature 
cannot be convened) against domestic violence. 

ARTICLE V. 

The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall 
propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the application of the Legisla- 
tures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a convention for proposing 
amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as 
part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the 
several States, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other 
mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress ; provided that no amend- 
ment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight 
shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the 
first article ; and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal 
suffrage in the Senate. 

ARTICLE VI. 

All debts contracted, and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this 
Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, as 
under the confederation. 



1 " Person " here means slave. This was the original Fugitive Slave Law. It now has no 
force, since, by Amendment Xlll. to the Constitution, slavery is prohibited. 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 



XV 



This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in 
pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the 
authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; and the 
judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws 
of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. 

The senators and representatives before mentioned, and the members of the 
several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial ofificers, both of the United 
States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support 
this Constitution ; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to 
any office or public trust under the United States. 

ARTICLE VII. 

The ratification of the Conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the estab- 
lishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same. 

Done in conventions, by the unanimous consent of the States present, the 
seventeenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
seven hundred and eighty-seven, and of the independence of the 
United States of America the twelfth. 

In witness whereof, we have hereunto subscribed our names. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON, 
President, and Deputy from Virginia, 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

John Langdon, 
Nicholas Oilman. 



MASSACHUSETTS. 

Nathaniel Gorham, 
RuFus King. 

CONNECTICUT. 

William Samuel Johnson, 
Roger Sherman. 

NEW YORK. 
Alexander Hamilton. 

NEW JERSEY. 

William Livingston, 
David Brearlev, 
William Paterson, 
Jonathan Dayton. 



PENNSYLVANIA. 

Benjamin Franklin, 
Thomas Mifflin, 
Robert Morris, 
George Clvmer, 
Thomas Fitzsimons, 
Jared Ingersoll, 
James Wilson, 
Gouverneur Morris. 

DELAWARE. 
George Read, 
Gunning Bedford, Jr., 
John Dickinson, 
Richard Bassett, 
Jacob Broom. 

MARYLAND. 

James M'Henrv, 
Daniel of St. Thomas 

Jenifer, 
Daniel Carroll. 



VIRGINIA. 

John Blair, 
James Madison, Jr. 



NORTH CAROLINA. 

William Blount, 
Richard Dobbs Spaight, 
Hugh Williamson. 



SOUTH CAROLINA. 

John Rutledge, 
Charles C. Pincknev, 
Charles Pincknev, 
Pierce Butler. 



GEORGIA. 

William Few, 
Abraham Baldwin. 



Attest: 



WILLIAM JACKSON. Secretary. 



XVI THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



AMENDMENTS 

To THE Constitution of the United States, ratified according 

TO THE Provisions of the Fifth Article of 

THE Foregoing Constitution. 

Article i.i — Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of 
religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, 
or of the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition 
the government for redress of grievances. 

Article II. — A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free 
State the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. 

Article III. — No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house, 
without the consent of the owner; nor in time of war but in a manner to be pre- 
scribed by law. 

Article IV. — The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, 
papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, 
and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affir- 
mation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or 
things to be seized. 

Article V. — No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise 
infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in 
cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in 
time of war and public danger ; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence 
to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled in any criminal 
case to be a witness against himself, nor to be deprived of life, liberty, or property, 
without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, 
without just compensation. 

Article VI. — In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to 
a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the 
crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascer- 
tained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be 
confronted with the witnesses against him ; to have compulsory process for obtain- 
ing witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence. 

Article VII. — In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall 
exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried 
by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United States than ac- 
cording to the rules of common law. 

Article VIII. — Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines im- 
posed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. 

' The first ten amendments were offered in 1789, and adopted before the close of 1791. 
They were largely the work of James Madison. They were adopted, says Judge Story, in order 
to " more efficiently guard certain rights already provided for in the Constitution, or to pro- 
hibit certain exercises of authority supposed to be dangerous to the public interests." 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. XVli 

Article IX. — The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not 
be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. 

Article X. — The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitu- 
tion, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to 
the people. 

Article XI.i — The judicial power of the United States shall not be con- 
strued to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against any 
of the United States by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects of any 
foreign state. 

Article XII.2 — The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote 
by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an 
inhabitant with the same State with themselves; they shall name in their ballots the 
person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice- 
President ; and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, 
and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, 
which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the govern- 
ment of the United States, directed to the president of the Senate ; — the president 
of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, 
open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted; — the person having 
the greatest number of votes for President, shall be the President, if such number 
be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have 
such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding 
three on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall 
choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the 
votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote; 
a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds 
of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if 
the House of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of 
choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourlh day of March next following, then 
the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other con- 
stitutional disability of the President. The person having the greatest number of 
votes as Vice-President, shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority 
of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person have a majority, then 
from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-Presi- 
dent; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of 
senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But 
no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that 
of Vice-President of the United States. 

Article Xni.3 — Section i. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, ex- 
cept as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, 
shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 

Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this ardcle by appropriate legis- 
lation. 

' Proposed in 1794; adopted 1798. A number of states have, at different times, taken 
advantage of this amendment to repudiate their debts. ' Adopted 1804. 

^ This confirmed the Proclamation of Emancipation; it was adopted in 1865. 



XViii THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. 

Article XIV.i — Section i. All persons born or naturalized in the United 
States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and 
of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which 
shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States ; nor shall 
any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of 
law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. 

Section 2. Representatives shall be appointed among the several States accord- 
ing to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each 
State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for 
the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, repre- 
sentatives in Congress, the executive or judicial officers of a State, or the members 
of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, 
being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way 
abridged, except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of represen- 
tation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male 
citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in 
such State. 

Section 3. No person shall be a senator or representative in Congress, or elector 
of President or Vice-President, or hold any ofifice, civil or military, under the United 
States, or under any State, who having previously taken an oath as a member of 
Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State Legis- 
lature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution 
of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the 
same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may, by a vote 
of two-thirds of each house, remove such disability. 

Section 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by 
law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in 
suppressing insurrection or rebellion, sliall not be questioned. But neither the 
United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in 
aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss 
or emancipation of any slave ; but all such debts, obligations, and claims shall be 
held illegal and void. 

Section 5. Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the 
provisions of this article. 

Article XV.2 — Section 1. The rights of citizens of the United States to vote 
shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account 
of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. 

Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legis- 
lation. 

1 Adopted 186S. The object of sections i and 2 was to make the freedmen (negroes), 
emancipated during the Civil War, citizens of the United States. 

' Adopted 1870. Its object was to give the freedmen (negroes) the right to vote. 



APPENDIX. 



XIX 



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A SHORT LIST OF BOOKS ON AMERICAN HISTORY. 



--o-oJScJoo- 



Bibliography. 

Channing and Hart's Guide to the Study of 
American History. 

Adams's Manual of Historical Literature. 

References in Winsor's Narrative and Criti- 
cal History of America, 8 vols. 

Foster's References to United States His- 
tory. 

Hinsdale's How to Study and Teach 
History. 

Historical Geography and Maps. 

Hart's Epoch Maps of the United States 

(no text). 
Scribner's Statistical Atlas of the United 

States. 
MacCoun's Historical Geography of the 

United States (revised edition). 
Gannett's Boundaries of the States (no 

maps). 
Shaler's United States, 2 vols. 

Works of Reference. 

Lalor's Cyclopsdia of U. S. History, 3 vols. 

Larned's History for Ready Reference, 5 
vols. 

Lossing's Cyclopedia of United States His- 
tory, 2 vols. 

Jameson's Dictionary of United States His- 
tory. 

Rand's Economic History since 1763 (re- 
vised edition). 

Harper's Book of Facts. 

Appleton's Annual Cyclopajdia (from 1S76). 

Poole's Index to Reviews. 

Jones's Index to Legal Periodicals. 

Index to Congressional Documents. 

The American Historical Review. 

The Magazine of American History. 

The Magazine of Western History. 

Harper's First Century of the Republic. 



The Yale Review. 

The North American Review for 1876. 

The Johns Hopkins University Studies. 

The Political Science Quarterly. 

The Harvard Historical Studies. 

The Columbia University Studies. 

American State Papers, 50 vols. 

The Papers of the American Historical 
Association. 

The Papers of the American Antiquarian 
Society. 

The American Academy of Political and 
Social Science. , 

Debates in Parliament. 

Parliamentary History. 

Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biogra- 
phy, 6 vols. 

The National Cyclopsdia of American Bi- 
ography, 6 vols. 

The Collections of State Historical Societies. 

Colonial Records. 

Sparks's American Biography, 25 vols. 

Morse's American Statesman, 25 vols, (in 
progress). 

Scudder's American Commonwealths, 13 
vols, (in progress). 

Bishop's American Manufactures, 2 vols. 

Boone's Education in the United States. 

Richardson's American Literature, 2 vols. 

Wright's Industrial Evolution of the United 
States.' 

Bryce's American Commonwealth, 2 vols, 
(revised edition). 

Hubert's Inventors. 

The Tribune Almanac. 

Niles's Register (1S11-1849), 76 vols. 

The Atlantic Magazine. 

The North American Review. 

The Forum. 

The Nation. 

Scribner's Magazine. 

The Century Magazine. 

Harper's Magazine. 

The Statesman's Year-Book. 



SHORT LIST OF BOOKS ON AMERICAN HISTORY. XXV- 



Constitutional and Political History. 

Von Hoist's Constitutional History of the 

United States (to 18611, 9 vols. 
Bryce's American Commonwealth, 2 vols. 

(revised edition). 
Elliot's Debates in the Constitutional Con- 
vention, 3 vols. 
Foster's Commentaries on the Constitution, 

2 vols. 
Landon's Constitutional History. 
Poore's State Charters and Constitutions, 2 

vols. 
Benton's Abridgment of Congressional De- 
bates (17S9-1850), 16 vols. 
Wheeler's History of Congress, 2 vols. 
The Congressional Globe. 
The Congressional Record. 
Moore's History of Congress. 
Hazard's State Papers (1492-1767), 2 vols. 
Pickering's (English) Statutes at Large, 

109 vols. 
Force's American Archives( 1 774- 1 7S3), 9 vols. 
The Federalist. 

Preston's Documents illustrative of .Ameri- 
can History. 
Williams's Statesman's Manual (17S9-1847), 

2 vols. 
Johnston's American Politics. 
Stanwood's Presidential Elections. 
Carson's History of the United States Court. 
Boutwell's The Constitution at the End of 
the Century. (U. S. Supreme Court 
decisions.) 
United States Statutes (and Treaties) at 

Large, 28 vols, (in progress). 
Bolles's Financial History of the United 

States, 2 vols. 
Sumner's American Currency. 
Taussig's Tariff History. 
Mason's History of the Veto Power. 
Laughlin's Bimetallism (revised edition). 
Walker's International Bimetallism. 
Mead's Old South Leaflets, 75 nos. (in 

progress). 
Hart and Channing's American History 

Leaflets, 24 nos. (in progress). 
White's Money and Banking. 
Cooper's American Politics. 
Wilson's The State. 
Scott's Constitutional Liberty. 
Wilson's Rise and F'all of the Slave Power, 
3 vols. 



Adams's British Orations, 3 vols. 
Johnston's American Orations, 4 vols. 

McPherson's Political History of the Rebel- 
lion. 

McPherson's Political History of Recon- 
struction. 

McPherson's Handbook of Politics (from 
1870), 13 double vols, (in progress). 

The Collected Works of Franklin, Wash- 
ington, Jefferson, Hamilton, Jay, John 
Adams, Madison, Morris, Clay, Calhoun, 
Webster, Lincoln, Seward, and Sumner. 

Memoirs of J. Q. Adams (1795-184S), 12 vols. 

Ingersoll's Recollections (1792-1803), 2 vols. 

Benton's Thirty Years in the Senate (1820- 
1850), 2 vols. 

Wise's Seven Decades (1790-1862). 

Blaine's Twenty Years in Congress (1861- 
1881), 2 vols. 

Sargent's Public Men and Events (1817- 
1895), 2 vols. 

Julian's Political Recollections (1840-1872). 

McCulloch's Men and Measures of Half a 
Centui-y (1833-1883). 

Cox's Three Decades (1855-1885). 

Chittenden's Personal Reminiscences (1840- 
1890). 

Sherman's Recollections (1855-1895), 2 vols. 

Thompson's Recollections of Sixteen Presi- 
dents (1789-1865), 2 vols. 

Histories of the United States in 
General. 

Scribner's United States (Bryant & Gay 

revised) (1492-1896), 5 vols. 
Hart's Epochs of American History (1492- 

1889), 3 vols. 
Scribner's American History Series (1492- 

1889), 5 vols. 
Higginson's Larger History of the United 

States (1492-1837). 
Goldwin Smith's United States (i 492-1871). 
Andrews's United States (1492-1890), 2 vols. 
Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of 

America (1000-1850), 8 vols. 
Schouler's United States (1783-1861), 5 vols. 
Bancroft's United States (1492-1789), 6 vols. 
H. H. Bancroft's Pacific States, 34 vols. 
Hildreth's United States (1492-1821), 6 vols. 
Johnston's United States (reprinted with 

additions from the Encyclopjedia Britan- 

nica (1492-1889). 



XXVI 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



Tucker's United States (1607-1841), 3 vols. 

McMaster's United States, (1784-1861), 4 
vols, (in progress). 

Adams's United States (1801-1817), 9 vols. 

Moireau's Des Etats-Unis (1492-1800), 2 vols. 

Rhodes's United States (.1850-1865) 3 vols, 
(in progress). 

Hart's American History as told by Con- 
temporaries, 4 vols, (in progress). 

I. Period of Discovery (1492- 

1521). 

§Major's Select Letters of Columbus. 
§Hakluyt's Divers Voyages. 

Winsor's Columbus. 

Markham's Columbus. 

Harrisse's Discovery of America. 

Fiske's Discovery of North America, 2 vols. 

Winsor's America, vols. I. -III. 

II. Period of Exploration and 
Spanish Colonization of 

America (i 509-1 587). 

Irving's Companions of Columbus, 2 vols. 

H. H. Bancroft's Pacific States, 34 vols. 
§De Soto's Conquest of Florida (Hakluyt). 

Parkman's Pioneers of France in the New 
World. 

Cooke's Virginia. 
§Hakluyt's Voyages (Goldsmid), vol. XIII. 

pp. 169-276 (reasons for colonization). 
§Hart's Contemporaneous History. 

Winsor's America, vols. II. -III. 

Edward's Sir Walter Raleigh. 
On the Indiatis : 

Ellis's The Red Man and the White. 

Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, 6 vols. 

Morgan's League of the Iroquois. 

Colden's Five Nations. 

Parkman's Conspiracy of Pontiac (chap. 
I.). 

III. Period of Permanent Eng- 
lish AND French Settle- 
ments (1607-1763). 

Scribner's United States, 5 vols. 
Winsor's America, 8 vols. 



Doyle's The English in America, 3 vols. 

Parkman's Pioneers of France in the New 
World. 

Eggleston's The Beginners of a Nation. 

Eggleston's Articles in the Century, vols. 
III.-VIII. 

Thwaite's Colonies. 

Fisher's Colonial Period. 

Lodge's English Colonies. 

Parkman's Frontenac. 

Parkman's Old Regime in Canada. 

Parkman's Jesuits in North America. 

Parkman's Half Century of Conflict, 2 vols. 

Parkman's Montcalm and Wolfe, 2 vols. 

Winsor's Mississippi Basin. 
§Force's North American Colonies, 4 vols. 

Seeley's Expansion of England. 

Lecky's England in the 18th Century, 8 
vols. 

Chalmer's Annals of the Colonies. 

Chalmer's Revolt of the Colonies, 2 vols. 

Goldwin Smith's .American Colonies. 
§Captain John Smith's Works (Arber's 

edition). 
§Brown's Genesis of the United States 

(1607-1616), 2 vols. 
§Beverly's Virginia (1584-1720). 
§Stith's Virginia (1607-1747). 
§Jefferson's Notes on Virginia. 
§Neill's Virginia Company. 
§Nein's Virginia Vetusta. 
§Neill's Virginia Carolorum. 
§Hening's Statutes (1619-1792), 13 vols. 

Bruce's Economic History of Virginia, 2 
vols. 

Cooke's Virginia. 

The Virginia Magazine of History, etc. (in 
progress). 
§Brodhead's New York (1664-1691), 2 vols. 

Roberts's New York, 2 vols. 

Wilson's City of New York, 4 vols. 

Lamb's City of New York, 2 vols. 

Palfrey's New England, 5 vols. 
§Winthrop's New England, 2 vols. 

Fiske's Beginnings of New England. 

Weeden's Economic History of New Eng- 
land, 2 vols. 
^Bradford's History of Plymouth. 
§Arber's Story of the Pilgrims. 
§Young's Chronicle of the Pilgrims. 

Goodwin's Pilgrim Republic. 



§ Contemporaneous or Early History. 



SHORT LIST OF BOOKS ON AMERICAN HISTORY. XXvii 



Barry's Massachusetts, 3 vols. 
§Lowell Lectures (1869) on Early Massa- 
chusetts. 
§Young's Chronicles of Massachusetts Bay. 

Ellis's Puritan Age in Massachusetts. 
fHutchinson's Massachusetts, 3 vols. 

Oliver's Puritan Commonvi'ealth. 

Thornton's Reply to Oliver. 

Adams's Emancipation of Massachusetts. 

Adams's Three Episodes in the History of 
Massachusetts, 2 vols. 
§Mather's Magnalia. 
§Sewall's Diary (1674-1729), 3 vols. 

Winsor's Memorial History of Boston, 4 
vols. 

Arnold's Rhode Island, 2 vols. 

Greene's Rhode Island. 

Trumbull's Connecticut, 2 vols. 

Johnston's Connecticut. 

Sanborn's New Hampshire. 

Belknap's New Hampshire, 2 vols. 

Browne's Maryland. 

Scharf's Maryland, 3 vols. 
§Proud's Pennsylvania (1681-1742), 2 vols. 

Fisher's Making of Pennsylvania. 

Fisher's Colony and Commonwealth of 
Pennsylvania. 

Scharf and Westcott's Philadelphia. 

The Pennsylvania Magazine (in progress). 

Scharf's Delaware, 2 vols. 

Williamson's North Carolina. 

Moore's North Carolina, 2 vols. 

Simm's South Carolina. 

Raum's New Jersey, 2 vols. 

Jones's Georgia, 2 vols. 

Baird's Huguenot Emigration to America. 

Roosevelt's Winning of the West, 3 vols. 

Hinsdale's Old Northwest. 

Tyler's Colonial Literature. 

Biography. See Sparks's American Biogra- 
phy for Lives of Nathaniel Bacon, Daniel 
Boone, Lord Baltimore (Calvert), Jona- 
than Edwards, John Eliot, Patrick 
Henry, Anne Hutchinson, John Led- 
yard. Cotton Mather, Governor Ogle- 
thorpe, James Otis, Sir W. Phips, 
William Penn, Count Rumford (Benj. 
Thompson), Captain John Smith, Roger 
Williams, Governor Winthrop ; Bige- 
low's Benjamin Franklin, 3 vols., Mont- 
gomery's Franklin (Ginn & Co.). 



IV. The Revolution and the 
Constitution (1763-1789). 

Winsor's America, vol. VI. 
Scribner's United States. 
Frothingham's Rise of the Republic. 
Lecky's England (iSth century), 8 vols. 
Bancroft's United States, 6 vols. 
Hildreth's United States, vols. I. -III. 
Hart's Formation of the Union (1750-1829). 
Sloane's French War and Revolution. 
§Hart's Contemporaneous History. 
Greene's American Revolution. 
Ludlow's War of Independence. 
Winsor's Handbook of the Revolution. 
Rand's Economic History since 1763 (re- 
vised edition). 
§Stedman's American War (British account). 
§Almon's " Prior Documents " (1764-1775). 
§Almon's Remembrancer (1775-1784), 17 
vols. 
Hosmer's Life of Gov. Hutchinson. 
§Moore's Diary of the Revolution, 2 vols. 
§Thacher's Military Journal. 
§ Baroness Riedesel's Memoirs. 
§Galloway's Rise of the Rebellion (Tory). 
Sabine's Loyalists. 

Carrington's Battles of the Revolution. 
Abbott's Revolutionary Times. 
Scudder's America 100 Years Ago. 
Jefferson's Anas (in his Works), vol. IX. 
Gouvemeur Morris's Diary (1775-1815), 

2 vols. 
Tyler's Literature of the Revolution, 2 

vols. 
Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, 2 

vols. 
Von Hoist's Constitutional History, vol. I. 
McMaster's United States, vol. I. 
Landon's Constitutional History of the 
United States. 
§The Federalist. 

§Eniot's Debates on the Constitution, 3 
vols. 
Wilson's The State. 

Foster's Commentaries on the Constitu- 
tion, 2 vols. 
Curtis's History of the Constitution, 2 

vols. 
Fiske's Critical Period in United States 
History. 



§ Contemporaneous or Early History. 



XXVlll 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



Biography. Parker's Historic Americans, 
Bigelow's Franklin, 3 vols., Hosmer's 
Samuel Adams,' Morse's John Adams, 1 
Greene's General Greene, 2 vols.. Lodge's 
Washington, 2 vols.,' Fiske's Irving's 
Washington and his Country (Ginn & 
Co.), Sparks's American Biography, 
Lodge's Hamilton, 1 Gay's Madison, 1 
Roosevelt's Gouvemeur Morris.' 

V. The Union — National De- 
velopment {1789-1861). 

Schouler's United States, 5 vols. 

Scribner's United States, 5 vols. 

Hildreth's United States, vols. IV. -VI. 

Wilson's Division and Reunion. 

Burgess's United States. 

Bryce's American Commonwealth, 2 vols, 
(revised edition). 

Walker's The Making of the Nation. 

Winsor's America, vol. VII. 

McMaster's United States (1784-1861), 4 
vols, (in progress). 

Tucker's United States (1607-1841), 4 vols. 

Adams's United States (1801-1S17), 9 vols. 

H. H. Bancroft's Pacific States, 34 vols. 

Rhodes's United States (1850-1865), 3 vols, 
(in progress). 

Roosevelt's Naval War of 1812. 

Lossing's Field Book of the War of 1812. 

Cooper's Naval History. 

Maclay's History of the Navy, 2 vols. 

Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, 
3 vols. 

Page's The Old South. 

Ingle's Southern .Side Lights. 

Ripley's War with Mexico. 

Jay's Mexican War. 

Richardson's American Literature, 2 vols. 

Stedman and Hutchinson's American Lit- 
erature, 10 vols. 

Buckingham's Newspaper Literature, 2 
vols. 

Thomas's History of Printing, 2 vols. 

Bishop's American Manufactures, 2 vols. 

Johnston's American Politics. 

Stanwood's Presidential Elections. 
§Dwight's Travels (1796-1821), 4 vols. 

Lewis and Clark's Expedition (1804-1806), 
2 vols. (Coues's edition). 



Breck's Recollections (1771-1862). 

Fred. Douglass's Autobiography. 

Lyman Beecher's Autobiography (1775- 
1857), 2 vols. 

Curtis's Buchanan, 2 vols. 

Greeley's Recollections (i8ii-i86o). 

Dolly Madison's Memoirs. 

Quincy's Figures of the Past. 

Goodrich's Recollections (1797-1854), 2 
vols. 

S. J. May's Autobiography. 

S. J. May's Anti-Slavery Days. 

J. F. Clarke's Anti-Slavery Days. 

Martineau's Society in America (1834- 
1836), 4 vols. 

Johnston's American Orations, 4 vols. 

Tuckerman's American Art. 

Webster's Great Orations (Whipple). 

Hubert's Lives of Inventors. 

Nile's Register (1811-1849), 7^ vols. 

For histories of the States, see Scudder's 
American Commonwealth Series, 13 vols. 
(in progress). 

Biography. See in Morse's American 
Statesmen Series (Houghton & Mifflin), 
the Lives of John Adams, J. Q. Adams, 
Benton, Calhoun, Clay, Jackson, Jeffer- 
son, Madison, Monroe, Morris, Randolph, 
Washington, and Webster; in Sparks's 
American Biography, the Lives of Fulton 
and Rumford ; Redpath's John Brown, 
Johnson's Garrison, Garrison's Life by his 
Children, 4 vols.. Prime's Morse, Rice's 
Morton, Abbott's Kit Carson, Upham's 
Frt^mont, Parton's Famous Americans, 
Mrs. Stowe's Men of Our Times, Hunt's 
American Merchants. 



VI. The Period of the Civil 
War (1861-1865). 

Scribner's United States. 

Wilson's Division and Reunion (1829- 

1889). 
Burgess's United States. 
Curtis's Life of Buchanan, 2 vols. 
Greeley's American Conflict, 2 vols. 
Draper's Civil War, 3 vols. 
The Comte de Paris's Civil War, 4 vols. 
Scribner's Campaigns of the W~- 13 vols. 



' In Morse's American Statesmen Series. § Contemporaneous or Early History. 



SHORT LIST OF BOOKS ON AMERICAN HISTORY, XXIX 



\ 



Johnson's Short History of the W^ar. 

Dodge's Bird's-Eye View of the Civil War 
(revised edition). 

Rope's Civil War. 

The Battles and Leaders of the Civil War 
(Century Company), 4 vols. 

Nichol's Story of the Great March. 

Conyngham's Sherman's March. 

McPherson's Political History of the Re- 
bellion. 

Blaine's Twenty Years in Congress, 2 
vols. 

Swinton's Decisive Battles of the War. 

Billings's Hard Tack and Coffee. 

Pollard's Lost Cause (Confederate). 

Davis's Rise and Fall of the Confederate 
Government (Confederate), 2 vols. 

Cooke's Wearing of the Gray (Confederate). 

Johnston's Narrative of the War (Con- 
federate). 

Stephens's War between the States (Con- 
federate), 2 vols. 

Longstreet's From Manassas to Appomat- 
tox (Confederate). 

Official Records of the War of the Rebel- 
lion (with atlas), 120 vols, (in progress). 

Harper's Pictorial Histor)' of the Rebel- 
lion. 

Biography. Nicolay and Hay's Abraham 
Lincoln, Holland's Lincoln, Hemdon's 
Lincoln, 3 vols., Carpenter's Six Months 
in the White House, Lodge's Lincoln, 
2 vols., McClure's Lincoln, McClellan's 
Own Story, Roman's Beauregard, 2 vols., 
Badeau's U. S. Grant, 3 vols.. Grant's 
Personal Memoirs, 2 vols., Sherman's 
Memoirs, 2 vols., Sheridan's Memoirs, 
2 vols., Farragut's Life of Farragut, 
Schuckers's Life of S. P. Chase, Cooke's 
Robert E. Lee, Cooke's "Stonewall" 
Jackson, Johnston and Browne's Life 
of Alexander H. Stephens, Sherman's 
Letters ; the Lives of Generals Scott, 
Hancock, Thomas, J. E. Johnston, 



Lee, and Admirals Farragut and Porter, 
in the Great Commander Series. 

VII. Reconstruction — The New 

Nation (1865 to the Present 

Time). 

Scribner's United States. 

Wilson's Division and Reunion. 

Burgess's United States. 

McPherson's Political History of Recon- 
struction. 

Barnes's History of the 3gth Congress. 

Chadsey's Struggle between President 
Johnson and Congress (Columbia Uni- 
versity Studies, i8g6). 

Scott's Reconstruction. 

Bryce's American Commonwealth, 2 vols, 
(revised edition). 

Life and Works of Henrj' W. Grady. 

Blaine's Twenty Years in Congress, 2 vols. 

Johnstpn's American Politics. 

Pike's Prostrate State (South Carolina). 

McPherson's Political Handbooks (1870 to 
the present time). 

Appleton's Annual Cyclopsdia (1876 to the 
present time). 

Bancroft's Pacific States, 34 vols. 

Thayer's New West. 

McClure's The South. 

Williams's Negro Race in America, 2 vols. 

Whitney's United States. 

Shaler's United States, 2 vols.' 

King's The New South. 

Curry's The South. 

Badeau's Grant in Peace. 

Appleton's Cyclopadia of American Bi- 
ography, 6 vols. 

Stoddard's Life of Garfield. 

Wilson's Lives of the Presidents (1789- 
1893). 

Andrews's Last Quarter of a Century ( 1875- 
1895), 2 vols. 

Whittle's Life of Cleveland. 



AUTHORITIES CITED. 



Note. — Except in a very few instances, editions are not designated. 



(References 1-100.) 1. Reeves's Wineland, 30, 42; Winsor's America, I. 67; 2. 
Reeves's Wineland, 6 ; 3. Markham's Columbus, 23 ; Adams's Columbus, 28 ; 4. Bancroft's 
U. S. (Cent, ed.), I. i ; Winsor's America, I. 66; 5. Myers's Gen. Hist., 410-437; Mont- 
gomery's Eng. Hist., 40-58; 6. Gibbins's Hist. Commerce, 75; 7. Major's Prince Henry, 
192 ; 8. Winsor's America, I. 30; 9. Navarrete's Columbus, 268; Kerr s Voyages, III. 23 ; 

10. Markham's Columbus, 26; Cooley's Maritime Discov., I. 3S5 ; 11. Kettell's Journal of 
Columbus, 174; 12. Hakluyt Soc. Pub., LXXXVI. 17; 13. Irving's Columbus, I. 49; 
Adams's Columbus, 49 ; 14. Herrera, Higginson's Larger U. S., 25 ; 15. Winsor's America, 

11. 52; 16. Hakluyt Soc. Pub., LXVIII. 41 ; 17. Fiske's N. America, I. 45°; 18. Kerr's 
Travels, III, 89; 19. Spotorno's Columbus, 172 ; Brown's Gen. of U. S., I. 2; 20. Win- 
sor's Columbus, 252-4; 21. Winsor's America, I. 43; 22. Winsor's America, I. i; 23. 
Winsor's America, III. 20; 24. Winsor's America, III. 2, 24; 25. Winsor's America, III. 
54; 26. Hakluyt Soc. Pub., XII. 29; 27. Winsor's America, III. 144; 28. Winsor's 
America, II. 156; 29. Winsor's Columbus, 541 ; 30. Winsor's America, II. 147; 31. Win- 
sor's Columbus, 529; 32. Weise's America, 221; Eden's P. Martyr, Chap. X.; 33. Her- 
rera's Indies, II. 33 ; 34. H. H. Bancroft's Cent. America, I. 371 ; 35. Bancroft's U. S., I. 
44; 36. Bancroft's U. S., I. 37; 37. Winsor's America, III. 251, 292, 497; 38. Winsor's 
America, VIII. 254 ; 39. Shipp's Florida, 578 ; Parkman's Pioneers of France ; 40. Hakluyt 
Soc. Pub., XIII. 340-1 ; 41. Hakluyt .Soc. Pub., XIII. 383-4; 42. Bancroft's U. S., II. 
100; 43. Morgan's Iroquois, 414; 44. Shaler's U. S. ; Shaler's Our Continent; Seebohm's 
Prot. Revolution; Seeley's Expansion of England; Fiske's N. America; Gladstone's Kin 
beyond Sea; McCulloch's Geog. Diet., "America"; Payne's America; Cunningham's Eng. 
Commerce ; Freeman in " Forum," IV. 459 ; Rambaud's Hist, de la Civilisation Frangaise ; 

46. Sabine's B'isheries, 40; Brown's Gen. of U. S., I. 25 ; 46. Winsor's America, III. 127; 

47. Hume's England Append, to Chap. XLIX. 192 ; Hakluyt's Western Planting ; Gorges's 
Narrative; Seeley's Expansion of England; Goldwin Smith's Am. Cols.; Brown's Genesis 
of the U. S. ; Arber's John Smith's Works; 48. Poore's Charters; Preston's Documents; 
49. Poore's Charters ; Preston's Documents ; 50. Winsor's America, III. loS ; 51. Poore's 
Charters; Preston's Documents ; 62. Poore's Charters; Preston's Documents; 53. Arber's 
John Smith's Works, XIII. ; Doyle's Va., 175; 54. Brown's Genesis of U. S., I. 229; 55. 
Bancroft's U. S., I. 443 ; Cooke's Va., 229; 56. Mrs. Jackson's Life of Jackson, 2, 3; Lin- 
coln's Works, I. 596; II. 63S; 57. Johnson's Cyclopjedia, "Tobacco"; 58. Preston's Doc- 
uments, 32; Va. Mag. of Hist., July, 1894, 57; 59. Hening's Statutes of Va., I. 110-18; 
Wynne's Records, 8i ; 60. Hildreth's U. S., I. 522; 61. Preston's Documents, 35; 
62. Lodge's Colonies, 12; Va. Mag._of Hist. July, 1894,66; 63. Hildreth's U. S., I. 518; 
64. Jefferson's Works, I. 170; 65. Neill's Va. Comp., 262; 66. Cooke's Va. 172-3; 
67. Cooke's Va., 193; 68. Cooke's Va., 229-30; 69. Winsor's America, III. 149; 70. 
Bancroft's U. S., I. 353; 71. Cooke's Va., 295; Force's Tracts, I. No. 8; 72. Parkman's 
Montcalm and Wolfe,'l. 140; 73. Brodhead's N. Y., I. 28; 74. Brodhead's N. ¥., I. 62; 
75. Brodhead's N. ¥., I. 194, 304; 76. Brodhead's N. Y., I. 374; 77. Brodhead's N. Y., 
1.406, 413; 78. Brodhead's N. Y., I. 618; 79. Brodhead's N. Y., II. 42; 80. Brodhead's 
N. Y., II. 72; 81. Brodhead's N. Y., II. 454; 82. Lamb's N. Y. City, I. 327; 83. Brod- 
head's N. Y., II. 553; 84. Parkman's Frontenac, 189; 85. Brodhead's N. Y., II. 567; 86. 
Brodhead's N. Y., II. 619; 87. Sparks's Leisler, 236; Brodhead's N. Y., II. 649; 88. 
Lodge's Colonies, 320 ; Winsor's America, V. igi ; De Courcy and Shea's Catholic Church, 
331 ; 89. N. Y. Col. Docs., IV. 288; 90. Winsor's America, V. 191 ; Acts of N. Y. (1691- 
170S), 45; 91. Winsor's America, V. 193; 92. Winsor's America, V. ig8 ; 93. Chandler's 
Trials, I. 160; 94. Winsor's America, V. 199; 95. Bancroft's U. S. ; 96. Brown's Genesis 
of U. S., I.; 97. Smith's N. J., 60; 98. Hatfield's Elizabethtown, 53; 99. N. J. Docs., 
I. 30; 100. Winsor's America, III. 431. 

(References 101-200.) 101. Johns Hopkins Univ. Stud., III. 448; 102. N. J. 
Docs., I. 228; 103. N. J. Docs., I. 263-7; 104. .Scott's Const. Liberty, 71; 105. N. J. 

Docs., I. 253; 106. Bancroft's U. S., ; 107. Winsor's America, IV. 438; 108, 109. 

Bancroft's U. S., II. 357 ; Doyle's 13 Cols, 86; 110. Chalmer's Colonies, I. 293 ; 111. N.J. 
Hist. Coll., III. 169; 112. Palfrey's N. E., I. 48; 113. Gardner's England, I. 157; 114. 
Young's Chronicles, 23 ; 115. Young's Chronicles, 45-7; 116. Young's Chronicles, 381-2 ; 
117. Goodwin's Pilgrim Repub., 41; 118. Young's Chronicles, 82; Goodwin's Pilgrim 



AUTHORITIES CITED. XXXI 

Repub., 45; 119. Young's Chronicles, 82; 120. Young's Chronicles, 87; 121. Young's 
Chronicles, 396; Dexter's Congregationalism, 402; 122. Young's Chronicles, 120; Deane's 
Bradford, 89; 123. Young's Chronicles, 120; Preston's Documents, 29; 124. Young's 
Chronicles, 21; Palfrey's N. E., II. 36; 125. Plymouth Records, XI. 26; 126. Lowell 
Lectures, 172; 127. P. Col. Laws, 76, 102; 128. P. Col. Records, XI. 177; 129. P. Col. 
Laws, 258; 130. 131. P. Col. Laws (,i&7i), I- i; Bradford's Plymouth; 132, 133. Brad- 
ford's Letter Book, 38, 46; 134. Lowell Lectures, 168 ; 133. Poore's Charters ; 136. Poore's 
Charters; 137. Hildreth's U. S.,I. 180 ; Winsor's America, III.311-12: 138. Winthrop's 
Winthrop, I. 309; 139. Winsor's Boston, L 116; 140. Winsor's Boston, I. 114; 141. 
Winthrop's N. E. (Savage), I. 30; 142. Poore's Charters; 143. Palfrey's N. E., I. 118; 
Johns Hopkins Univ. Stud., XII.; 144. Mass. Records, I. 115; 145. Mass. Records, I. 
87 ;-146. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., XXVIII. 219; Lowell Lectures, 63 ; 147. Mass. Records, 
II. 197 ; Johns Hopkins Univ. Stud., XII. 425 ; 148. Clark's Cong. Churches in Mass., 69 ; 
Allen's Jon. Edwards, 257; 149. Johns Hopkins Univ. Stud., XII.; 150. Winthrop's 
N. E., I. 70; 151. Johns Hopkins Univ. Stud., XII.; 152. Winsor's Boston, L 148; 153. 
Winthrop's Winthrop; 154. Poore's Charters; Lowell Lectures; 155. Hazard's State 
Papers, I. 423; Lodge's Colonies, 347, 359; 156. Winsor's Boston, I. 156; 157. Lodge's 
Colonies, 347; 158. Mass. Records, I. 137; 159. Arnold's R. I., I. 27; 160. Arnold's R. 
I., I. 131; 161, Mass. Records, I. 115, 139; Dexter's R. Williams, 33; 162. Palfrey's N. 
E., I. 164; 163. Winthrop's N. E., I. 162; 164. Winthrop's N. E., I. 165; Diman's R. 
Williams, 31 ; 165. Arnold's R. T., L 39; Palfrey's N. E., I. 421; 166. Hutchinson's Mass., 
H. 423; Welde's Antinomians, preface; 167. Chandler's Am. Trials, I. 20; Mass. Records, 
1.207; 168. Quincy's Harv. Coll. ; 169. Clapp's Dorchester, 420; 170. Mass. Records, 
II. 203 ; 171. Horace Mann on Mass. Schools ; 172. Hazard's State Papers, I. 1-6; 173. 
Johns Hopkins Univ. Stud., XII.; 174. McClintock and Strong's Cyc, "Friends," 
"Fox," "Naylor"; 175. Hazard's State Papers, II. 631; 176. Hazard's State Papers, 
II. 5S1, 567; 177. Mass. Records, II. 193; 178. Mass. Records, II. 193; III. 112; Pal- 
frey's N. E., II. 469-72 ; 179. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. (5th s.), V. 43 ; 180. Hazard's State 
Papers, II. 605; 181. Hildreth's U. S., I. 455; Chalmers's Annals, 450; 182. Quincy's 
Harv. Coll., I. 18; 183. Palfrey's N. E,, III. 91; 184, Palfrey's N. E., III. 164; 185. 
Everett's Orations, I. 634; 186. Caverly's Ind. Wars, 184; 187. Barr3''s Mass., I. 440; 
188. Francis's J. Eliot, 273; 189. Hazard's State Papers, II. 606; Chalmer's Annals, 450; 
190. Hildreth's U. S., I. 463-7; 191. Hildreth's U. S., I. 496; 192. Dummer's Defence 
of the Charters ; 193. Adams's Emanc. of Mass., 215 ; 194. R. I. Records, III. 212 ; 196. 
Hutchinson's Mass., I. 355; 196. Whitmore's Andros Tracts ; 197. Dovle's Eng. Cols., II. 
343 ; 198. Poore's Charters ; Palfrey's N. E., IV. 78 ; 199. Palfrey's N. E., IV. 96 ; 200. 
Palfrey's N. E., IV. 116; Sewall's Diary. 

(References 201-300.) 201. Palfrey's N. E., IV. 117; 202. Lodge's Colonies; 
203. Winsor's America, III. 329; 204. Winsor's America, III. 326; 205. Winsor's 
America, III. 367; 206. Osgood's N. E., 300; 207. Encyc. Brit., XV. 300-1; 208. Am. 
Antiq. Soc. (1876); 209. Poore's Charters; Adams's Emanc. of Mass., 183; 210. 
Winsor's America, III. 326; Belknap's N. H.; 211. Mass. Hist. Coll. (4th s.), VI. 108; 
Mclintock's N. H., 47; 212. Mass. Records, II. 29; 213. Parker's Londondeny, 50; 214. 
Webster's P. Corresp., I. 5-6; 215. Smith's Dartmouth Coll.; 216. Sanborn's N. H., 
143; Robinson's Vt., 57; 217. Preble's U. S. Flag, 274; Sanborn's N. H., 206; 218. 
J. Hopkins Univ. Stud., XI. 10; 219. Walker's Hooker, 84; Winthrop's N. E. ; Doyle's 
Cols. ; 220. Walker's Hooker, 84; 221. Walker's Hooker, 87-90; Fiske's N. E.; 222. 
Mason's Pequot War; Underhill's Pequot War; 223, Walker's Hooker, 125; 224. Conn. 
Records, I. 22; 225. Conn. Records. I. 303; 226. Conn. Records, I. 331; 227. Bancroft's 
U. S., I. 359; 228. Fiske's N. E. : 229. N. Haven Records, I. 12, 17; 230. N. Haven 
Records, I. 130, 191 ; Levermore's N. Haven, 153; 231. Levermore's N. Haven, 151 ; 232. 
Levermore's N. Haven, 153 ; 233. N. Haven Records, I. 62, 210; Levermore's N. Haven; 
234. Dexter's Yale Coll. ; 235. N. E. Mag., Oct. 1893 ; 236, Atwater's N. Haven, 429 ; 
237. Poore's Charters; 238. Johnston's Conn., 200; 239. Appleton's Cyc. Biog., VI. 
168; 240. Scharf's Md., I. 47; 241. Winsor's America, III. 520; 242. Scharf's Md., I. 
163 ; 243. Scharf's Md., I. 53 ; Winsor's America, III. 524 ; 244. J. Hopkins Univ. Stud., 
X. ; Winsor's America, III.; 245. J. Hopkins Univ. Stud., X.; Bancroft's U. S., I. 158; 
246. Winthrop's N. E., II. 249; 247. Scharf's Md., I. 174-6; 248. Bancroft's U. S., I. 
438; 249. Bruce's Calvert, 135; 250. Bruce's Calvert, 147-8; 251. Strong's Babylon in 
Md.; 252. Browne's Md., 80; 253. Bruce's Calvert, 149; 254. Scharf's Md., I. 335-6; 
255. Lodge's Cols., 108; Browne's Md., 199; 256. Scharf's Md., I. 383; 257. R. I. 
Records, I. 22; 258. Montgomery's French Hist., 134; 259. Arnold's R. I., I. 126; 260. 
Williams's Letters, 278; Arnold's R. I., I. 255; 261. R. I. Records, I. 376; 262. R. I. 
Records, I. 27-8; Winsor's America. III. 336; 263, Arnold's R. I., I. 256; 264, Poore's 
Charters; 265, Poore's Charters; Arnold's R. I., I. 290; 266, Greene's R. I.; 267. 
Arnold's R. L, IL 490, 494; Winsor's America, III. 379; 268, Winsor's America, III. 
379; 269, Arnold's R. 1., II. 249; 270. Arnold's R. I.; 271. Bancroft's U. S., I. 509; 
272. Poore's Charters; Lodge's Cols.; 273. Bancroft's U. S. Const., II. 249; 274. 
Poore's Charters; 276. Hildreth's U. S., II. 28; 276, 277. Poore's Charters, II. 1389; 



XXXll THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 

278. Bancroft's U. S., I. 421 ; 279. Hildreth's U. S., II. 30; 280-289. Poore's Charters, 
II. 397, arts, no, 23, 72, 15, i, 2, 95, 97, 95, loi, 96; 290. Lodge's Cols., 142, 166; Winsor's 
America, V. 294; 291. Fisher's Colonies, 296; 292. Charleston Year-Book (1883), 380'; 
293. Baird's Huguenots; Appleton's Cyc. Am. Biog. ; 294. Hewatt's S. C. ; Hildreth's 
U. S., II. 290; 295. Hewatt's S. C, I. 120, 159 ; 296. Charleston Year-Book (1SS3), 400; 
297. Colden's Five Nations; 298. Bancroft's U. S., III. 394; Roosevelt's West, I. 160; 
299. Roosevelt's West, I. 134, 236; 300. Bancroft's U. S., III. 107. 

(References 301-400.) 301. Poore's Charters; 302. Hazard's Pa., 500; 303. 
Clarkson's Pa., I. 264 ; Janney's Penn. ; 304. Stoughton's Penn. ; 305. Poore's Charters; 
Hildreth's U. S., II. 63; Chalmer's Revolt of the Cols., I. 152; 306. Clarkson's Pa., I. 
281; 307, 308. Proud's Pa., I. 289; 309. Hazards Pa., 561; 310. Stoughton's Penn., 
180; 311. Hazard's Pa.; 312. Hazard's Pa., 619; 313-315. Hazard's Pa., 621; 316. 
Proud's Pa., I. 288; 317. Doyle's 13 Cols., 89; 318. Franklin's Pa., 32, 53-67; Proud's 
Pa., I. 297, 300; 319. Bryant and Gay's U. S., III. 177; 320. Winsor's America, III. 493 ; 
Thomas's Hist. Printing; 321. Stoughton's Penn., 305; Pennypacker's Germantown, 42 ; 
Bryant and Gay's U. S., III. 175-6; 322. Bryant and Gay's U. S., 175; Dixon's Penn., 
301; 323. Bishop's Manufactures; 324. Pa. Hist. Soc' Coll., II.; 325. J. Hopkins 
Univ. Stud.,X. : 326. J. Hopkins Univ. Stud., X.; Doyle's 13 Cols., 90; 327. Encyc. 
lirit., " Pennsylvania"; 328. Franklin's Pa. ; 329. Montgomery's B. Franklin, 240; 330. 
Hinsdale's Northwest, 103 ; Bancroft's U. S., I. 570 ; 331. Hinsdale's Northwest, 103 ; 
332. Stille's Dickinson; 333-336. Poore's Charters; Winsor's America, V. 364; 337. 
Stevens's Ga., I. 279; 338. Winsor's America, V. 366; Jones's Ga., I. i^g ; 339. Stevens's 
Ga., I. 287; 340. Jones's Ga., I. 221 ; Ga. Hist. Coll., II. 279; 341. Jones's Ga., I. 86; 
Winsor's America, V. 358; 342. Bancroft's U. S., II. 286; 343. Jones's Ga., I. 217; 344. 
Overton's J. Wesley, 57; 345, 346. Jones's Ga., I. 405; Stevens's Ga., I. 309; 347-352. 
Jones's Ga., I. 302, 464, 460 152, 156, 368; 353. Pa. Hist. Soc. Mem., V. 33; 354. Win- 
sor's America, IV. 264 ; 35.5. Winsor's America, IV. Chap. VI. ; Parkman's Jesuits in N. 
America; 356. Winsor's America, IV. 208; Parkman's La Salle; 357-359. Parkman's 
La Salle, 74, 114, 168, 281; 360. Parkman's Half-Cent, of Conflict, I. 293; 361. Mont- 
gomery's French Hist., 190; 362. Hildreth's U. S., 2, 136; 363. Parson's Pepperrell ; 
364. Hildreth's U. S., II. 433; 365. Washington's Diary, Nov. 22, 1753 ; 366. Parkman's 
Montcalm and Wolfe, I. 147; 367. Frothingham's Republic; Chahner's Revolt of Cols.; 
368. Irving's Washington, I. 186; 369. Winsor's America, V.; Parkman's Montcalm, I.; 
370. Bancroft's U.S., II.; Parkman's Montcalm, II.; 371. Parkman's Pontiac ; 372,373. 
Parkman's Montcalm, II. 405; 374. Lecky's i8th Cent., III. 3r9; 375. Burke on Concili- 
ation; 376. Wright's Indust. Evol. U. S., 15; 377. Doyle's Cols.; Webster's Works; 
Burke's Works; 378. Stille's Pa. Mag., IX. 390; 379. Wilson's The State, 458; Macy's 
Civil Gov., 12-19; J- Hopkins Univ. Stud., II.; 380. Chalmer's Ann. of N. America; 
381. Webster's Works; 382. Hildreth's U. S., II. 427; Du Bois's Slave-Trade ; 383. 
Washington's Works, XII. 305 ; 384. Babson's Gloucester, 251 ; 385. Adams's Brit. Ora- 
tions, I. 113 ; 386-389. Bishop's Am. Manufact. ; 390. Eggleston's Cent. Mag. (n. s.), VI. 
249; 391. See Advt. on p. 152; 392. Adams's Emanc. Mass., 92 ; 393. Hildreth's U. S. ; 
394. Randall's Jefferson, I. 205 ; Hening's Statutes; 395. J. Hopkins Univ. Stud., XII. ; 
396. Hildreth's U. S., II. 343; 397. Tyler's Am. Lit., II. 32; Lodge's Cols.; 398. 
White's Am. Lit., 27; Dwight's Jon. Edwards; 399. Neill's Va. Carolorum, 338 ; 400. 
Franklin's Works, VI. 194; Tyler's Am. Lit. 

(References 401-500.) 401. Tyndall's Heat; Ellis's Rumford ; 402. Burke on 
Conciliation; 403. Lodge's Cols., 474; 404. Mavhew's Sermon, Jan. 4, 1761 ; 405. Ban- 
croft's U. S., II. 212; Lodge's Cols., 474; 406. Wilson's The State; Lodge's Cols.; 
Frothingham's Republic; 407. Wright's Indust. Evol. of U. S. ; 408. May's Const. Hist. 
Eng.; 409. Ransome's Const. Hist. Eng. ; 410. May's Const. Hist. Eng., II. 552-62; 
411. May's Const. Hist. Eng., II. 552; Winsor's America, VI. 16; Lecky's England; 412. 
Smith's Wealth of Nations, II.; 413. Lodge's Cols., 491; Lecky's England, III. 342; 
May's England, II. 557; Winsor's America, VI. 24; 414. Hening's Va. Statutes, I. 124; 
415. Bancroft's U. S., I. 308; 416. Laws of New Plymouth (1671); 417. Fisher's Cols., 
247; 418. Hosmer's S. Adams, 104; 419. Winsor's America, VI. 11 ; 420. Tudor's Otis, 
77 ; 421. Henry's P. Henrv, I. 30-43 ; 422. Lecky's England ; 423. Larned's Hist, for R. 
Ref., V. 3183 ; 424. Franklin's Works, IV.; 425. Burke's Works, II. 74; 426. Lecky's 
England, III. 337 ; 427. Bancroft's U. S., III. 89; 428. Bancroft's U. S., III. 104 ; 429. 
Tyler's P. Henry, 62; 430. Hildreth's U. S., II. 529; 431. Larned's Hist, for R. Ref., V. 
3191 ; 432. Lecicv's England, III. 366; Adams's British Orations ; 433. Winsor's America, 
VI. 32; 434. Winsor's America, VI. 39; 435. Stillt^'s Dickinson; Tyler's Lit. of the 
Revol.; 436. Hosmer's S. Adams; Winsor's Boston; 437. Winsor's America, VI. 52; 
Burke on Conciliation; 438. Winsor's America, VI. 49; Winsor's Boston, III. 32; 439. 
Hosmer's S. Adams; 440. Corresp. of George III. with L. North, I. 202; 441-444. 
Goldwin Smith's U. S., 83 ; Winsor's America, VI. 58; Hosmer's S. Adams; 445. Ban- 
croft's U. S. ; Hildreth's U. S. ; 446. Frothingham's Republic; 447. Frothingham's Re- 
public, 360; Winsor's America, VI. 99; 448,449. Jones's Ga., II. 157 ; 450-463. Force's 



AUTHORITIES CITED. XXXIll 

Archives, I. <)io et seg.; 454. Bancroft's U. S., IV. 103; 456. Hart's Revolution, 63; 
456. Winsor's America, VI. 116; 457. Sloane's Revolution, 177; Hart's Revolution, 81 ; 
458. Weiss's T. Parker; Higginson's Larger U. S. ; 459. Shattuck's Concord, 107; R. W. 
Emerson's Works; 460. Stedman's American War, I. 118; 461. Frothingham's Siege of 
Boston; 462. Hosmer's S. Adams, 336 ; 463. Force's Archives, II. 1848; 464. Winsor's 
America, VI. 558; Carrington's Revol.; 465. Sumner's Finances of the Revol., 146-8; 
466. Washington's Writings ; 467. Greene's Revolution; 468, 469. Am. Hist. Review, I. 
24; 470-478. Sumner's Finances of the Revol .; 479. Frothingham's Siege of Boston, 140; 
480. Goldwin Smith's U. S., 85; Fiske's Revolution; 481. Preble's American Flag; 
Frothingham's Republic, 468 ; 482. Journal of Cong., I. 103 ; 483. Bryant and Gajf's U. S., 
III.; Sparks's Arnold; 484. Irving's Washington ; Sabine's Loyalists; 485. Bancroft's 
U. S., IV. 397: 486. Bancroft's U. S., IV. 391; 487. Journal of Cong., I. 199; 488. 
May's Const. Hist. Eng. ; 489, 490. Frothingham's Republic, 472-80; 491. Journal 
of Cong., I. 344; 492. Frothingham's Republic, 516; 493. Sloane's Revolution, 229; 
Winsor's America, VI.; 494. Bancroft's U. S., V. 8; 495. Winsor's America, VI. 284; 
496, 497. Irving's Washington; 498. Bancroft's U. S., V. 99; 499. Bancroft's U. S., V. 
103 ; Sparks's Corresp. of the Revol., I. 16; 500. Fiske's Revolution, I. 232. 

(References 501-600.) 601. Fiske's Revolution; Stedmans Am. War, I. 239; 
602, 503. Carrington's Battles of the Revol. ; 504. Winsor's America, VI. 301 ; 505, 506. 
Mahon's England, VI. 287-8; Winsor's America, VI.; Creasy's Decisive Battles^<607. 
Ford's Washingtoi/o Writings, VI. 257 ; 508. Sparks's Jos. Reed, 403 ; Sabine's Loyalists, I. 
144; Washington's Writings; 509. Fiske's Revolution; 510. Almon's Remem.brancer, 
VII. 131 ; 511. Sloane's Revolution, 295 ; 512. Bancroft's U. S., V. 272 ; 513. Bancroft's 
U. S., V. 276; Lee's Papers, III. 192; 514. Lee's Papers, III. 208; 516. Winsor's 
America, VI. 634; 516. Sparks's Sullivan, 147; 517. Roosevelt's West, II. 46; 618. 
Sloane's Revolution, 316; 619, 620. Carrington's Battles of the Revol., 498, 517; 521. 
Arnold's Arnold, 211; 622. Irving's Washington, IV. 44; 523-525. Sparks's Arnold; 
Arnold's Arnold; 526. Moore's Congress, 691; Sumner's Finances of the Revol.; 527. 
Ford's Washington's Writings, IX. 97; 528. Draper's King's Mountain ; Winsor's America, 
VI.; 629, 530. Greene's Greene; Irving's Washington; .531. Ross's Comwallis ; 632, 
533. Greene's Greene; 534. Tuckerman's Lafayette, I. 130; 635. Ross's Comwallis, I. 
iii; Winsor's America, VI. 498; 536. Ford's Washington's Writings, IX. 212; 637. 
Fiske's Revolution, II. 277; 638. Ford's Washington's Writings, IX. 355; 539. Winsor's 
America, VI. ; 540. Wraxhall's Memoirs ; 541. U. S. Stat, at Large (Treaties), VIII. 80 ; 
542, 543. J. Hopkins Univ. Stud., III. 26; 544. .Story's Const, of the U. S. ; 545. 
Story's Const, of the U. .S. ; Fiske's Critical Period in the U. S. Hist.; 546. The Federalist 
(Hamilton), No. 15; .547. Moore's Congress, 83; 648. Hildreth's U. S.; 549. Landon's 
U. S. Const., 56-7 ; 550. McMaster's U. S., I. 405-6 ; 551. Curtis's Hist. U. S. Const., I. 
269; 562. McMaster's U. S., I.; 553. Curtis's Hist. U. S. Const., I. 321; 554. White's 
Money; McMaster's U. S., I. ; 666. U. S. Const., Art. I., Sect. VIII. ; 556. U. S. Const. 
Tenth Amend.; 557. U. S. Const., Art. I., Sects. II., IX.; 668. McMaster's U. S., I.; 
Bigelow's Franklin ; .569. Foster's Comment, on the Const., I. ; 560. Elliot's Debates on 
the Const., I. 327; 661. Preamble to the Const. ; Foster's Comment, on the Const. ; 562. 
McMaster's U. S.,1.540; 663. Carson's Supreme Court; 664-567. U. .S. Stat, at Large, 
I.; Hildreth's U. S., IV.; 668. Tribune Almanac (1897) Statistics; 569. Hamilton's 
Works, III.; Schouler's U. S., I. 130; 570. Johnston's Am. Politics, 23; 671, 672. 
Hildreth's U. S., IV. ; Schouler's U. S., I. 136 ; 573. Johnston's Am. Politics, 23 ; 
McMaster's U. S., I. 582 ; 674-677. McMaster's U. S., II. 28; Schouler's U. S., I. 159; 
678. Hildreth's U. S., IV. 260, 314; 579. Jefferson's Anas.; 680. Hart's U. S., 140; 
681. Schouler's U. S., I. 174; 582. Von Hoist's U. S., I. 306; 583,584. Washington's 
Writings; 585. Hamilton's Works; 586. McMaster's U. S., II. 633; 687. McMaster's 
U. S., I. 298; 588-590. Olmsted's Whitney; Greeley's Am. Conflict, I.; Webster's 
Works, V. 338; 591-594. .Schouler's U. S., I. 205; Hildreth's U. S., IV. 297-357; 595. 
Schouler's U. S., I. 258; 596. Hildreth's U. S., IV. 411; 597. Williams's Statesman's 
Man., I.; 598, 599. Johnston's Am. Politics, 31; Hildreth's U. S., IV. 432; 600. 
Schouler's U. S., I. 246-256. 

(References 601-700.) 601. Hildreth's U. S., IV. 420; 602. Hildreth's U. S., IV. 
498; McMaster's U. S., II. 190: 603. Williams's Statesman's Man., I. 53-57; 604. 
King's Ohio, 256 ; 605. Hildreth's U. S., IV. 545; 606. McMaster's U. S., II. ; Pellew's 
Jay; 607-609. Hildreth's U. S., IV. Chap. VIII.; 610, 611. Hart's U. S., 184; Hil- 
dreth's U. S., IV. 567; 612, 613. Hildreth's U. S., IV. 569; Lodge's Washington; 614. 
Hildreth's U. S., IV. 696; V. 43 ; 616. Schouler's U. S., I.; Hildreth's U. S., IV.; 616. 
Adams's Adams, II. 219; 617. Williams's Statesman's Man., I. 104; 618. Adams's Adams, 
11.227; Hildreth's U. S., V.; 619. Williams's Statesman's Man., I. 108; 620. .Schouler's 
U. S., 1.378; 621. Adams's Adams; 622. Adams's Works, IX. 159; 623. Schouler's U. 
S., I. 387: Appleton's Cyc. Biog. (C. C. Pinckney) ; 624. Hildreth's U. S. ; 625-629. 
Hildreth's U. S. ; Schouler's U. S. ; McMaster's U. S. ; 630-634. Elliot's Debates, IV. 
528; Lalor's Cyclopaedia; Warfield's Ky. Resolutions; 635. Winsor's America, VII. 270 



XXXIV THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 

(note); 636. Schouler's U. S., I. 451 ; 637. Adams's U. S., I. 274; 638. Williams's States- 
man's Man., I. 137; Johnston's Am. Politics, s8; 639. Bryce's Am. Commonwealth; 640. 
Hildreth's U. S. ; Lalor's Cyclopsdia ; 641-646. Adams's U. S., I. 208, 192, 156, 83, 87; 
647-649. Adams's U. S., I. 73 ; Jefferson's Works; Adams's U. S., I. 227; 650. Adams's 
Gallatin, I. 130; Jefferson's Works, IV. 486; Hart's U. S., 179; Am. Hist. Assoc, II. 51 ; 
651-655. Jefferson's Works; Adams's U. S., I. 411, 436; 656-659. Adams's U. S., I. 
q6, 108, III ; Benton's Debates, III. 10; Adams's N. E. Federalism, 148; 660. Adams's U. 
S., I. 160; 661. Benton's Debates, IV. 327 ; 662. Adams's U. S., VI. 441 ; 663. Adams's 
U. S., V. 325 ; 664, 665. Coues's Lewis and Clark, II. 702 and Preface; 666. McMaster's 
U. S., III. 144; 667. McMaster's U. S., III. 198; 668. Hildreth's U. S., V. 534: 669. 
Kirkland's Preble, 28; 670, 671. Adams's U. S. ; 672. Adams's U. S., I. 68 ; 673. Reigart's 
Fulton; 674. Hildreth's U. S., IV. 238, 572; 675-677. Adams's U. S. ; Hildreth's U. S.; 
678. Hart's U. S., 191; 679. Encyc. Brit., art. " U. S."; 680. McMaster's U. S., III. 
225; 681. Stephen's War in Disguise; 682, 683. Encyc. Brit., art. " U. S."; 684. 
McMaster's U. S., III. 257 (note) ; 685. Adams's U. S. ; 686. Schouler's U. S., III. 325; 
687-696. Adams's U. S., IV.; Hildreth's U. S., VI.; McMaster's U. S., III.; Encyc. 
Brit., art. " U. S." ; Schouler's U. S., II.; 697. Adams's U.S., V. 15-16; 698, 699. 
Adams's U. S. ; 700. Hildreth's U. S. ; Schouler's U. S. 

(References 701-800.) 701. Adams's U. S., IV. 472; 702-706. Adams's U. S. ; 
Hildreth's U. S. ; Gay's Madison; McMaster's U. S. ; 707, 708. Adams's U. S., III.; 
709-712. Adams's U. S., V.; Schurz's H. Clay; Sumner's Jackson ; 713-715. Adams's 
U. S., VI. ; .Schouler's U. S. ; Ingersoll's War of 1812, I. 219 ; 716. Williams's .Statesman's 
Man., I.; Adams's U. S., VI.; 717, 718. Adams's U. S., VI.; Schouler's U. S. ; 719. 
Winsor's America, VII. 377-8; 720. Schurz's H. Clay; 721. Adams's U. S., VIII. 231; 
722. Schurz's H. Clay, I. 98; 723. Niles's Register, II. 358; 724. Hildreth's U. S. ; 
McMaster's U. S. ; Cooley's Michigan, 175; 725. Niles's Register, VII. 393; 726. 
Roosevelt's War of 1812; Maclav's Am. Navy; 727-729. Brit. Ann. Register (1812), 173; 
Roosevelt's War of 1812; 730. Adams's U. S. ; Maclay's Am. Navy (Preface); 731. Hil- 
dreth's U. S., VI. 523; 732. Brit. Ann. Register (1813), 109; 733. Schouler's U. S., II. 
393; 734. Roosevelt's War of 1812, 261; 735. Mackenzie's Perry; Adams's U. S. ; 736, 
737. Schouler's U. S., II. 385; Appleton's Cyc. Biog., "Perry"; Adams's U. S. ; 738. 
Roosevelt's War of 1812; 739. Niles's Register, VI. 443; 740. Gay's Madison; Brit. 
Register (181 4) ; 741, 742. Sumner's Jackson; Johnston's Am. Politics; Adams's U. S. ; 
743, 744. Niles's Register, VII.; Lalor's Cyclopedia; Dwight's Hartford Convention; 
745. Greeley's Am. Conflict, I. 86 (note) ; 746-750. Dwight's Hartford Convention; 
Lalor's Cyclopedia; Adams's U. S., VIII., IX. ; 751, 752. Niles's Register, VII. 374-6; 
Roosevelt's War of 1812 ; Parton's Jackson ; Adams's U. S. ; .Schurz's H. Clay ; J. Hop- 
kins Univ. Studies, V.; 753. Gay's Madison, 331 ; 754. Schouler's U. S. ; McMaster's U. 
S. ; 755, 756. Harper's Book of Facts (Tariff) ; Webster's Works; Schouler's U. S. ; Hil- 
dreth's U. S. ; 757. Johnston's Am. Politics, gS ; Gilman's Monroe; 758. Hildreth's U. 
S., VI. 646; Schouler's U. S., III. 74; 759, 760. McMaster's U. S., IV. 4S7, 496; 761. 
Hildreth's U. S., VI. 648: .Schouler's U. S., II. 252; 762. McMaster's U. S. ; Diet. Eng. 
Biog., art. "Cunard"; 763. Story's Judge Story, I. 340; 764. Benton's Debates, VI. 
334; Schurz's Clay; 765. Benton's Debates, VI.; 766. Randall's Jefferson, III. 456; 
767, 768. Benton's Debates, VI. 351, 357; Schurz's Clay; 769-773. Von Hoist's U. S., 
I.; Benton's Debates, VI.; Gilman's Monroe; Rhodes's U. S., I.; McMaster's U. S., 
IV.; 774. Randolph's Jefferson, IV. 324; 775. Gilman's Monroe, 148; Adams's Diary, 
etc.; 776. Schurz's Clay; 777. Hart's U. S., 246; Fiske's Civil Gov't; 778-780, Gil- 
man's Monroe; Schouler's U. S., III. ; 781. H. H. Bancroft's Texas; Benton's Debates; 
782-790. Gilman's Monroe; Morse's J. Q. Adams; Randolph's Jefferson, IV.; Williams's 
Statesman's Man., I. ; Lalor's Cyclopedia ; Hart's U. S. ; Winsor's America, VII., VIII. ; 
791,792. Schouler's U. S., III.; Harper's Book of Facts (Tariff); 793-795. Gilman's 
Monroe; Niles's Register; Schurz's Clay; 796-800. Johnston's Am. Politics; Stanwood's 
Presidential Elections ; Schurz's Clay ; Von Hoist's Calhoun ; Sumner's Jackson ; Morse's 
J. Q. Adams. 

(References 801-900.) 801-803. Morse's J. Q. Adams ; Williams's Statesman's 
Man., I.; 804-807. Renwick's Dewitt Clinton; Lamb's N. Y. City; Schouler's U. S., III.; 
Scribner's U. S. ; Harper's Mag., June, 1893 ; 808-811. Higginson's Larger]U. S. ; Lamed's 
Hist. R. Ref., V. 3362, 3371; Macy's Civil Gov't; Schouler's U. S., III.; 812-814. Wil- 
liams's Statesman's Man., I. ; Von Hoist's U. S., I. ; Schouler's U. S., III.; Hart's U. S. ; 
815. Williams's Statesman's Man., I.; 816, 817. Niles's Register, XXXII. 395; Web- 
ster's Works, III.; 818. Webster's Works, III. 237; 819,820. Lalor's Cyclopedia, art. 
"Tariff"; Benton's Debates, IX.; Johnston's Am. Politics, 107; Am. Hist. Regist. (1827), 
61; 821, 822. Schouler's U. S., III.; Harper's Book of Facts (Tariff); 823. Schurz's 
Clay; Lalor's Cyclopedia, art. "Tariff"; 824. Calhoun's Works, VI. i; 825. Webster's 
Correspond.; Von Hoist's Calhoun, 83; 826-828. Parton's Jackson, III. 171, 170; II. 
361; Sumner's Jackson, 50; 829. Poore's Reminiscences, I. 95; 830. Morse's J. Q. 
Adams; Sumner's Jackson ; 831. Schurz's Clay, I. 367 ; Sumner's Jackson, 145 ; 832, 833. 



AUTHORITIES CITED. . XXXV 

Williams's Statesman's Man., I. 702-3 ; 834, 835. Lalor's Cyclopaedia, III. 900; Madison's 
Works, III. 196 ; Webster's Works ; Benton's Senate, I. 162 ; 886-840. Benton's Debates, 
X. 421, 423, 426, 439; Elliot's Debates, IV. 316, 322; 841, 842. Lodge's Webster, 179; 
Webster's Speeches; 843. Adams's J. Randolph, 282; 844, 845. Tyler's Taney, 130; 
Schurz's Clay, I. 304; 846. Webster's Works, V. 366; 847, 848. Garrisons's Garrison, I. 
224, 140; 849. Johnson's Garrison, 337; 850, 851. Garrisons's Garrison, I. 410, 480; Von 
Hoist's U. S., 11.86; 852. Benton's Senate, I. 585; 853, 854. Garrisons's Garrison, II. 
20 ; III. 88 : 855. Files of the Liberator; 856. Julian's J. R. Giddings, 65 ; 857-859. Von 
Hoist's Calhoun; Schurz's Clay, II. 73; Calhoun's Works, II. 488; 860. J. Q. Adams's 
Memoirs, IX. 23; 861. Benton's Senate, I. 623; Rhodes's U. S., I.; Madison's Works; 
862. Seward's Works; 863. Von Hoist's U. S., II. 118; 864. Schurz's Clay, I. 360; 
865. Sumner's Jackson, 223; Harper's Book of Facts (Tariff); 866,867. Calhoun's 
Works, VI. 16S, 172; 868. Jenkins's Calhoun, Preface; 869. Williams's Statesman's Man., 
II. 804-6; Sumner's Jackson, 282 ; 870. Hildreth's U. S., IV. 616; 871, Williams's States- 
man's Man. II. 804-6; 872. Seward's Autobiog., 228; 873. Mansfield's Gen. Scott; 
874. Parton's Gen. Jackson, 310; 876-878. Scribner's U. S. ; C. F. Adams's Railroads; 
Niles's Register; Scribner's Statist. Atlas; Pat. Office Centennial; Shaler's U. S. ; Poore's 
Railroads; 879. Appleton's Cyc. Biog., " Hoe''; 880. Parton's Jackson, III. 257; Bolles's 
Financ. Hist. U. S. ; 881. Schouler's U. S., III. ; Parton's Jackson, III. ; 882, 883. Wil- 
liams's Statesman's Man., I. 713; Sumner's Jackson; 884. Sumner's Jackson; 885. Par- 
ton's Jackson, 111.399; 886-888. Williams's Statesman's Man., II. 863-S68 ; Mason's 
Veto Power; 889, 890. Sumner's Jackson; Clay's Speeches, II. 100; 891. Benton's 
Senate, I. 159,193 251,257; 892. Schurz's Clay, 1.381; 893. Sumner's Jackson ; Benton's 
Senate; 894-896. Schurz's Clay; Shepard's Van Buren ; Von Hoist's U. S., II. 178-9, 
194 : Cooley's Michigan ; 897. Sumner's Jackson ; 898. Benton's Senate, II. 39; 899, 900. 
Mason's Veto Power. 

(References 901-1000.) 901. Williams's Statesman's Man., II. 1049; 902. Shep- 
ard's Van Buren, 234 ; 903. Stanwood's P. Elections ; 904. Congress. Globe, Feb. 26, 1861 ; 
905. Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, III. 328; 906. Lamb's N. Y., II. 732 ; 907. Niles's Reg- 
ister (1837), 166; Benton's Senate, II. 17; 908. Williams's Statesman's Man., II. 1069; 
Shepard's Van Buren, 320; 909. Sumner in Harper's ist Cent. Report, 252; 910. Sar- 
gent's Public Men, II. 113; 911. Williams's Statesman's Man., II. 1053-4; 912. Greeley's 
Recollections, 144; 913. Codman's Brook Farm ; Nordhoff's Communistic Soc. ; 914-918. 
Cannon's (Mormon) Hand Book; Ford's Illinois; Moses's Illinois, I.; H. H. Bancroft's 
Utah; Schouler's U. S., V.; Chambers's Encyclopedia (Mormons); 919. White's W. 
Miller; 920. McClintock and Strong's Cyclopaedia, IX. 956; Greeley's Recollections, 
234; 921,922. Von Hoist's U. S., II. 272; Schurz's Clay, II. 159: 923,924. Morse's J. 
Q. Adams, 244, 261 ; Schouler's U. S. ; 925. Appleton's Cyc. Biog., III. 84 ; 926. Prime's 
Morse; 927. Eng. Diet. Nat. Biog. (S. Cunard); 928. Gov't Report on Immigration; 
929, 930. Greeley's Recollections, 132 ; Shepard's Van Buren, 323 ; Von Hoist's U. S., II. 
377; McCulloch's Men and Measures, 53; 931. Tyler's The Tylers, II. 12; 932, 933. 
Williams's Statesman's Man., II. ; Mason's Veto Power; 934, 935. Niles's Register, Sept. 
18, 1841 ; Williams's Statesman's Man., II. 1418 ; Lodge's Webster; Schouler's U. S., IV. 
394; 936, 937. Greene's R. I.: 938, 939. Schuyler's N. Y., I. 243-285; 940. Curtis's 
Webster, II. 97, 123; 941. Julian's J. R. Giddings; 942. Carson's Supreme Court; 943, 
944. Wilson's Slave Power; 945, 946. Williams's Houston ; Greeley's Slavery E.\tension ; 
Benton's Debates; Wilson's Slave Power; Von Hoist's U. S. ; Niles's Register; Schurz's 
Clay ; Von Hoist's Calhoun ; 947, 948. Greeley's Slavery Extension, 34, 40 ; 949, 950. Von 
Hoist's U. S., II. 646; Greeley's Slavery Extension; 951, 952. Benton's Senate, II. 5S2, 
584, 604-5; vs. Parton's Jackson, III. 658; 953. Tyler's The Tylers, II. 306; Greeley's 
Slavery Extension, 35 ; 954. Benton's Senate, II. 616; 955. Benton's .Senate. II. 167-18; 
956-960. Stanwood's P. Elections; Johnston's Am. Politics; Schurz's Clay, II. 259; 961. 
Schurz's Clay, II. 271; 962-967. Prime's Morse; Morse Memorial; Shaler's U. S. ; Scrib- 
ner's Mag., May, 1892; Century Mag., April, 1888; 968-970. Shaler's U. S. ; 971,972. 
H. H. Bancroft's Oregon ; Barrows's (5regon ; U. S. Statutes (Treaties) ; 973-976. Barrows's 
Oregon; Roosevelt's Benton ; Poore's Reminiscences, I. 213 ; 977-979. Barrows's Oregon; 
Von Hoist's U. S. ; Tyler's The Tylers, II. 439; Missionary Herald, March, 1869; Benton's 
Debates; 980. Williams's Statesman's Man. II. 1489; 981. Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, I. 
270; 982. Howard's Taylor; 983. Wright's Scott, 196; 984, Grant's Memoirs, I. igr ; 
985-987. Frt^mont's Memoirs, 1.488; Benton's Senate, 11.689; 988-991. H.H.Bancroft's 
California; Benton's Senate, II. 692 ; Encyc. Brit. (California) ; 992, 993. U. S. Statutes, IX. ; 
Lalor's Cyclopaedia, I. 98; 994. Harper's Book of Facts and Lalor's Cyclopaedia (Tariff); 
995-997. Johnston's Am. Politics; Schouler's U. S. ; Von Hoist's U. S. ; Stephen's War 
between the States, II. 178; McPherson's Rebellion, 254; 998, 999. Von Hoist's Calhoun ; 
Von Hoist's U. S. ; Benton's Debates; 1000. Stanton's Hist. Woman Suffrage. 

(References 1001-1100.) 1001-1008, H. H. Bancroft's California; Royce's Cali- 
fornia; Benton's Debates, XVI. 261; Century Mag., Feb., 1891 ; Sherman's Memoirs, II. 
40; Shaler's U. S. ; Johnson's Cyclopedia (Gold) ; 1009. Wright's Industrial Evolution of 



XXXVl THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 

the U. S. ; Pat. Office Centennial; 1010. Rice's Morton; Hodges's Introd. of Ether 
Scribner's Mag., Oct., 1S92 ; Atlantic Mag., Nov., 1896; 1011, 10r2. Stanwood's P. Elec- 
tions; Johnston's Am. Politics; Schurz's Clay, II. 311; 1013-1015. Howard's Taylor; 
Fry's Taylor: 1016. Cutts's Douglas and Party Questions, 86-124; 1017. Schurz's Clay, 
11.320; 1018. Julian's J. R. Giddings ; 1019-1021. Von Hoist's U. S., III. 472; Con- 
gress. Globe (1849), 29; Johnston and Browne's Stephens, 245; 1022, 1023. Benton's Sen- 
ate, II. 742-765; 1024-1027. Johnston's Am. Politics; Von Hoist's U. S. ; Schurz's Clay, 

II. 333 ; Calhoun's Works, IV. 572, 577 ; Benton's Senate, II. ; 1028. Webster's Works, V. 
361, 1029. Seward's Seward, I. 126; 1030. Johnston's Am. Politics ; Von Hoist's U. S. ; 
1031. Sumner's Works, II. 439; 1032. Giddings's The Rebellion, 347; 1033. Von Hoist's 
U. S., III. 15; 1034, 1035. Curtis's Webster, II. 519; 103«. Nicolayand Hay's Lincoln, 

III. 327; 1037. Lalor's Cyclopaedia, III. 162; Von Hoist's U. S. ; Nicolayand Hay's 
Lincoln, III. 17; 1038. U. S. Census (i860) Miscellaneous Stat., 337 ; 1039. Von Hoist's 
U. S., III. 552 ; 1040. May's Anti-Slavery Days ; Coffins's Underground R. R. ; Von Hoist's 
U. S., Ill ; 1041. Giddings's The Rebellion ; 1042. Stowe's Mrs. Stowe ; 1043. Rhodes's 
U. S., I. 278; 1044, 1045. Appleton's Cyc. Biog. (Helper) ; Von Hoist's U. S.,VII. ; 1046, 
1047. Stanwood's P. Elections ; Johnston's Am. Politics; 1048. U. S. Immigration Reports, 
1049-1051. Stanwood's P. Elections; Lalor's Cyclopsedia ; Johnston's Am. Politics; Von 
Hoist's U. S. ; 1052. Congress. Globe, XXVII. Append., 244; 1053. Greeley's World's 
Fair; Bolles's Indust. Hist. U. S.; 1054-1057. Rhodes's U. S. ; Von Hoist's U. S., IV.; 
Johnston's Am. Politics ; U. S. Statutes at Large, X. 283 ; Cutts's Douglas ; 1058. Sum- 
ner's Works, IV. 155; 1059. Riddle's Wade, 227; 1060. Von Hoist's U. S., IV. 349; 
1061. Seward's Works; 1062, 1063. Von Hoist's U. S., IV. 407, 301 ; 1064-1067. Von 
Hoist's U. S., IV. 363; Wilson's Slave Power, II. 392; Von Hoist's U. S., IV. 364; Wil- 
son's Slave Power, 11. 395; 1068. Greeley's Slavery Extension, 79; 1069. Thayer's Kan- 
sas Crusade, 3; 1070. (Greeley's Slavery Extension; 1071, 1072. Lalor's Cyclopedia; 
Johnston's Am. Politics; Stanwood's P. Elections (Republican Party); 1073-1076. 
Thayer's Kansas Crusade; Spring's Kansas; Rhodes's U. S. ; Johnston's Am. Politics; 
Lalor's Cyclopadia; Wilson's Slave Power; Von Hoist's U. S. ; 1077. Sanborn's John 
Brown; Von Hoist's John Brown ; Thayer's Kansas Crusade ; 1078. Spring's Kansas, 41 ; 
1079. Greeley's Am. Conflict, I. 241; Johnston's Am. Politics, 172; 1080. Spring's 
Kansas; 1081, 1082. Greeley's Am. Conflict, I. 241; Congress. Report; 1083, 1084. 
Johnston's Am. Politics, 174; Rhodes's U. S. ; 1085-1087. Sumner's Works, IV. 144, 
276; Seward's Works ; Rhodes's U.S., II. ; 1088. Griffis's Perry ; 1089-1091. Claiborne's 
Quitman; Lalor's Cyclopsdia (Filibusters); Rhodes's U. S. ; Curtis's Buchanan; 1092- 
1094. Stanwood's P. Elections; 1095. Rhodes's U. S., IL 295; Nicolay and Hay's Lin- 
coln; 1096-1100. Howard's Rep't Dred Scott Case, 423, 427, 452; Carson's Supreme 
Court; Von Hoist's U. S. ; Rhodes's U. S. ; Benton's Dred Scott Case ; Curtis's Buchanan; 
Bryce's Am. Commonwealth; Nicolayand Hay's Lincoln. 

(References 1101-1200.) 1101. Seward's Works; 1102. Congressional Globe; 
1103-1106. McCulloch's Half Century; Appleton's Ann. Cyc, 1893, 599; Harper's Cent, 
of Progress, 252 ; Rhodes's U. S. ; Johnson's Cyc. (Com. Crisis) ; Il07-lil0. H. H. Ban- 
croft's Nevada, loi ; Harper's ist Cent, of the Republic; Whitney's U. S. ; Reports of 
Director of the U. S. Mint; 1111, 1112. Whitney's U. S. ; Harper's ist Cent, of the 
Republic, 190; 1113, 1114. Whitney's U. S. ; Carnegie's Oil and Gas Wells, Macmillan's 
Mag., LI. 208; 1115. H. H. Bancroft's Utah; 1116-1118. Curtis's Buchanan, II. ; H. H. 
Bancroft's Utah; Von Hoist's U. S. ; Schouler's U. S., V. ; 1119, 1120. Nicolay and Hay's 
Lincoln; 1121-1123. Morse's Lincoln ; Blaine's Congress ; Hemdon's Lincoln ; Sheahan's 
Douglas; Rhodes's U. S., II.; 1124, 1125. Sanborn's John Brown; Rhodes's U. S. ; 
Wilson's Slave Power; 1126. Mrs. Jackson's "Stonewall" Jackson; 1127. Emerson's 
Works; 1128. Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln; 1129. Tyler's The Tylers; 1130. Congres- 
sional Report on the John Brown Raid; 1131. Von Hoist's John Brown; 1132. Stan- 
wood's P. Elections; 1133. Johnston and Browne's Stephens, 355; 1134, 1135. 
Stanwood's P. Elections; Johnston's Am. Politics; 1136. Rhodes's U. S. ; Nicolay and 
Hay's Lincoln ; 1137. Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln; 1138. Stanwood's P. Elections ; 1139 
Nicolayand Hay's Lincoln; Moore's Rebellion Record, I.; 1140. Curtis's Buchanan, II.; 
1141. Morse's Lincoln, I. 192; Curtis's Buchanan; Greeley's Am. Conflict, I. 359; 1142. 
Cleveland's Stephens, 710; 1143. Lalor's Cyclopedia; Johnston's Am. Politics; 1144. 
Moore's Rebellion Record, I.; Rhodes's U. S. ; Greeley's Am. Conflict; 1145. McPher- 
son's Rebellion, 14; 1146. Moore's Rebellion Record, I.; Morse's Lincoln; 1147. 
McPherson's Rebellion, 15; 1148. Rhodes's U. S. ; 1149. Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln; 
1150. Pollard's The Lost Cause; 1151, 1152. McPherson's Rebellion, 26, 103-4; 
1153. Davis's Confederate States (Confed. Const.); 1154. Madison's Works ; Jefferson's 
Works; Wilson's Slave Power; 1155, 1156. Wilson's Slave Power; Smith's Georgia; 
1157. Smith's Georgia; 1158, 1159. Trenholm in Wright's Indust. Evol. U. S. ; 1160. 
Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln; 1161. Lincoln's Works, II. 15; 1162. Lothrop's Seward; 
Rhodes's U. S. ; 1163. Warden's Chase, 371 ; Julian's Recollections, 190 ; 1164. Wright's 
Scott, 299; 1165. Lincoln'sWorks, II. 11-22; 1166. Rhodes's U. S., III. ; 1167. Rhodes's 
U. S., III. ; Nicolayand Hay's Lincoln ; 1168. Lincoln'sWorks; 1169. Morse's Lincoln ; 



AUTHORITIES CITED. XXXVll 

Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln ; Greeley's Am. Conflict ; 1170. U. S. Immigration Reports ; 
1171, 1172. Grant's Memoirs; 1173. Greeley's Am. Conflict (Append.); Dodge's Civil 
War; 1174. Congressional Report; 1175, 1176. Pollard's Lost Cause; 1177. McPher- 
son's Rebellion, 517; 1178. Goldwin Smith's U. S. ; 1179, 1180. Lincoln's Works; 
1181. Jackson's Report, Records of the Rebellion, II. 4S2 ; 1182. Morse's Lincoln, I. 
306; 1183. Lincoln's Works; 1184. Lothrop's Seward; 1185. Seward's Works; 1186. 
McPherson's Rebellion, 342; 1187. Grant's Memoirs; 1188. Morse's Lincoln; 1189. 
Welles's (Annals of the War), 24; 1190. Lincoln's Works; 1191. Mahan's Farragut; 
1192, 1193. McClellan's Own Story ; 1194. Rope's Pope ; Andrews's U. S. ; 1195, 1196. 
Cooke's Lee; 1197. Lincoln's Works; 1198. Seward's Diplomatic Corresp.; 1199. 
McPherson's Rebellion ; 1200. Phillip's Speeches. 

(References 1201-1300.) 1201. Parton's Butler; 1202. Morse's Lincoln; 1203- 
1206. Lincoln's Works; Greeley's Am. Conflict; 1207. Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln; 
1208. Greeley's Am. Conflict; 1209. Lincoln's Works; 1210. Greeley's Am. Conflict; 
1211. Report on the Conduct of the War (1865), III. (Misc.) 77; 1212. Greeley's Am. 
Conflict; 1213. Lincoln's Works, II.; 1214, 1215. Cooke's Lee; Longstreet's Ma- 
nassas to Appomattox; 1216. Doubleday's Gettysburg; Century Co.'s Civil War, IIL; 
1217,1218. Grant's Memoirs, I. 443, 444, 449; 1219,1220. Century Co.'s Civil War, III. ; 
1221. Scribner's Civil War, VHI. (Greene's Mississippi), 202; 1222. Badeau's U. S. 
Grant; 1223. Lincoln's Works; 1224. Grant's Memoirs; 1225. Official Records, 
XXXII. 176 (Sherman's Report); 1226, 1227. Grant's Memoirs; 1228, 1229. Century 
Co.'s Civil War, IV.; Grant's Memoirs; 1230-1232. Greeley's Am. Conflict; Grant's 
Memoirs; 1233. Century Co.'s Civil War ; Greeley's Am. Conflict ; 1234-1236. Badeau's 
U. S. Grant; Grant's Memoirs; 1237. Grant's Memoirs; 1238. Sheridan's Memoirs; 
Davies's Sheridan; 1239. Grant's Memoirs; 1240. Sherman's Memoirs; 1241. Swinton's 
Decisive Battles; 1242, 1243. Sherman's Memoirs, II. iii, 118, 126-7; 1244, 1245. Stan- 
wood's P. Elections; McPherson's Rebellion, 421; 1246. Sherman's Memoirs; 1247. 
Grant's Memoirs; 1248. Sherman's Memoirs; 1249. Thomas's Report; Swinton's Deci- 
sive Battles; 1250. Mahan's Farragut; 1261. Cox's March to the Sea, 168; 1262. Sher- 
man's Memoirs; 1253. Lincoln's Works, II. ; 1254. Long's Lee ; Century Co.'s Civil War ; 

1265. Grant's Memoirs; Badeau's Grant; 1256-1259. Century Co.'s Civil War, IV. 
(Statistics); Dodge's Civil War (rev. ed.) ; 1260. Foster's Comment, on the Constitution; 
1261. Poore's Charters and Constitutions; 1262. Decisions of the U. S. Supreme Court 
(Texas vs. IVhite) (1868); 1263-1266. Savage's Johnson; McPherson's Reconstruction; 

1266. Lodge's Lincoln; Lincoln's Works; 1267-1269. Lodge's Lincoln; Lincoln's 
Works; 1270. Savage's Johnson; McPherson's Reconstruction; 1271. Callender's 
Stevens; Morse's Lincoln; 1272. Boutwell's Constitution; 1273. Cleveland's Stephens, 
806; 1274. Hughes's Johnston, 281 ; 1276, 1276. McPherson's Reconstruction; 1277. 
Savage's Johnson ; 1278. McPherson's Reconstruction; Johnson's Speeches; Blaine's 
Congress, IL 239; 1279. McPherson's Reconstruction; Lalor's Cyclopaedia; 1280. 
McPherson's Reconstruction; Chadsey's Johnson in Columbia Univ. Papers; 1281. 
Boutwell's Constitution ; 1282. McPherson's Reconstruction, 261; 1283, 1284. Moore's 
Congress, 421-434; McPherson's Reconstruction; Chadsey's Johnson I's. Congress in 
Columbia Univ. Papers (1897); 1286, 1286. McPherson's Reconstruction; 1287. 
Seward's Seward, III. 346; 1288. McPherson's Reconstruction, 416; 1289. H. H. 
Bancroft's California; Grant's Memoirs, II. 551; Supplement to Encyc. Brit. (Rail- 
roads); 1290. Moore's Congress, 467; 1291-1294. Andrews's Last Quarter Century, I. 
120, 155; Williams's Negro Race, II. 381; Bryce's Am. Commonwealth, IIL 94; Lalor's 
Cyclopaedia ; Pike's Prostrate State ; 1296. Lalor's Cyclopsdia (Ku Klux Klan) ; Blaine's 
Congress, IL 469; 1296. Wright's Indust. Evol. U. S.; Ely's Labor Movement; 1297. 
Blaine's Congress, II. 632; Lalor's Cyclopadia (Treaties); 1298-1300. Stanwood's P. 
Elections ; Johnston's Am. Politics ; Lalor's Cyclopaedia. 

(References 1301-1343.) 1301. Laughlin's Bimetalism (rev. ed.) ; John Sherman's 
Autobiog., II. 467; Walker's Intemat. Bimetallism ; 1302. Senate Rept. Belknap Impeach- 
ment, 200; 1303. Andrews's Last Quarter Century, I. 253; Appleton's Ann. Cyc. (1893), 
599; 1304. Ely's Labor Movement; Polit. Science Quarterly, 1891 ; 1305. McPherson's 
Handbook of Politics ( I S74); 1306, 1307. Stanwood's P. Elections, 307, 302-344; 1308. 
C. Schurz in Harper's Weekly, XLI. 219; Chadwick's G. W. Curtis; 1309. Wright's 
Indust, Evol. U. S. ; Reports of Labor Bureau; 1310. McPherson's Reconstruction ; 1311. 
McPherson's Handbook of Politics, 1878; 1312. John Sherman's Autobiog., II. 618; Taus- 
sig's Silver .Situation; Andrews's Last Quarter Century; Blaine's Congress; 1313. Stan- 
wood's P. Elections; 1314, Appleton's Ann. Cyc. (Eads); 1315. Ridpath's Garfield; 
Appleton's Ann. Cyc. (1881), 318; Andrews's Last Quarter Century; 1316. McPherson's 
Handbook of Politics (1884); Lalor's Cyclopaedia; 1317. Andrews's Last Quarter Century; 
1318. Carson's Supreme Court, 498; 1319. Johnson's Cyclopaedia (^Mormons); 1320. 
Appleton's Ann. Cyc. (1885), 231; McPherson's Handbook of Politics; 1321. Whittle's 
Cleveland ; 1322. McPherson's Handbook of Politics (1888) ; 1323. Mason's Veto Power; 
McPherson's Handbook of Politics (1887); 1324. Stanwood's P. Elections; 1325. 



XXXVIU 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



McPherson's Handbook of Politics (iSgo) ; 132(5. U. S. Pension Office Report ; 1327, 1328. 
John Sherman's Autobiog., II. ii88; 1329, 1330. Mulhall's Diet. Statistics; Wright's 
Indust. Evol. U. S. ; 1331. Pat. Off. Centennial Proc. ; Wright's Indust. Evol. U. S. ; 
1332. Labor Bureau Report ; 1333. Stanwood's P. Elections ; 1334. McPherson's Hand- 
book of Politics (1S94) ; 133.J. John Sherman's Autobiog. ; 1836. McPherson's Handbook 
of Politics (1894); 1337. Estimates by Labor Bureau; Ely's Labor Movement; 1338. 
McPherson's Handbook of Politics (1894) ; Harper's Book of Facts (Tariff) ; 1339. 
McPherson's Handbook of Politics (1890), 61; 1340. U. S. Commissioner of Ed. Report, 
1894-5; Andrews's Last Quarter Century; 1341, 1342. Appleton's Ann. Cyc. (1896); 
1343. Stanwood's P. Elections. 



TABLE OF BOUNDARIES. XXXViii * 



TABLE OF BOUNDARIES OF THE UNITED STATES. 

( The student of A merican History should bear in mind that the political boutidaries of 
the United States have been determined to a very large degree by the natural boundaries 
of : I. coast lines ; 3. rivers and lakes ; j . watersheds ; 4. mountain ranges. ) 

I. (17S3) By the final Treaty of Peace of 1783 the boundary of the American 
Republic (see " Map of U. S. in 17S3'') was fixed, in general terms, as fol- 
lows: The line separating the United States from the British possessions 
began at the Bay of Fundy and ran to "the northwest angle of Nova Scotia," 
thence " to the Highlands," and thence "along the said Highlands which 
divide those rivers that empty themselves into the river St. Lawrence, from 
those which fall into the Atlantic Ocean." Thence the Une ran westerly 
along the 45th parallel, the middle of the St. Lawrence, and the middle of 
the Great Lakes to the Lake of the Woods. On the west, the line sepa- 
rating the United States from the Spanish province of Louisiana was 
drawn from the Lake of the Woods to the head-waters of the Mississippi 
and thence down the middle of that river to the 31st parallel — or the 
frontier of the Spanish province of West Florida. On the south, the line 
extended due east from the Mississippi along the 31st parallel to the Chat- 
tahoochee River in Georgia and thence to the sea as shown on the map. 
(See "U. S. Statutes at Large," VIIL, 80; Macdonald's "Select Docu 
ments of U. S. History"; Winsor's " America," VH.; Gannett's " Bound- 
aries of the U.S."; Hinsdale's " Bounding the Original U. S." in "Mag. 
of Western History," II., 401; Hart's "Epoch Maps of American His- 
tory.") 

Much of the region through which the northern boundary ran was an 
unexplored wilderness and the line was largely pure guesswork. This was 
the case west of Lake Superior, and notably so in the northeast, between 
what is now the State of Maine and the British possessions. The result 
was that for nearly sixty years this northeast line was a subject of angry 
dispute and the controversy was not finally settled until the negotiation of 
the Webster-Ashburton Treaty of 1842. (See Winsor's "America," VII. ; 
and Benton's "Thirty Years in the U. S. Senate," II., 421.) 
II. (1795) Spain refused to recognize the southern boundary of the United 
States as determined by the Treaty of Peace of 1783 (see above. No. I.). 
She claimed that her province of West Florida extended no miles north of 
the 31st parallel and that the true boundary line, separating her possessions 
in that quarter from the United States, extended due east from the Missis- 
sippi fronxthe mouth of the Vazoo to the Chattahoochee River in Georgia. 



xxxviii ** student's American history. 

In 1795 Spain relinquished her claim to the disputed territory, and, 
furthermore, granted to the United States the free navigation of the lower 
Mississippi, besides conceding the temporary right of deposit (or storage 
for merchandise) at the port of New Orleans. (See " U. S. Statutes at 
Large," VIII., and Winsor and Hinsdale, as above.) 

III. (1803) In 1803 the United States purchased the province of Louisiana, 

which Spain had receded to France. That immense territory extended 
from the mouth of the Mississippi northward to its source, and had the 
Rocky Mountains as its natural boundary on the west. We bought the 
country without receiving any definite limits, and hence further negotia- 
tions became necessary with respect to boundary lines (see below). 

IV, (1818) In consequence of the above purchase of Louisiana a treaty made by 

us with Great Britain in 1818 extended the northern line of the United 
States from the Lake of the Woods (see above, No. I.) westward along the 
49th parallel to the Rocky Mountains. The same treaty provided that the 
country west of the Rocky Mountains, north of the 426. parallel (or the recog- 
nized Spanish frontier), and known as the Oregon country, should be held 
jointly by the United States and Great Britain. 

V. (1819-1825) In 1819 Spain sold Florida to us, and in the treaty defined the 

unsettled western boundary of Louisiana (see above, Nos. HI. and IV.) by 
an irregular line which began at the Gulf of Mexico and approximately fol- 
lowed the watershed south and west of the tributaries of the Mississippi to 
the 42d parallel. At the same time Spain agreed to renounce all claims 
to the Oregon country. This was to us a most important concession. 
Six years later (1825) a treaty made with Russia fixed the northern 
limit of the Oregon country (before unsettled) at 54° 40', or what is now the 
southern boundary of Alaska. 

VI. (1842) In 1842 the Webster-Ashburton Treaty (see Index under " Treaty ") 

settled the long dispute over the northeastern boundary (see above. No. I.) 
and reaffirmed the line of 1818 to the Rocky Mountains (see above, No. 
IV.). 
VII. (1845) In 1845 we annexed Texas; the boundary question was settled by the 
Mexican War. 
VIII. (1846) In 1846 a treaty made by us with Great Britain divided the Oregon 
country between the two nations by extending the boundary line of the 49th 
parallel (see above, No. IV.) from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific. 
(See in general the " Map of Acquisitions of Territory.") 
IX. (1848-1867) All subsequent United States boundary lines on the continent 
(see map cited above) were determined by Mexican cessions in 1S48, the 
Gadsden Purchase in 1853, and the Alaska Purchase in 1867. 
X. (1898-1899) The islands recently acquired by the United States present no 
difficulties respecting boundaries. 



INDEX 



-oo>©4o^^ 



Abolitionists, rise of tiie, 311, 324. 
Acadians, expulsion of the, 139. 
Adams, John, elected President, 236. 

administration of, 238. 

John Quincy, elected President, 297. 
administration of, 298. 
and slavery, 311,314, 324, 326, 331. 
and the Monroe Doctrine, 294, 295. 

Samuel, 169, 173, 175. 
Alabama admitted, 286. 
" Alabama," the, claims, 408, 486. 
Alaska, purchase of, 478. 
Albany founded, 43, 49. 

plan of union, 138. 
Algiers, war with, 253. 

treaty with, 236. 
Alien and Sedition Laws, 240. 
Allen, Ethan, 174. 

Amendments to the Constitution, the first 
twelve, 221, 247. 

after the Civil War, 470, 471, 477. 
America discovered by the Northmen, i. 

discovered by Columbus, 5. 

continent of, discovered (1497) by John 
Cabot, 8. 
claimed (1497) by England, 8, 9. 

how discovered to be a continent, 10. 

name of, 9. 

effects of the discovery of, on Europe, 24 

first English and French colonies in, 

16, 18. 

England's reasons for colonizing, 27. 

first law-making assembly in, 33. 

Dutch settlements in, 43. 

first permanent English settlement in, 
28. 

French settlements in, 16, 17. 

Spanish settlements in, 16. 

Swedish settlements in, 108. 

struggle of England and France for, 
128-143. 

declares itself independent, 185. 

first flag of, 182, 193. 
" American Policy " (tariff), 296, 315. 
Americas, Congress of the three, 510. 
Amnesty, proclamations of, 467, 473, 477, 

514- 
Anarchists at Chicago, 505. 
Anderson, Major R.,at Fort Sumter, 396, 402. 
Andersonville prison-pen, 430. 
Andr^ executed, 201. 
Andros, Governor, 50, 51, 59, 82, 97. 
Anne's, Queen, War, 135. 
Annexation of Texas, 339-342. 
Anthracite coal discovered, 120. 
Antietam, battle of, 424. 
Anti-Slavery (see Abolitionists), 311. 



Appomattox Court House, Lee's surrender 

at, 460. 
Apprentices, white, in Virginia, 33, 35. 
Arbitration, international, 4S6, 517, 520, 523. 
Arkansas slave territory, 287. 

admitted, 325. 
Army of the Revolution, 175. 

of the War of 18 12, 266. 

of the Mexican War, 349. 

of the Civil War, 403, 407, 461, 469. 
Arnold, Benedict, in the Revolution, 183, 
194. 

treason of, 200. - 
Art, early American, 158. 
Arthur becomes President, 501. 
Articles of Confederation, 186, 209, 210, 215. 
Assemblies, Colonial, 34, 47, 49, 55, 57, 66, 
71, 84, 88, 95, 97, loi, 102, 105, 106, 109, 
112, 119, 120, 127. 
Assistance, Writs of, 165. 
Assumption of .State debts, 223. 
Astor, John J., and the War of 1812, 267. 

and Oregon, 346. 
Atlanta taken by Sherman, 449. 

Exhibition, 518. 
Atlantic telegraph completed, 478. 
Austin, S. F., and Texas, 293. 
Australian ballot introduced, 508. 
Authors, American, 318. 

Bacon, Nathaniel, rebellion of, 39. 

bums Jamestown, 40. 
Balboa discovers the Pacific, 13. 
Ballot, Australian, or secret, 50S. 
Baltimore, Lord, founds Maryland, 99. 
Baltimore, city of, founded, 103. 

first blood in Civil War shed at, 404. 
Bank, the first U. S., established, 224. 

the second U. S., 279. 

U. S., Jackson and the, 319-323, 
Banks, the " pet," 322. 

state, 322. 

wildcat, 322. 

national, established, 408. 
Banks, General N. P., 422, 441. 
Baptist Church, the first, 105. 
Baptists driven out of Massachusetts, 78. 

go to Rhode Island, 105. 
Battle of Alamance, 114. 

Allatoona, 452. 

Antietam, or Sharpsburg, 424. 

Atlanta, 449. 

Averysboro', 457. 

Ball's Bluff (note), 415- 

Bemis Heights, 193. 

Bennington, 192. 

Bentonville, 458. 



xl 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



Battle of Big Black River, 439. 
Bladensburg, 272. 
Brandywine, 191. 
Buena Vista, 350. 
Bull Run (first), or Manassas, 414. 
Bull Run (second), or Manassas, 424. 
Bunker Hill, iSi, 182. 
Camden (first). 200. 
Camden (second), or Hobkirk's Hill, 

204. 
Cerro Gordo, 351. 
Champion Hills, 439. 
Chancellorsville, 433. 
Chapultepec, 352. 
Charleston, 199. 

evacuated, 457. 
Chesapeake and Shannon, 270. 
Chickamauga, 441. 
Chippewa, 272. 
Chrysler's Farm, 272. 
Churubusco, 352. 
Cold Harbor, 446. 
Concord, 174. 
" Constellation," the, captures a French 

frigate, 240. 
"Constitution," the, and the "Guer- 

riere," 268. 
Contreras, 352. 
Corinth, 432. 
Cowpens, 202. 
Crown Point, 174. 
Dallas, 449. 

Detroit, Hull's surrender of, 267. 
" Essex," the, in the Pacific, 269. 
Eutaw Springs, 205. 
Fair Oaks, or Seven Pines, 423. 
Flamborough Head (Paul Jones), 198. 
Fort Donelson, 416. 
Fort Duquesne, 137. 
Fort Usher, 456. 
Fort Henry, 416. 
Fort McAllister, 454. 
Fort McHenry, 273. 
Fort Mims (massacre), 273. 
Fort Moultrie, 184. 
Fort Pillow, 430. 
Fort Stanwix, 193. 
Fort Sumter, 403. 
Fort Wagner, 430. 
Fort Washington, 188. 
Fredericksburg, 425. 
Germantown, 192. 
Gettysburg, 434-437- 
Guilford Court House, 204. 
Hobkirk's Hill, 204. 
Horseshoe Bend or Tohopeka, 273. 
Island Number Ten, 418. 
luka, 432. 
" Kearsarge," the, and the "Alabama," 

455- 
Kenesaw Mountain, 449. 
King's Mountain, 202. 
Lake Champlain, 271. 
Lake Erie, 270. 
Lexington, 173, 174. 
Long Island, 186-188. 
Lookout Mountain, 442. 
Louisburg, 135. 
Lundy's Lane, 272. 
Mill Spring, 417. 



Battle of Missionary Ridge, 442. 

Mobile Bay, 455. 

Molino del Ray, 352. 

" Monitor" and the " Merrimac," 419. 

Monmouth, 195. 

Monterey, 350. 

Murfreesboro', or Stone River, 432. 

Narragausett Fort, 80. 

Nashville, 454. 

New Orleans (1815), 276. 

New Orleans (1862), 420. 

Oriskany, 193. 

Palo Alto, 349. 

Pea Ridge, 415. 

Peninsular Campaign, 421. 

Pequot Fort, 94. 

Perryville, 431. 

Petersburg, 446. 

Petersburg (Mine), 447. 

Pittsburg Landing, or Shiloh, 418. 

Port Hudson, 440. 

Princeton, i8g. 

Quebec (1759), 140. 

Quebec (1775), 183. 

Resaca, 449. 

Resaca de la Palma, 350. 

Saratoga, 194. 

Savannah, 454. 

Seven days round Richmond, 423. 

Spottsylvania Court House, 446. 

Stony Point, 198. 

Ticonderoga and Crown Point, 174, 175. 

Tippecanoe, 264. 

Tohopeka, 273. 

Trenton, 1S9. 

Tripoli, 253. 

TuUahoma, 432, 441. 

Turner's Falls, 80. 

Vera Cruz, 351. 

Vicksburg, siege and capture of, 438-441. 

Wildeniess, the, 445. 

Wilson's Creek (note), 415. 

Winchester, 448. 

Yorktown, 207. 
Beauregard, General P. G. T., 403, 418, 431. 
Behring, Vitus, discovery respecting Amer- 
ica (1728), 10. 
Behring Sea case, 517. 
Bemis Heights, or Saratoga, battle of, 193. 
Benton, Thomas H., 321, 340, 346, 364, 373. 
Berkeley, Sir William, 37. 
Biloxi, the French build a fort at, 133. 
Black Hawk War, 319. 
Bland-Allison Silver Act, 497. 

Act repealed, 511. 
Boone, Daniel, in Kentucky, 115. 
Border States in the Civil War, 405. 
Boston, settlement of, 69. 

Latin School, 74. 

Massacre, 168. 

"Tea Party," 169. 

port of, closed, 170. 

siege of, 173-183. 

evacuated by the British, 184. 
Braddock's defeat, 138, 139. 
Bradford, Governor, of Plymouth, 64. 
Bragg, General B., 431. 
Brown, John, in Kansas, 377. 

raid and execution of, 390. 

John Brown song, 391. 



INDEX. 



xli 



Brown Universitj' founded, 107. 
Buchanan elected President, 381. 

administration of, 3S3-399. 
Buell, General D. C, 417, 431, 432. 
" Bummers," Sherman's, 455. 
Burgesses, House of, established, 34. 
Burgoyne expedition, 191 -194. 
Bumside, General A. E., 425, 434. 
Burr, Aaron, conspiracy of, 255. 
Butler, General B. F., and the contrabands, 
426. 

at New Orleans, 421 ; 427, 456. 

Cabeza de Vaca, 13. 
Cabinet, the first, 220. 

the enlarged (note), 506. 
Cabot, John, discovers (1497) the continent 
of America, 8. 

claims America (1497) for England, S, 9. 
Cabots, voyages of the, 7, 8. 
Calhoun and nullification, 315. 

resolutions (1837), 33i ; (1847), 355- 

defends slavery, 314, 331, 364. 

exposition and protest, 306. 

urges the annexation of Texas, 339. 

advocates War of 1812, 265. 

" Liberty dearer than Union," 310. 

and Compromises of 1850, 364. 
California, conquest of, 352, 353. 

gold found in, 357. 

emigration to, 358. 

vigilance committee, 359. 

results of production of gold, 35S, 359. 

debate on admission of, as free State, 364. 

admission of, 365. 
Canal, the Erie, 299. 
Carolina, settlements of North and South, 

' "'The Grand Model," iii. 

religious toleration, 112. 

settlement of Charleston, 112. 

Huguenot emigrants, 112. 

trade in rice and indigo, 113. 

Indian wars, 113. 

Governor Trj'on, 114. 

battle of Alamance, 114. 

Robertson and Sevier, 115. 

Stamp Act Congress, 115. 

nullification in, 314. 

secession of, 394. 

negro rule in, 483. 
Carpenters' Hall, the first Congress meets 

in, 171. 
Carpet-Baggers, 4S3, 484. 
Cartier's explorations, 16. 
Carver, Governor John, 64. 
Catholics, the, in England, 100. 

severe treatment of, 31, 53. 

not allowed to enter Virginia, 31. 

emigrate to Maryland, 100. 

establish the first English Catholic 
Church in America, 100. 

first in Pennsylvania, 154. 

grant religious freedom to all Christians, 

lOI. 

are deprived of their rights, 102. 

missions, 129. 

the, in the different colonies, 153, 154. 
Cavaliers, the, in Virginia, 37. 
Census, the first (1790), 227. 



Census of 1800, 245. 

of i860, 406. 

of 1890, 512. 
Centennial Exhibition of 1876, 492. 

celebrations, 507, 508. 

Patent Office, celebration of, 512. 
Chambersburg, burning of, 446. 
Champlain, the French explorer, 128. 
Channing, Dr., on slavery, 311. 
Charleston, South Carolina, settlement of, 
112. 

surrenders to the Union army, 457. 
Charters, Colonial (see colonies). 
Charter Oak, the, 98. 
Charter of the Virginia Companies (1606), 

28. 

Chase, Secretary in Lincoln's Cabinet, 403. 

Chatham, Lord (see Pitt). 

"Chesapeake," the, and the "Shannon," 

270. 
Chicago, first settlement at, 3 ig. 

Anarchists in, 505. 

strike at, 517. 

Columbian Exposition at, 515. 
Chinese immigration, 502, 507. 
Christian Commission, the, 411. 
Cincinnati, settlement of, 227. 
Civil Service Reform demanded, 495. 

Act, 501. 

progress in, 521, 523. 
Civil War, beginning of the, 402. 

uprising of the North, 403. 

uprising of the South, 404. 

North z'S. South in the, 405-407. 

financial side of, 408. 

Union navy in, 408. 

Confederate privateers in, 40S. 

foreign powers in, 410. 

Sanitary and Christian Commissions in, 
411. 

woman's work in the, 411. 

object of, 412. 

cost of, 461. 

loss of life in, 461. 

results of, 462-464. 

the grand review, 469. 

condition of the South after the, 470. 
Clark and Lewis, expedition of, 251. 

George Rogers, and the West, 197. 
Clay, Henry, his American system, or 
tariff, 280, 296, 315. 

Compromise Measures, 291, 364. 

advocates War of 1812, 265, 267. 

condemnation of slavery, 311. 

denunciation of Abolitionists, 314. 

letter of, 341. 

favors the extension of slavery, 287. 

resolutions on slavery, 331. 
Claybome and Ingle, loi, 102. 
Cleveland elected President, 503. . 

administration of, 504-509. 

vetoes by, 507. 

second election of, 514. 

administration of, 515-523. 
Clinton, De Witt, and the Erie Canal, 800. 
Clinton, General, 175, 184, 195, 196, 206. 
Coal comes into use, 228. 
Codfisheries, Newfoundland (1497-8), 8, 9; 

(1600), 27 ; (1775), 173 ; (1783), 208. 
Coinage, first, 225. 



xlii 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



Coinage, New, Act, 489, 490. 

Silver, Act, 497, 511. 
repealed, 516. 
College, Harvard, founded, 74, 158. 

William and IVIary, 158. 

Yale, founded, 96, 15S. 

University of Pennsylvania, 158. 

Columbia, 158. 

Brown University, 106, 158. 

Dartmouth, go. 
Colonies, Dutch, 42. 

English, 18, 28. 

French, 16, 17. 

Spanish (St. Augustine), 17. 

Swedish, 108. 

general view of, in 1763, 143-162. 

population of, 143. 

government of, 145. 

laws of, 147. 

slavery in, 148. 

conflicting interests in, 148. 

'' Poor Whites" in, 148. 

industries in, 150. 

commerce, 150. 

manufactures, 151. 

currency, 151. 

roads, 152. 

travel, 152. 

post-office, 153. 

religion, 153. 

press, 154. 

literature and education, 155-158. 

science and art, 158. 

discoveries and inventions, 158, 159. 

mode of life, 159, 160. 

indications of the coming Revolution, 
160, 161. 

importance of colonial period, 162. 

loyalty of, 163. 
Colorado, admitted, 493. 
Colt's revolver, 324. 
Columbia River discovered, 229. 
Columbus proposes a new route to the 
Indies, 4. 

voyage to America (1492), 5. 

letter of, respecting the New World, 6. 

his return to Spain, 6. 

what he discovered, 7. 

his death, 7. 

greatness of his work, 7. 
Compromise Measures of 1850, 363. 

Missouri, 2S9, 291. 

Crittenden, 393. 
Confederacy, New England (1643), 75. 

the Southern, organized, 396. 
Confederation, Articles of, 209. 

provisions of the, 210. 

weakness of the, 2n. 

state of country under the, 211. 

attempts of Congress to raise money, 

21 I, 212. 

Congregationalists, the, in the colonies, 

153. 154- 
Congress, First Continental, 171. 

Second Continental, 174. 

first under the Constitution, 219. 

Panama, 303. 

Pan-American, 510. 
Connecticut, first settlement of, 91. 

reasons for settling, 93. 



Connecticut, war with the Pequots, 94. 

constitution of, 95. 

New Haven Colony, 96. 

free schools, 96. 

Yale University, 96. 

regicides, 97. 

Andros and the charter of, 97. 

New Haven united with, 97. 

Charter Oak, 98. 

extent of, under its charter, 97. 
Constitution, Convention to frame, 214. 

conflicting opinions in Convention, 215. 

the three great compromises of the, 216. 

the new, adopted, 217. 

" broad 'Vj-. "strict" construction of, 
225, 226, 245. 

amendments to, 221, 247, 471, 472, 479, 
480, 482. 

the " elastic article " of, 226. 

the "Grand Model," iii. 

of Pennsylvania (" Great Law"), 118. 
" Contrabands " (fugitive slaves), 426. 
Convicts sent to America, 149. 
" Copperheads " in the Civil War, 409, 425, 

426, 434- 
Comwallis, General, 184, 189, 190, 199, 203, 

207-8. 
Coronado's expedition, 15. 
Correspondence, Committees of, formed 

(1772-3), i6g. 
Cortez in Mexico, 13. 
Cotton first exported, 229. 

gin invented, 229. 

effect on slavery, 229. 

exhibition at New Orleans, 503. 

manufacture first established, 229. 

effect of War of 1812 on manufacture of, 
279. 

crop of 1884, 503. 

manufacture in 1890, 519. 
Cotton-seed oil, 503. 
Covode investigation (note), 389. 
Coxey "industrial army," 517. 
Crawford Tenure of Office Act, 291. 
Crt^dit Mobilier (note), 482. 
Croatoan, 19. 
Crystal Palace (1853), 371. 
Cuba, attempts on, 381. 
Custer, General, killed, 494. 

Daguerreotype, introduction of the, 332. 
Dale, Governor, in Virginia, 32. 
Davenport, Rev. John, 95. 
Davis, Jefferson, in Mexican War, 351. 

in Congress, 364, 374. 

advocates secession, 389. 

President of Confederate States, 396. 

capture of, 459. 
Debt, Hamilton's report on the United 
States, 222. 

funding the, 223. 

of the \Var of 1812, 267, 274. 

of the Civil War, 462. 

payment of, begun, 469. 

Grant on payment of the, 480. 

reduction of interest on, 497. 

present, of the United States, 498. 
Decatur, Commodore, 253. 
Declaration of Independence, 185. 
De Gourges's revenge, 17. 



INDEX. 



xliii 



Delaware, Lord, 31. 

Delaware, settled by the Swedes, io8. 

seized by the Dutch, 108. 
English, 108. 

granted to William Penn, 109. 

becomes independent, 109. 

first State to enter the Union, 109. 
Delaware River, Washington crosses the, 

188. 
De Leon, Ponce, discovers Florida, 12. 
Democratic Party (see Parties). 
Demonetization of silver, 489-490. 
Deposits, Jackson withdraws the, 322. 
De Soto, expedition of, 14. 

discovers the Mississippi, 14. 

is buried in it, 15. 
De Vaca, Cabeza, 13. 
Diaz, Bartholomew, voyage of (1487), 4. 
Dinwiddle, Governor, of Virginia, 40. 
Dollar, the, first coined, 225. 

demonetized, 489. 

remonetized, 497. 

demand for free silver, 511, 522. 

bullion value of the, 498, 511, 516. 

a fiat paper demanded, 493. 
Dorr, Rebellion, the, 336. 
Douglas, Stephen A., 342, 362, 372, 373, 389, 

392, 404. 
Dover, N. H., settled, 86. 
Draft riots in New York, 434. 
Drake, voyage of (1577-1579), 10, 18. 

names Pacific coast New Albion, 18. 
Dred Scott case, 383, 384. 
Duluth, 134. 

Dutch, the, in New Netherland (New 
York), 42. 

seize the Delaware country, 56. 

dispossessed of New York by the Eng- 
lish, 48. 

dispossessed of Delaware, 56. 

Eads's,Captain,work on the Mississippi, 499. 

Early's raid, 446. 

Education (see schools and colleges). 

Governor Berkeley on, in Virginia, 157. 

in the colonies, 155. 

beginning of free, in America, 75. 

at the West, 301. 

at the South since the war, 519. 
Edwards, Rev. Jonathan, 156. 
Election of Hayes disputed, 494. 
Election, presidential (see names of presi- 
dents). 
Electoral Commission, 494. 

Count Act, 506. 
Electric telegraph, the, 343, 477. 
Electricity, Franklin's discoveries in, 158. 

progress in application of, 159, 345. 
Eliot's, Rev. John, work among the Indians, 

78. 
Emancipation, Lincoln's plan of, 427. 

in the District of Columbia, 427. 

in the Territories, 427. 

Lincoln's letter on, 428. 

Proclamation of warning, 428. 

final Proclamation, 429. 

results of, 429. 
Embargo, the first, 234. 

Act (1807), 258. 

results of the, 260, 



Emigration to the United States, 333. 

from China, restricted, 502. 

laws concerning, 502, 507. 
Endicott, Governor, 68. 
English explorations, early, 18. 

attempts to colonize America, 18. 

first permanent colony in America, 28. 
Episcopalians in Massachusetts, 68, 78, 81, 
S2, 85, 153. 

in the Middle Colonies and the South, 

153- 
" Era of Good Feeling," 2S1. 
Ericson, Leif, voyages of, 2. 
Ericsson invents the screw propeller, 324. 

" Monitor," 419. 
Erie Canal, 299. 

" Essex," the, in the War of 1812, 269. 
Ether, Dr. Morton's discovery respecting, 

360. 
Exchange of prisoners during the Civil 

War, 430. 
Exhibition, first American World's Fair, 

371- 
the Centennial, 492. 
the New Orleans, 503. 
World's Columbian, 515. 
the Atlanta,- 518. 
Express system established, 332. 

Farragut, Admiral D. G., takes New Orleans, 
421. 

enters Mobile Bay, 455. 
Federalists, the, 225. 

fall of the, 243. 
Filibusters attempts to seize Cuba and Cen- 
tral America, 381. 
Fillmore becomes President, 366. 
Finances of the Revolution, 179. 
Financial side of the Civil War, 408. 
Fires, the Chicago and the Boston, 491. 
Fiscal Bank Bill, the, 335. 
Fisheries, the Newfoundland (1497-8), 8 ; 
(1600), 27; (1775), 173 ; (17S3), 208. 

dispute about, 493. 
Fitch's steamboat, 254. 
Flag, the first American, 182, 193. 

first American, on a warship, 91. 

the " Star Spangled Banner," 273. 

the Confederate, 396. 

the Union triumphant, 460. 
Florida, discovery and naming of, 12. 

Narvaez in, 13. 

De Soto in, 14. 

French and Spaniards in, 16, 17. 

ceded to England ; retroceded, 142. 

purchase of, by the United States, 283. 

admitted, 342. 
Foote, Commodore A. H., 417. 
" Force Act " (1809), 259. 

(1870,484, 515- 
Fort Dearborn, now Chicago, 245. 
Donelson captured by Grant, 416. 
Duquesne, 137. 
Pitt, now Pittsburgh, 140. 
Fisher, capture of, 455. 
Monroe garrisoned, 412, 427. 
Necessity built by Washington, 137. 
Mims, massacre at, 273. 
Orange, now Albany, 49. 
Moultrie, 184. 



xliv 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



Forts, line of French, in the West in the 

eighteenth century, 184. 
France sends expedition to America, 16. 
colonies of, in America, 16, 17, 36. 
struggle of, with England for America, 

128-143 
recognizes American independence, 

194. 

aid from, in the Revolution, 94, 176, 
177, 180, 206, 207. 

trouble with, 238. 

war with, 240. 

sells us Louisiana, 247. 

See the French. 
Franklin, writings of, 156. 

electrical experiments of, 158. 

snake, the (Albany Convention), 138. 

and the Stamp Act, 166, 

negotiates treaty with France, 194. 

helps frame the Constitution, 215, 217. 
Free Soil Party, 361. 
Freedmen, the, 466, 467. 

Bureau Bill, 471. 

progress made by, 519. 
Fremont, J. C, conquers California, 352. 

in the Civil War, 415, 427. 

nominated for the Presidency, 451. 
French, the, explore the St. Lawrence, 16. 

the, in Carolina and Florida, 16. 

explore and take possession of the 
West, 128. 

found Mobile and New Orleans, 133. 

build line of forts in the West, 134. 

and Indian Wars, 134-136. 

attack on Schenectady, 134. 

See France, Huguenots. 
Friction matches, 159, 324. 
Friends, or Quakers, buy New Jersey, 57, 

58- 

treaties with the Indians, 118. 

in Massachusetts, 76-78. 

severely dealt with, 76, 77. 

George Fox founds the Society of, 76. 

found Pennsylvania, 116. 

remonstrance against slavery (1688), 
119. 

See William Penn. 
Frobisher's voyages, 18. 
Fugitive-slave law, 227, 338. 

of 1S50, 366. 

enforcement of the, 367. 
Fulton's steamboat, 253. 

Gadsden, Christopher, of South Carolina, 

Gadsden purchase, the, 354. 
Gage, General, in Boston, 173. 

proclamation, 175. 
" Gag-rule," 324, 332. 
Garfield elected President, 499. 

assassination of, 500. 
Garrison publishes the " Liberator," 31a. 

mobbed, 313. 
Gas comes into use, 324. 
" Gaspee," the, destroyed, 168. 
Gates, General H., 193, 194, 199. 
Genet, " Citizen," 232. 
George TIL, accession and policy of, 163. 
Georgia, settlement of, 122. 

Ogelthorpe in, 122. 



Georgia, charter of, 122. 

slavery in, 124, 125, 126. 

production of silk in, 124. 

Savannah settled (1733), 125. 

Salzburgers, 125. 

introduction of negroes and rum, 126. 

Ogelthorpe and the Spaniards in, 127. 

becomes a royal province, 127. 

in the Revolution, 126, 127. 

Indian land cessions, 302. 

controversy with the U. S., 302. 
" Gerrymander," the, 292. 
Gettysburg, battle ot, 434. 

Lincoln's address at, 437. 
Giddings, 338, 366. 
Ghent, treaty of, 277. 
Gilbert, voyage of Sir H., 18. 
Goffe, the regicide, at Hadley, 79. 
Gold, discovery of, in California, 357. 

effects of, in 1857, 358, 359. 
Good Feeling, the Era of, 281. 
Good Hope, Cape of, named, 4. 
Gorges, Sir F., 86, 87. 
Gosnold's expedition, 27. 
Governments, colonial (see colonies). 

organization of our present, 219. 
See Constitution and United States. 
"Grand Model," the, iii. 
Grant, General U. S,, takes Fort Henry, 416. 
" unconditional surrender " letter, 417. 

takes Fort Donelson, 416. 

at Pittsburg Landing, 418. 

takes Vicksburg, 438-441. 

made General-in-Chief, 443. 

and Sherman's "hammering campaign," 

444- 

in battle of the Wilderness, 445. 

sends Sheridan to lay waste the Shen- 
andoah Valley, 447. 

takes Petersburg, 459. 

in Richmond, 459. 

receives Lee's surrender, 460. 

elected President, 477. 

administration of, 480. 

second election of, 489. 

death of, 504. 
Greeley's, Horace, letter to Lincoln, 428. 

nominated for the Presidency, 487, 489. 
" Greenback " Party of, the, 493. 
".Greenbacks," issue of, 408. 

redemption of, in part, 497. 
Greene, General N., at the South, 202. 

campaign in the Carolinas, 203, 205. 

" Hail Columbia," song of, 239. 
Halleck, General, H., 424. 
Hamilton, first Secretary of the Treasury, 
220. 

financial measures of, 222-225. 

leads the Federalists, 225, 226. 

shot by Burr, 255. 
Hancock, John, British attempt to seize, 173. 

made President of Congress, 175. 

British refuse to offer pardon to, 175. 
Hancock, General W. S., at Gettysburg, 436- 
Hamden founds the express business, 332. 
Harrison, General, at Tippecanoe, 264. 

presidential campaign, 334. 

elected President, 334. 



INDEX. 



xlv 



Harrison, General, death of, 335. 

Benjamin, elected President, 508. 
administration of, 509. 
Hartford Convention (1814), 275. 
Harvard University founded, 74. 
Hawaii, Republic of, 518. 
Hayes elected President, 494. 

election of, disputed, 494. 

administration of, 445. 
Haynes's debate with Webster, 309. 
Henry, Patrick, resolutions of, on Commit- 
tee of Correspondence, 166, 169. 

" We must fight," 173. 
Henry, the, letters, 265. 
Hessians in the Revolution, 177, 188, 189. 
Higher law, the, Seward's appeal to, 365. 
Hoe's press, 31S. 

" Holy Experiment," Penn's, 116. 
Hood, General J. B., 449, 454. 
Hooker, General J., 433, 442. 
Hooker, Rev. Thomas, 94, 95. 
Hopkins, " Admiral " Esek, 177. 
Howe, Admiral, arrives at New York, 186. 
Howe, Elias, invents the sewing-machine, 

360. 
Howe, General, arrives at Boston, 175. 

at battle of Bunker Hill, 181. 

made commander-in-chief, 182. 

is driven from Boston, 184. 

sails for Halifax, 184. 

arrives at New York, 186. 

takes Brooklyn Heights, 18S. 

drives Washington from New York, 188. 

Washington baffles, 191. 

sails for Philadelphia, i9i._ 

enters Philadelphia, 191. 

is superseded by Clinton, 195. 
Howes, the, offer pardon to submissive 

"rebels," 186. 
Hudson, Henry, 42. 

Huguenots attempt to settle in America, 
16, 17. 

settle in Charleston, 112. 

illustrious descendants of the, 113. 
Hull, Captain Isaac, victory of, 268. 
Hull's, William, march to Detroit, 267. 

surrender, 267. 
Hutchinson, Governor, 170, 171, 178. 

Mrs. Anne, 73, 74. 

Idaho admitted, 510. 
Illinois, La Salle in, 131. 

admitted, 286. 
Immigration to the U. S., 333 

Chinese, restricted, 502. 

Chinese, prohibited, 507. 
Impeachment of President Johnson, 476 
Impressment of American sailors, 234. 
Improvement of the Mississippi, 499. 
" Improvements, Internal," question of, 

252, 292, 297, 298, 3o3._ 
Independence, Declaration of, 185. 
Indiana conquered by Clark, 251. 

part of the N. W. Territory, 210. 

admitted, 281. 
Indians, why so named, 6. 

their character and numbers, 19. 

influence on white settlers, 20. 

indebtedness of the colonists to the, 20 

value of wampum, 21. 



Indians, labor of the, 21. 

trade with the, 21, 43, 125. 

trails and waterways of the, 22. 

war with the Pequots, 94. 

wars with the, 22. 

King Philip's War, 78. 

war with, in Virginia, 39. 

our relations with the, 23. 

land cessions by the, 23, 233, 263, 302, 

319- 
alliances or treaties with the, 23, 50, 51, 

118. 
the Iroquois, or Five Nations (later 

the Six Nations), 23, 43, 51, 113. 
Bacon's war with, in Virginia, 39. 
war with the Canadians, 52. 
the Quakers and the, 56, 118, 120. 
the Pilgrims and the, 65. 
Roger VVilliams and the, 73. 
the New England Confederacy and the, 

75- 
Eliot's work among the, 78. 
Goff and the, 79. 
battle of Narragansett Fort, 80. 
wars in North Carolina, 113. 
Penn and the, 118. 
wars in Pennsylvania, 120. 
and the French, 128. 
Pontiac's conspiracy, 141. 
massacres, by, in Revolution, 197. 
Wayne's victory over the, 232. 
war with Tecumseh, 263. 
Seminole wars, 2S2, 332. 
Black Hawk War, 319. 
Modoc War, 494. 
Sioux War, 494. 
French and Indian War, 136. 
Indies, trade with, in fifteenth century, 3. 
schemes for reaching the, by sea, 4, 7. 
America supposed to be part of the, 67. 
West, the, explored by Columbus, 6. 
question of trade with the West, 234, 

235. 304, 309- 

Indigo, culture of, in South Carolina, 113. 

" Inflation Bill," the, vetoed, 492. 

Ingle, Captain, in Maryland, 102. 

Interstate Commerce Act, 506. 

Intolerable Acts, the four, 170. 

Inventions, .•\merican (see cotton-gin, 229; 
"Monitor," 419; reaper, 324, 372; re- 
volver, 324; screw propeller, 324 ; sewing- 
machine, 360; steamboat, 254; steam 
printing-press, 31S; telegraph, 343 ; tele- 
phone, 345, 493 ; vulcanized rubber, 324). 

Iowa admitted, 361. 

Ironclads, the, in the Civil V/ar, 419. 

Iroquois Indians, 23, 43, 51. 

Island Number Ten taken, 418. 

Jackson, Andrew, at Tohopeka, 273. 

at New Orleans, 276. 

and the Seminoles, 282. 

elected President, 306. 

administration of, 307, 

second election of, 322. 
Jackson, " Stonewall," 414, 422, 424, 433. 
Jamestown, settlement of, 29. 

colony of, 30. 

burned by Bacon, 40. 
Japan, Perry's treaty with. 380. 



I 



xlvi 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



Jasper, Sergeant, at Fort Moultrie, 184. 
Jay, John, 220. 

his treaty with England, 235. 
Jefferson drafts the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, 186. 

first Secretary of State, 220. 

leads the Republicans, 225, 226. 

elected President, 243. 

administration of, 244. 

second election of, 252. 
Johnson, Andrew, becomes President, 461. 

administration of, 465. 

impeached, but acquitted, 475, 476. 
Johnston, General A. S., 416. 
Johnston, General Joseph E., 414, 422, 439, 

443. 448, 449. 457. 460. 470- 
Joliet and Marquette's expedition, 129, 130. 

voyage down the Mississippi, 130. 
Jones, Paul, 91, igS. 

Kansas, struggle for possession of, 376. 

elections, 378. 

Civil War in, 378. 

adopts free-state constitution, 379. 

admitted, 388. 

John Brown in, 377. 
Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 372-374. 

passage of, 375. 
Kaskaskia, George Rogers Clark takes, 197. 
" Kearsarge," the, sinks the "Alabama," 

455- 
Kentucky, first settlement of, by Boone, 

"S- 
admitted, 237. 

and Virginia resolutions, 242. 
Key writes the " Star Spangled Banner," 

273. 
" Know-Nothing Party," the, 370. 
Knox, General, 183. 
Kosciusko in the Revolution, 176. 
" Ku Klux Klan," the, 484- 

Labor, Knights of, 485. 

legislation, 485, 488, 492, 502, 507. 

strikes, 496, 505, 517. 

troubles at Homestead, 513. 

National Bureau established, 502. 
Lafayette in the Revolution, 177, 194, 205, 
207. 

visit to the U. S., 296. 
La Salle explores the Mississippi, 131. 

takes possession of Louisiana, 132. 
Lee, General Charles, in the Revolution, 

176, 188, 189, 196. 
Lee, Richard Henry, in Congress, 185 
Lee, General Robert E., 423-425, 433-437, 

445, 446, 459, 460, 470. 
Leisler, Jacob. 51, 52. 
" Leopard," the, and the " Chesapeake," 

257. 
Lewis and Clark's expedition, 251. 
Lincoln-Douglas campaign, 389. 
Lincoln, election of, 391-393. 

inaugural speech of, 401. 

administration of, 401-460. 

calls for 75,000 volunteers, 403. 

scheme of compensated emancipation, 
427. 

emancipates the slaves, 429, 430. 

second election of, 451. 



Lincoln, assassination of, 460. 
Literature, colonial, 155. 

rise of modern American, 318. 

influence of Helpers " Impending 
Crisis " and " Uncle Tom's Cabin," 
368- 
" Little Belt " beaten by the " President," 

264. 
Locomotive, Stephenson's, 316. 

Cooper's, 316. 
London Company, the, 28. 
Louisburg taken, 135. 
Louisiana, origin of the name, 132. 

purchase of, 247-250. 

explored by Lewis and Clarke, 251. 

admitted, 281. 

progress since the war, 503. 
Lyon, General N., in Missouri, 271. 

Macdonough's victory, 271. 

Machinery, American labor-saving, 372, 

492, 523- 

See inventions. 
Madison elected President, 261. 

administration of, 262. 

second election of, 269. 

See slavei-y and secession. 
Magellan names the Pacific, 13. 

voyage of (1519-21'), 10, 13. 
Maine, liquor law, the, 304. 
Maine, settlement of, 87. 

admitted, 290. 
Marion, General, 203. 
Marquette's explorations, 129, 130. 

voyage down the Mississippi, 130. 
Marshall, Chief-Justice, 243. 
Maryland settled by Catholics, 99. 

George Calvert, 99. 

ch'arter, 99. 

laws, 99. 

political and religious liberty in, 100. 

toleration, 100. 

Claybome, loi. 

Captain Ingle, 102. 

Catholics of, deprived of their rights, 
'02. 

becomes a royal province, 103. 

Church of England, 103. 
Mason and Dixon's line, 121. 
Mason and Gorges, 86, 87. 
Mason and Slidell, capture of, 415. 
Massachusetts (Plymouth) settled, 60. 

Puritans and Separatists, 60, 61. 

Separatists escape to Holland, 62. 

Pilgrims and Indians, 65. 

Pilgrim Republic, 65. 

freedom of worship, 65. 

government, 65, 66. 

" merchant adventurers," 62, 66, 67. 

Myles Standish, 67. 

united with Massachusetts, 67. 

Bay Colony, settlement of, 68. 

the Puritan emigration to New Eng- 
land, 68. 

John Endicott, 68. 

charter of, 68. 

John Winthrop, 69. 

settlement of Boston (1630), 69. 

Puritan church, 69. 

Puritan rule in, 69, 70, 



INDEX. 



xlvii 



Massachusetts, suffrage in, 70. 

establishment of House of Representa- 
tives (1634), 71. 

resistance to the king, 72. 

Roger Williams, 72, 73. 

Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, 73, 74. 

education in colony, 74. 

Boston Latin School (1635), 74. 

Harvard College (1636), 75. 

public schools (1647), 75, 

New England Confederacy (1643), 75. 

George Fox, 76. 

Quaker missionaries in, 76, 77. 

Eliot's work among the Indians, 78. 

" King Philip's " War, 78-So. 

the charter, Si. 

the new charter, 83. 

Salem witchcraft, 83, 84. 

Forest Laws, 85. 

Navigation Laws revived, 85. 
Massasoit, treaty with Governor Carver, 65. 
Maximilian in Mexico, 479. 
" Mayflov/er," sailing of the, 64. 
McClellan, General, G. B., 412. 

made General-Commander, 414. 

drills the army, 415. 

campaigns of, 421-425. 
McCormick reaper, the, 324. 
McDowell, General L, 413. 
McKinley, William, elected President, 522. 
Meade, General, G. G., 435. 
Menendez in Florida, 16, 17. 
" Merrimac," the, destroys the " Cumber- 
land " and the " Congress," 419. 

and the " Monitor," 419. 
Mexican War, the, 349. 

results of, 352. 

See battles. 
Michigan admitted, 325. 
Millerites, the, or Second Adventists, 329. 
Minnesota admitted, 388. 
Mint, United States, established, 225. 
Minuit, Governor, of New Netherland, 44. 
" Minute men," the, of Revolution, 173. 
Mississippi discovered by De Soto, 14. 

explored by the French, 128. 

voyage down, by Marquette and Joliet, 
130. 

La Salle explores, 131. 

Company, 133. 

opening of, in the Civil War, 441. 

deepening the mouth of, 499. 
Mississippi, State of, admitted, 286. 
Missouri Compromise, the first, 289. 

Jefferson's and John Quincy Adams's 
opinions of, 290. 

the second, 291. 

Compromise repealed, 291. 

admission of the State, 291. 
Mobile founded (1702), 133. 

Farragut enters harbor of, 455. 
Modoc War, the, 494. 
Money, paper, of Revolution, 179. 

just after the Revolution, 213. 

decimal system of coinage, 225. 

of State banks worthless, 322. 

in the Civil War, 408. 

See U. S. Bank. 

of national banks, 408. 

silver demonetized, 490, 



Money, silver remonetized, 497. 

Bland-Allison Silver Act, 497. 

resumption of specie payments, 498. 

the Sherman Silver Act, 510. 

repeal of Sherman Silver Act, 516. 

demand for free silver, 521. 

See dollar and silver. 
" Monitor," the, and the " Merrimac," 419. 
Monroe Doctrine, the, 293. 
Monroe elected President, 281. 

administration of, 28 1. 
Montana admitted, 510. 
Montgomery's expedition against Montreal 

and Quebec, 1S2, 183. 
Morgan, General Daniel, 194, 203. 
Mormons, rise of the, 329. 

emigrate to Utah, 330. 

rebellion of the, 387. 

Edmunds Anti- Polygamy Act, 501. 

Edmunds-Tucker Act, 506. 

Church of, vs. U. S. Supreme Court, 

513- 
renounce polygamy, 513. 
Morris, Robert, what he did for Washington, 

190, 206. 
Morristown, Washington's terrible winter 

at, 202. 
Morse's electric telegraph, 343. 
Morton, Dr., discovers etherization, 360. 
Moultrie, Fort, 184. 
Murfreesboro', battle of, 432. 

Napoleon, Decrees of, 257. 
Narvaez, expedition of, 13. 
Nashville, battle of, 454. 
National banks established, 408. 
National Road, the, 253, 292. 
Natural gas, 387. 
Naturalization Act of 1798, 240. 
Navigation Laws, 37. 

revived, 85. 
Navy, first American, 177. 

increase of, 239. 

in 1S12, 266, 267. 

our new, 507. 
Nebraska admitted, 473. 
Negro slavery, introduction of, 33, 35, 36. 

suffrage in the District of Columbia, 472. 

slaves emancipated, 429. 

troops in the Civil War, 430. 

See slavery. 
Negro, the, and reconstruction, 466-469, 
47'. 472. 474, 479- 480, 482. 

becomes a lawmaker, 474, 483. 

in Congress, 482. 

the, and the amendments to' the Con- 
stitution, 471, 472, 474, 479, 480, 482. 

and the " Ku Klux Klan," 484. 

and the Carpet-Baggers, 483. 

See freedmen and slavery. 

progress of, since the war, 519. 
Neutrality, proclamation of, 230. 
Nevada, discovery of silver in, 385. 

admitted, 450. 
New Amsterdam (New York), 44. 
New England Confederacy, origin of name, 

75- 
Newfoundland codfisheries(see codfisheries). 
New Hampshire, settlement of, 86. 
Gorges and Mason, 87. 



xlviii 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



New Hampshire, religious opinions, 87. 

becomes a royal province, 88. 

Londonderry settled (1719), 89. 

manufacture of linen, 89. 

Dartmouth College, 90. 

dispute between New York and, go. 

Vermont, 90, 91. 

Paul Jones, 91. 
New Haven, the republic of, 95. 
New Jersey, the Dutch claim, 56. 

the English take possession, 56. 

the name, 56. 

Elizabethtown founded (1665), 57. 

Quakers in, 57, 58. 

William Penn, 57. 

government, 58. 

religion, 58. 

Andros in, 59. 

Witherspoon, 59. 
New Mexico, conquest of, 354. 
New Netherland (New York), 42. 
New Orleans founded (1718), 133. 

battle of (1815), 276. 

taken by Farragut, 421. 

Exposition (18S4), 503. 
Newspaper, the first, published in America, 

154, 155- 

first cheap, in .America, 318. 
New Yorkj settlement of, by the Dutch, 43. 

patroon system of, 44. 

treatment of Quakers, 47. 

England takes, 48. 

the Duke's Laws, 49. 

Governor Andros and, 50. 

French attack, 51, 52. 

treatment of Catholics in, 53. 

freedom of the press in, 53. 

protests against taxation without consent 
of the Assembly, 164. 

contest of people with the colonial gov- 
ernors, 55. 

in the Revolution, 167, 169, 178, 182, 
186, 192-194. 
Non-Intercourse Act, 260. 
North Carolina, colony of, established, 113. 

See Carolina. 
North Dakota admitted, 510. 
Northmen, discovery of America by the, i. 

the, and American history, 2. 
Northwest Territory, cession of, 209. 

ordinance for government of, 209. 
Nullification in Kentucky and Virginia, 242. 

in South Carolina, 314, 315. 

Calhoun defends, 315. 
Oglethorpe colonizes Georgia, 122. 

and the Spaniards, 127. 
Ohio Company, the, 227. 
Ohio, first settlement of, 227. 

opened, 233. 

admitted to the Union, 247. 
Oil, petroleum, discovered, 3S6. 
Oklahoma, opening of, 509. 
" Omnibus Bill," the, 365. 
Onate's expedition, 16. 
Orders in Council, British, 257. 
Ordinance for government of the N. W. 

Territory (17S7), 209. 
Oregon, how we got, 346. 

admitted, 388. 
Osceola, 332. 



Ostend, Manifesto, the, 380. 
Otis, James, 165, 166, 167, 168. 

Pacific named by Magellan, 13. 

coast explored by Spaniards, 13. 

Balboa discovers the, 13. 

search for the, by the colonists, 30. 

territory acquired on the, 354. 

railroad completed, 480. 
effects of, 481. 
Paine's " Common Sense," 185. 
Pan-American Congress, 510. 
Panics, business and financial, of 1818-19, 
284. 

1837, 325-337- 

1857,385- 

1873, 490. 

1893, S'S- 

1894, 517. 

Paper money (see money). 
Parties, political, rise of (1792), 225. 

in general, 217, 225, 230, 236, 243, 244, 
245, 252, 260, 269, 279, 292, 297, 303, 
306, 322, 324, 334, 340, 341, 361, 369, 
370, 376, 381, 3S2, 391, 450, 451, 476, 
483, 487, 488, 492, 493, 494, 498, 499, 
502, 503, 508, 514, 521, 522. 

American, or " Know Nothing," 370, 
38.. 

" Anti-Dorrites," 337. 

Anti- Federalist, 215, 217, 225. 

Anti-Masonic, 303. 

Anti-Monopolist (note), 493. 

Anti-Renters, 337. 

" Barnburners," 361. 

" Bell-Everett," 392. 

" Black Republicans," 376. 

" Broad Gangers" (note), 488. 

Constitutional-Union, 392. 

Democratic-Republican, 225, 230, 236, 

243, 281, 284, 297. 
Democratic, 225, 303, 322, 325. 
" Dorrites," 337. 

" Farmers' Alliance," 492. 

Federalist, 215, 217, 225, 230, 236, 243, 

244, 245, 276, 281, 284. 
Free Soil, 361, 369. 
Free Suffrage, 337. 
Free State, 376. 

" Gold Democrats," 522. 

" Grangers," 492. 

" Greenback," 493. 

" Half-Breeds" (note), 498. 

" Hunkers," 361. 

Independent, 493. 

Independent Republicans, 503. 

" Know Nothing," 370, 381. 

Labor, 487. 

Labor Reform, 488. 

Liberal Republicans, 487. 

Liberty, 334, 340, 361. 

" Locofocos," 325. 

" Mugwumps" (note), 503. 

National Democrats, 522. 

National Republicans, 225, 303, 322 

" Peace Democrats," 451. 

People's Party, 514, 522. 

" Populists," 492, 522. 

Prohibitionist, 488. 

Radical Republicans, 451. 



INDEX. 



xlix 



I 



Parties, Reform Democrats, 325. 

Republican (first), 225. 

Republican (second), 225, 376. 

" Sons of the South," 376. 

"Stalwarts" (note), 498. 

" Straight-out Democrats," 488. 

" War Democrats," 451, 465. 

Whig, 225, 303, 325, 371. 
Patent Office Centennial, 512. 
Patroons, the, 44. 
Peace Party, the, in the Civil War, 409, 425, 

426, 434. 
Pemberton, General J. C, at Vicksburg, 439. 
Penn, William, 57. 

purchases Delaware, log. 

Pennsylvania granted to, 116. 

treaty with the Indians, 118. 
Pennsylvania, grant of, to Penn, 116. 

charter of, 116. 

" Frame of Government," i'7- 

"Great Law," iiS. 

Philadelphia founded (1682), 118. 

treaty with the Indians, iiS. 

growth of Philadelphia, ii8. 

Quakers in, 119, 120. 

iron and coal mines in, 119. 

" Mason and Dixon's" line, 121. 
Pensions Dependent Bill vetoed, 507. 

passed, 510. 
Perry's victory on Lake Erie, 27c, 271. 

Commodore, treaty with Japan, 380. 
Petersburg, siege of, 446. 

surrender of, 459. 
Petroleum discovered in Pennsylvania, 386. 
Philadelphia founded, 118. 

growth of, 119. 
Philip's, King, War, 78-80. 
Pierce, elected President, 371. 

administration of, 371-3S2. 
Pilgrims, or Separatists, the, 60-62. 

leave England for Holland, 61, 62. 

sail for America, 63, 64. 

reasons for emigrating to America, 62. 

draw up a compact, 64. 

settle at Plymouth, 64. 

and the Indians, 65. 

mode of government, 65. 
Pitt, William (Lord Chatham), 140. 

management of the French and Indian 
War, 140. 

defends the resistance of the colonists, 
167. 
Pittsburg, origin of name of, 140. 
Plymouth Colony founded, 64. 

absorbed by Massachusetts, 67. 

See Pilgrims. 
Plymouth Company chartered, 27, 28. 
Polk elected President, 341. 

administration of, 345-361. 
Polygamy, Mormon, 330. 

the Edmunds Act against, 501. 

the Edmunds-Tucker Act against, 506. 

condemned by the U. S. Supreme Court, 

513- 

renounced by the Mormons, 513. 
Ponce de Leon and Florida, 12. 
Pontiac's conspiracy, 141. 
Pope, General John, 418, 424. 
Pope, the division of the world by the, 6. 

the, and the Civil War, 410. 



Popham Colony, Maine, 87. 

" Popular Sovereignty " proposed by Clay, 

331- 

advocated by Cass, 362. 

ridiculed by Calhoun, 362. 

advocated by Douglas, 362. 

in Clay's Compromise Measures, 364. 

applied to Utah and New Mexico, 372. 
to Kansas and Nebraska, 373-376. 

extreme Southern men oppose, 374. 

Republican Party condemn, 3S2. 
Population in 1763, 143. 

1775, 176. 

1790, 227. 

1800, 245. 

i860, 406. 

1890, 512. 
" Populists,"' the, in politics, 514. 

See parties. 
Port Hudson taken, 441. 
Porter, Admiral D. D., at New Orleans, 
421. 

at Vicksburg, 439. 

at Fort Fisher, 456. 

at City Point, 458. 
Portsmouth, N. H., settled, 86. 
Postage in colonial times, 153. 

cheap (1845-S3), 355. 

postal-cards introduced, 490. 
Potato, discovery of the, 19. 
Presidential Succession Act, 506. 
Press, freedom of the, restricted in the col- 
onies, 154. 

established by Zenger, 53, 155. 

defined by Judge McKean, 241. 

vs. the Sedition Act, 240, 241. 
" Prince Henry the Navigator," 4. 
Printing-press, the, in the colonies, 53, 154, 

'55- 

Hoe's steam cylinder, 318. 
Prisoners of War of the Revolution, 431. 

of the Civil War, 430. 
Privateers in the Revolution. 

in the War of 1812, 269. 

in the Civil War, 408. 
Prohibition in Maine and other States, 304. 
Providence settled, 104. 
Public schools established in the colonies, 

75. 96. 157- 
Puritans, origin of the, 60. 

vs. Separatists, 60. 

emigration to New England, 68. 

religious ideas of the, 69. 

the, settle Massachusetts, 68. 

their colony, 69. 

mode of government, 69. 

the " freemen's" oath, 70. 

purpose of the, 71. 

in Maryland, 101, 102. 
Putnam, General Israel, 174, 181, 187. 

General Rufus, 183. 

Quakers (see Friends). 
Quebec, the French at, 36, 129. 

Phips's expedition against, 135. 

expedition of 171 1 against, 136. 

taken by Wolfe, 140. 

Montgomery's expedition against, 183. 

Arnold's expedition against, 183. 
Quebec Act, the, 171. 



THE STUDENT S AMERICAN HISTORY. 



Railroad, the first in America, 316. 

effects of, 317, 346. 

destruction of, in the Civil War, 453. 

the first transcontinental, 480. 

effects of, 481, 482. 

mileage of, and capital invested in, in 
1896, 318. 
Raleigh sends expedition to America, 18. 

attempts to colonize, 18, 19. 

what he accomplished, 19. 
Reaper, the, and the mower, 324, 372. 
Reconstruction begun, 467. 

Johnson's plan of, 468. 

Congress's plan of, 468. 

Act, 474. , , „ . , 

Congress and the President. 

completed, 482. 
Regicides, the, 96. 

Religious liberty for all persons in Rhode 
Island, 106. 

for all Christians in Maryland, 100. 

for all believers in God in Pennsylvania, 
1 18. 

Congress not to interfere with, 221. 

not recognized by the Puritans, 68, 71, 
76. 

degrees of, in the colonies generally, 153, 

154- 
America first to establish complete, 106, 

523- 
Remonetization of silver (see dollar and 

silver). 
Removals from office, Jackson's, 307. 
Republican Party, first of that name, 225. 

modern, origin of, 376. 

See parties. 
Resumption of specie payment, 492. 
Revenue of the United States, 1790 its. 1897, 

221. 
Revere's, Paul, ride, 171, 173. 
Review, grand military, at the close of the 

war, 469. 
Revolution, the, indications of the coming, 
160. 

chief cause of the, 163. 

" Writs of Assistance," 164. 

Stamp Act, 165. 

Patrick Henry's resolutions, 166. 

Stamp Act Congress, 166. 

" Sons of Liberty," 167. 

Pitt defends the colonies, 167. 

the Townshend Law, 167. 

" Boston Massacre," 168. 

Governor Tryon, 168. 

destruction of the " Gaspee," 168. 

Committees of Correspondence formed, 
169. 

tax on tea, 169. 

Boston " Tea Party," the, 170. 

" four intolerable acts," 170, 171. 

unity of the colonies, 171. 

First Continental Congress, 171. 

Parliament retaliates, 172. 

action of Massachusetts, 173. 

General Gage's expedition, 173. 

battles of (see battles). 

Second Continental Congress, 174. 

Gage's proclamation, 175. 

Washington made Commander-in-Chief, 
175- 



Revolution, opposing armies in, 176. 

American navy and privateers, 177. 

foreign aid in the, 176, 177. 

Loyalists, or Tories, 178. 

finances of the, 179-181. 

Washington takes command, 182. 

expedition against Canada, 182, 183. 

Arnold's expedition, 183. 

Paine's " Common Sense," 185. 

Declaration of Independence, 185. 

Howe offers pardon to " rebels," 186. 

Washington driven out of New York, 
188. 

retreat across New Jersey, i88. 

Robert Morris in the, 189. 

plans of Lord Germain, 191. 

Burgoyne's expedition, 191-194. 

treaties with France, 194. 

England sends peace commissioners, 
195. 

Lee's treachery, 196. 

prospects of the (1778), 196. 

expedition of George Rogers Clark, 197. 

Captain Paul Jones, 198. 

Arnold's treason, 200. 

Greene, General, takes command in the 
South, 202. 

retreat of Comwallis, 204. 

Cornwallis ravages Virginia, 205. 

Comwallis retires to Yorktown, 205. 

fall of Yorktown, 207. 

effect in England, 208. 

peace declared, 20S. 
Revolver, Colt's, 324. 
Rhode Island, settlement of, 104. 

government of, 105. 

charter of, 106. 

entire religious liberty in, 106. 

spirit of independence in, 107. 
Ribaut, Jean, 16, 17. 

Rice, cultivation of, in South Carolina, 112. 
Richmond, the Confederate capital, 459. 

capture of, 459. 
" Ring," the " Boss Tweed," 491. 

the Whiskey, 491. 

the Erie, 491. 
Riots, draft in the Civil War, 434. 

strike at Pittsburg, 496. 

strike at Chicago, 505, 517. 
Road, the Cumberland, or National, 299, 301. 
Rolfe, John, 32. 

Rosecrans, General W. S., 432, 441, 442. 
" Rule of 1756," 256. 

St. Augustine founded (1565), 17. 
St. Louis included in the Louisiana pur- 
chase, 249, 251, 2S6. 
Salem, Mass., settled, 68. 

witchcraft, 83, 84. 
Sanitary Commission in the Civil War, 411. 
Santa F^ founded (1605), 16. 
Savannah settled, 125. 

taken by the British, 199. 

taken by Sherman, 454. 
" Savannah," the, first ocean steamship, 284. 
Schenectady attacked by savages, 67. 
Schools, public, established in Massachu- 
setts, 75. 

Boston Latin School, 74. 

established in Connecticut, 96. 



INDEX. 



li 



Schools, public, established in New York, 
New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, 157. 
Governor Berkeley on, in Virginia, 157. 
at the South, 157, 519. 
in the West, 301. 

See public schools and education. 
Schuyler, General P., 182, 192, 193. 
Scotch-Irish emigrants, 41, 89, 145. 
Scott, General W., in War of 1812, 266, 272. 
in the war with Mexico, 350-352. 
in the Civil War, 402, 412, 413. 
retires, 414. 
Search, right of, claimed by England, 257, 

258, 264, 266, 278. 
Secession or disunion, fears of (1783-7), 211. 
threats of, in the Southwest (17S7), 214. 
fears of disunion in 1792, 230. 
Washington's farewell address on (1796), 

236. 
the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions 

(1798-9), 242. 
fears of, in 1800, 246. 
plot of ultra Northern Federalists (1803), 

250. 
Burr's conspiracy (1804), 255. 
feared by John Quincy Adams (1809), 

261. 
threatened by Quincy (1811), 250. 
the Hartford Convention accused of 

plot of (1814), 275. 
the " Richmond Enquirer " condemns as 

treason (1814), 275. 
the South threatens, in 1819, 287, 291. 
Webster on danger of, in 1828, 306. 
Hayne defends the right of (1830), 310. 
Webster denies the right of (1830), 310. 
Calhoun declares " Liberty dearer than 

Union " (1S30), 310. 
Jackson stands by the Union ( 1 830) , 3 10. 
threatened by South Carolina (1832), 

315- 
feared by John Quincy Adams (1833), 

314- 
Jackson's attitude toward (1833), S'S. 

316. 
Jackson predicts (1833), 316. 
advocated by Garrison's " Liberator" 

(1843), 313. 
annexation of Texas (1843), 340. 
fears of, in 1844, 341. 
foreshadowed by split in the churches 

(1845), 365. 
agitation of, in 1846, 356. 
threatened by Southern members of 

Congress in 1849, 363. 
Calhoun on, in 1850, 364. 
Webster on, in 1850, 365, 367. 
threatened, in 1854, 374. 
Rufus Choate on, in 1856, 382. 
Governor Wise on, in 1856, 382. 
threatened by the South in 1857, 385. 
foreshadowed by Yancey's " Scarlet 

Letter" (1858), 388. 
Lincoln on (1858), 389. 
effect of the John Brown raid on (1859), 

391- 
predicted by Alexander Stephens (i860), 

392- 
South Carolina prepares to secede ( 1 860) , 

393- 



Secession or disunion, Alexander Stephens 
protests against (i860), 394. 

Pollard on action of South Carolina 
(i860), 394. 

South Carolina secedes (i860), 394. 

reasons for (i860), 395, 

Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, 
Louisiana, and Texas secede (1860- 
61), 395- 

Mississippi on the object of (1861), 395. 

why Georgia seceded (1861), 395. 

slavery the true cause of, 397. 

the war of, begun (1S61), 403. 

secession of Virginia, Arkansas, North 
Carolina, and Tennessee (1861J, 405. 

mistakes of the Secessionists, 405. 

object of the war, 412. 

the principle of, destroyed, 463. 

the New South and, 470. 
Sedition Law, the, 240. 
Seminole War, first, 282. 

second, 332. 
Separatists, the, or Pilgrims, vs. the Puri- 
tans, 60. 

escape to Holland, 62. 

why they wished to emigrate to Amer- 
ica, 62. 

they emigrate and settle Plymouth, 63, 
64. 

See Pilgrims. 
Sevier, John, 115. 
Seward, William H., 364, 365, 375, 380, 384, 

400, 402, 416, 426, 469. 
.Sewing-machine invented, 360. 
".Shays's Rebellion, 212, 213. 
Shenandoah Valley, Jackson in, 422. 

Sheridan's raid in, 447. 
Sheridan, General P. H., raid in the Shenan- 
doah Valley, 447. 

ride to Cedar Creek, 448. 

at battle of Winchester, 448. 

cuts off supplies from Richmond, 459. 
Sherman, General W. T., at Pittsburg Land- 
ing, 418. 

at Vicksburg, 432. 

at Chattanooga, 442. 

raid on Meridian, 443. 

in the " Hammering Campaign," 444. 

advance of, on Atlanta, 448. 

takes Atlanta, 449. 

march to the sea, 452. 

takes Savannah, 454. 

march northward, 456. 

surrender of Johnston to, 460. 
Silver, scarcity of, in 1786, 212. 

first coinage of, 225. 

found in Nevada and Colorado, 385, 
386. 

demonetized, 489. 

remonetized, 497. 

Bland-Allison Act, 407. 

the Sherman Silver Act, 510. 

repeal of the Sherman Act, 516. 

demand for free, 522. 

See dollar and coinage. 
Six Nations, or Iroquois (see Indians). 
Slavery introduced into America, 35. 

spreads into all the colonies, 35. 

attempts to check importation of slaves, 
35- 



Hi 



THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. 



Slavery, remonstrance of Quakers against, 

in i68S, I iQ- IT- 1 r 

Washington, Jefferson, and Franklin 

on, 36, 149- 
Wesley and Whitefield on, 126. 
introduced into Georgia, 126. 
in the colonies, effects of, 148- 
debate in the Constitutional Convention 

on, 215, 216. 
first Congressional debate on, 227. 
effects of the cotton-gin on, 230. 
extension of, opposed, 249. 
effect of purchase of Louisiana on, 250. 
discussion of the western extension of. 

Judge Story, on the slave-trade, 286. 
how it divided the country, 286. 
the Missouri Compromise, 289-291. 
Clay and Channing on, 311. 
Garrison attacks, 312. 
the Nat Turner insurrection, 312. 
Clay and Calhoun defend, 314- 
J. Q. Adams on, 314- 
Emerson and Seward on, 314. 
formation of Abolition societies, 312. 
it endangers the Union, 314- 
Jackson on, 316. 

Petitions against, in Congress, 324. 
in the District of Columbia, 326. 
agitation in Congress, 331- 
and the annexation of Texas, 339-342. 
and the Wilmot Proviso, 355. 356- 
Calhoun on, 356. 
the question of, in 1850, 362, 366. 
the fugitive-slave law of 1793. "T- 
decision of U. S. Supreme Court re- 
specting, 338. 
the new (1850), 366. 
Personal Liberty Laws vs., 367. 
enforcement of, 367. 
enforcement of the P ugitive-Slave Act, 

■?68 

the "Underground Railroad," 368. 

slaves rescued, 368. ^ 

" Uncle Tom's Cabin, 368. 

Helper's " Impending Crisis, 309- 

Kansas-Nebraska Act, 372-37&- 

struggle in Kansas over, 376-379- 

Sumner denounces, 379. 

assault on Sumner, 3S0. 

Republican Party and, 382. 

Dred Scott decision, 383, 384- 

Lincoln and Douglas debates on, 389. 

John Urown's raid, 390. 

secession and, 395. , t. u 

called " the comer-stone of our Repub- 
lican edifice " (i835>. 3 '4- 

the comer-stone of the Southem Con- 
federacy, 39^*' 

the true cause of the War of Secession, 

Butler, General, and the " contrabands," 

the Emancipation Proclamation, 426- 
the constitutional amendments and, 

progress of the South since the abolition 

of, ';o3, 518. 
See Abolitionists ; anti-slavery ; seces- 
sion; the negro; the Fugitive-Slave Act, 



Smith, Captain John, 29. 
Socialism, tendencies to, 5M, 522. 
Socialistic experiments, 328. 
" Sons of Liberty," 167, 171. 
Soto, De (see De Soto). 
South Carolina (see Carolina). 

nullification in, 314. 

secession of, 394. 

negro rule in, 483. 
South Dakota admitted, 510. 
Spaniards, the, in Flonda, 13-18, 127, 282, 

283. 

See Flonda. 
Specie circular, the, 323. 

payments, resumption of, 489, 492> 49». 
Spiritualism, rise of, 331. 
" Spoils System," the, 308, 495, 501- 

See Civil Service Reform. 
Stamp Act, the proposed, 165. 

passage of the act, 166. 

the Stamp Act Congress, 166. 

Pitt on the, 167. 

the repealed, 167. 
Standish, Myles, Captain, 64. 

goes to England, 67. 
" Star of the West " fired on, 396- „ 
" Star Spangled Banner," the (song of), 272. 

lale'RilhtTorltate Sovereignty, doctrine 

of, 242, 309, 315. 395. 463- 

See secession. 
States admitted (see names ot),52i- 
Steamboat, Fitch's, 253. 

Fulton's, 253. 

effects of the, 253. 
Steamship, the first ocean, 284. 

first line established, 333- 
Stephens, Alexander H., 392. 394, 396. 470. 
Steuben, Baron, 177. 
Strike, great railroad, 496. 

the Pullman, or Chicago, 517- 

at Homestead, 513- 
Stuyvesant, Governor, 46- . 

Suffrage restricted in colonial times, 33, 7°. 

146. 
manhood, 245, 247. 
regro, granted, 472-474. 
woman, demanded, 357- . „_ ^ „„ 
woman, granted in certain States, 5'°- 
Sumner, Charles, 366. 

assault on, 379. 
Sumter, Fort, taken, 403- . , 

Supremie Court, the U. S., organized, 220. 
importance of, 220. 

decisions of Chief-Justice Marshall, 243- 
decision of, on the U.S. Bank, 320. 
respecting Fugitive-Slave Act ol 

1793, 338. 
in the Dred Scott Case, 383- 
on the States and the Union, 463. 

468, 475. 
on legal-tender, 493. 
respecting the Mormons, 502. 5'3- 
respecting the income tax, 51S. 

Tariff, the first (179°). 220, 221. 
of 1816, 280. 

" of Abominations" (1828), 305. 
of 1832, 314' 



INDEX. 



liii 



Tariff, South Carolina nullifies the, 314. 

and nullification, 315. 

the " Compromise," of 1833, 3'6. 

of 1842, 343- 

the Morrill, or war tariff of 1861, 408. 

of 1883, 502. 

the Mills Bill (1885), 505. 

the McKinley (1890), 510. 

the Wilson-Gorman (1894), 518. 

in politics, 521. 
Taylor, General, in the Mexican War, 349, 

3 so- 
elected President, 361. 

administration of, 362. 

death of, 366. 
Taxation, England claims the right to tax 
the colonies, 117, 167. 

the colonies protest against, 163, 164. 

the Stamp Act, resistance to, 165-167. 

the tax on tea, 169. 

the chief cause of the Revolution, 163, 
164. 

under the Confederation, 211, 212. 

first, under the Constitution, 220. 

the income tax, 518. 

decision against, by the U. S. Supreme 
Court, 518. 
Tecumseh's conspiracy, 263, 264. 
Telegraph, the electric, 343. 

Atlantic cable, 477, 478. 
Telephone, the, 345. 
Temperance cause, the, 304. 
Tennessee admitted, 237. 

readmitted, 473. 
Tenure of Office Act, the Crawford, 291. 
Territories, the first ceded to the U. S., 209. 

the ordinance for the government of the 
Northwest Territory, 209. 

slavery abolished in the (1862), 428. 

See slavery; Louisiana; Florida; Cali- 
fornia ; Alaska. 
Texas, emigration to, 293. 

annexation of, 339-342. 

and the Mexican War, 348. 

admitted, 361. 
Thomas, General G. H., 442, 454. 
Ticonderoga, Ethan Allen takes, 174. 
Tilden-Hayes, the presidential contest, 494. 
Tobacco in Virginia, 19. 

cultivation of, begun, 32. 

effects of, 33. 
Toleration, religious (see religious liberty). 
Tories of the Revolution, 178. 
Town-meeting, government by, 65, 70, 146. 
Trade with the Indies, 3. 

with the West Indies (see Indies). 
Treasury, independent, proposed, 328. 

established, 355. 
Treaty of England and France (1763), 141, 
142. 

with France (1778'), 194. 

of peace (1783), 208. 

the Jay (1795), 234. 

with Algiers, 236. 

with Spain, 236. 

of Ghent (1814), 277. 

Commercial (1824-29), 304. 

Webster-Ashburton (1842), 337. 

Oregon (1846), 348. 

with Mexico (1848), 354. 



Treaty, with Japan (1854), 380. 

Burlingame, with China (1868), 380. 

Washington (1871), 486. 

Arbitration (Venezuela) (1896), 521. 

Arbitration, general pending (1897), 521. 
" Trent " affair, the, 415. 
Tripoli, war with, 253. 
Tryon, Governor, 113. 
Turner, Nat, insurrection, 312. 
Tyler, becomes President, 335. 

contest with Congress, 336. 

his numerous vetoes, 335. 

labors for the annexation of Texas, 340. 

" Uncle Tom's Cabin," 368. 
" Underground Railroad," the, 368. 
Union, the, how formed, 186, 209-211, 214- 
218, 221. 
vs. " State Rights," 212, 226, 242, 309, 

315- 

See secession. 

what Daniel Webster did for the, 310. 

Jackson's determination to maintain, 
315.316. 

how threatened by slavery (see slavery). 

the war for, inevitable, 397. 

what the Civil War decided respecting 
the, 463. 
United States.^ dependence declared, 185. 
^^__jcl4BrTO'ledged by France,~^94.^ , 

acknowledged by Great Britain, 208. 

Confederation, the Articles of, 209, 210. 

Constitution of, framed and adopted, 
214-217. 

government of, organized (1789), 219. 

Revolutionary debt, provisions for pay- 
ing, 222. 

first census (1790), 227. 

first tariff, 220. 

bank of, the first, 224. 
the second, 279. 

Mint established, first coinage, 225. 

the, in 1801, 245. 

material obstacles to Union, 245. 

acquisition of territory, 247, 283, 341, 
347. 354- 

the first steamboat, 253. 

the Erie Canal, 299. 

the first railroad, 316. 

the first telegraph, 343. 

the first system of national banks estab- 
lished, 408. 

wars of (see wars). 

treaties of (see treaties). 

political parties in (see parties). 

slavery in (see slavery). 

War of Secession and results, 403, 463. 

Civil .Service Reform in, 521. 

growth of (see population), 523. 

the, at the present time, 523. 
Universities (see colleges and education). 
Utah, Mormons in (see Mormons), 330. 

admission of, 521. 

Van Buren elected President, 325. 

administration of, 325-355. 
Van Rensselaer estates, 45. 
Venezuela question, the, 520. 
Venice, trade of, with the Indies, 3. 
Vermont organized, 91. 



liv 



THE STUDENTS AMERICAN HISTORY. 



Vermont, admitted (ijgi), 237. 

Vespucius, Americus, voyages of ( 1499-1503), 

9- 

America named from (1507), 9, 10. 

Veto, Jackson's use of the, 321, 324. 

Johnson's use of the, 471-473. 

Cleveland's use of the, 506, 507. 

other instances of use of, 336, 497. 
Vicksburg, siege and capture of, 440, 

■44'- 
Vialand, 2. 
Virginia, Raleigh sends expedition to, 17. 

iiamed by Queen Elizabeth, 18. 

colony planned, 27. 

charter, first (1606), 28. 
second ( 1609), 30. 
third ( 1612), 32. 

settlement of, at Jamestown, 29. 

government of, 29, 33. 

Catholics not to enter, 31. 

tobacco, cultivation of, 32. 

House of Burgesses established, 33. 

slavery introduced into, 35. 

importation of women, 36. 

loses part of her territory, 37. 

loses all of her territory, 38. 

cavaliers in, 37. 

Navigation Laws hurt trade of, 37. 

Bacon Rebellion in, 39. 

spirit of independence in, 41. 

R. H. Lee of, moves Declaration uf 
Independence, 42. 
" Virginia," the (or " Merrimac "), and the 

" Monitor," 419. 
Vote, right to, restricted la colonial times, 
146. 

See suffrage and ballot. 

War, the Pequot (1637), 94- 

King Philip's (1675), 78-80, 
with France for the possession of .Amer- 
ica {1689-1736), 134-136. 

results of, 142. 
King William's (1689), 134. 
Queen Anne's (1702), 135. 
King George's {1744), 13s. 
Frencli and Indian (1754), 136. 
Revolutionary, the (1775), 163. 
with the Ohio Indians (1794), 233. 
with France (179S), 240. 
with Tripoli (j8oi ), 253. 
with Tecumseh (1811), 264. 
with England (1812), 265. 

American army and navy in, 266 

New England's opposition to the, 
274. 

results of the, 278. 
with the Creeks (i8i4\ 273. 
First Seminole (1818), 282. 
Black Hawk U832), 319. 
Second Seminole {1837), 332. 
Mexican (1846), 349. 
the Civil (1S61), 402. 

cost of the, 461. 

loss of life in, 461. 

results of, 462. 
Modoc (1S72), 494. 
Sioux (1876), 494. 
See battles. 
Warren, General Joseph, 182. 



Washington sent a messenger to the French, 

137; 

his interest in the West, 227. 

accompanies Braddock, 139. 

helps take Fort Duquesne, 137. 

made Commander-in-Chief, 175. 

takes command of army, 182. 

enters Boston, 183. 

at New York, 186. 

saves Putnam and his army, 1S7. 

retreats northward, 18S. 

crosses the Delaware, 188. 

victory at Trenton, 189. 
Princeton, igo. 

worries Howe, 190. 

at Brandywine, 191. 

at Germantown, 192. 

at Valley Forge, 192. 

at Monmouth, 195. 

at Yorktown, 207. 

and the Constitutional Convention, 215, 

elected President, 218. 

inauguration of, 219. 

Cabinet organized, 220. 

the Supreme Court organized, 220. 

the first tariff, 220. 

second election of. 230. 

farewell address cf, 236. 

death of 243. 

centennial of inauguration. 510. 
Washington the national capital, 223, 243. 

taken by the British, 272. 
Washington admitted, 510. 
Wautauga, settlement on the. 115. 
Wayne," Mad Anthony," in the Revoluticii, 
198. 

victory over the Indians, 233. 
Webster on the Constitution and the Union, 

309- 

our debt to, 310. 

and the Ashburton Treaty, 337. 

and the fugitive-slave law, 366, 367. 

his horror of secession, 365. 
Webster, Noah, dictionaiy of, 318. 
Wesley, John and Charles, 125. 
West, Benjamin, the artist, 158. 
West, Washington's interest in the (1790), 
227. 

emisr->tion to, 227, 245, 301. 

growth of the, 481, 520. 

the, to-day, 520. 
West Virginia organized, 405. 

admitted; 405. 
Whigs of the Revolution, 178. 

rise of the modern, 225, 325. 

victory of, in 1S40, 334. 

death of the, 369, 

.See political parties. 
Whiskey rebellion (1794), 232. 

ring, 491. 
Whitefield in Georgia, 126. 
Whitman, r)r. , and Oregon, 347. 
Whitnev invents the cotton-gin, 229. 
Williams, Roger, driven from Massachu- 
setts, 72, 73, 

settles Providence, 104. 

establishes entire religious liberty 106. 

secures a liberal charter for Rhode 
Island, 106. 
Wilmot Proviso, the, 355 



INDEX. 



Iv 



West, Clark's conquest of the Northwest, 
197, 198. 

the, aud the Articles of Confederation, 
209. 

the, and the Treaty of Peace (1783), 
208. 

Ordinance for the government of the 
N.W. Territory, 209. 

States formed from the N.W. Territory, 
210. 

Spain and the Mississippi, 213, 236. 

threats of secession in the Southwest 
(1787), 213. 

the, in 1790, 227; in 1801, 245. 

coal found in the, 227. 

discoveiy of the Oregon country, 229. 

tlie Oregon question, 345. 

what was thought of the Oregon coun- 
try, 346- 

Whitman's journey, 347. 

our claim to the Oregon country, 229, 

346- 
the Oregon treaty, 347, 348. 
whiskey insurrection in W. Pennsyl- 
vania, 232. 
Indian land cessions in the (1795), 233. 
Indian land cessions in the, in general, 

see Indians, 
new States formed in the, 210, 237, and 

see names of Western States, 
suffrage in the new States of the, 237, 

247, 510. 
the Kentucky nullification resolutions, 

242. 
purchase of the province of Louisiana, 

24S-250. 
Fort Dearborn (Chicago) erected, 245. 
communication with the, 245, 246, 253, 

254, 292, 300. 317, 480-482, 499. 
could the Union hope to retain the, 246, 

346,481. 
expedition of Lewis and Clark, 251. 
Pike's explorations in the Northwest, 

252. 
the Burr conspiracy and the, 255. 
Tecumseh in the, 264. 
the, favors the War of 1812, 266. 
the, and the War of 1812, 266, 267, 270, 

272, 273, 276, 280. 
Monroe's tour in the, 281. 
question of slavery in the, 210, 250, 286- 

291, 331. 339. 348, 355. 356, 363-366. 

372-379. 383. 384. 389. 428. 
the, and the Fugitive Slave Act, 366. 
Russia and the Pacific coast, 294, 295. 
the, and the tariff, 296, 305. 
the first steamboat in the, 254. 
the National Road and the, 253, 292. 
the Erie Canal and the, 300. 
the "Great Western March," 300. 
first railroad in the, 317. 
the Pacific Railroad, 382, 480, 481. 
effects of the Pacific Railroad, 481. 
advantages offered by the, 301. 
the, and President Jackson, 307. 
speculation in the, 323, 328, 3S5, 491. 
agricultural inventions and the, 324, 372. 
the Mormons in the, 329, 330, 387, 388, 

502, 506, 513. 
the annexation of Texas, 339. 



West, the, and different Treaties, 208, 236, 
278, 337. 348, 354. 486. 
the telegraph and telephone in the, 344, 

345- 
conquest of California, 353. 
Mexican land cessions in the, 354. 
discovery of gold in California, 357-359. 
Clay's compromise measures and the, 

363-366. 
the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 372-376. 
the struggle for Kansas, 376-379. 
John Brown in Kansas, 379. 
the Dred Scott case and the, 384. 
discovery of silver, petroleum, and 

natural gas in the, 385-387. 
Lincoln-Douglas campaign in the, 389. 
the, and the Civil War, see Battles, 
the "Army of the West," in the grand 

review, 469. 
admission of Western States, see names 

of States, 
purchase of Alaska, 478. 
the " Farmers' Alliance," a.^' ■."..:, '92. 
the " Grangers '' in the, 492. 
the " Populists " in the, 492, 514. 
railway strikes in the, 496, 517. 
improvement of the Mississippi, 499. 
land appropriated for scliools, 301. 
recover)' of public lands in the, 505. 
free schools in the, 209, 301. 
cheap land in the, 301. 
religious freedom guaranteed in the 

Northwest, 209. 
centennial celebrations in, 508. 
opening of Oklahoma, 509. 
the, and woman suffr_ge, 510. 
the Columbia?, Exposition at Chicago, 

515- 

flour mills of the, 132. 

mines, grain and stock farms of the, 520. 

the " Commonweal " and other " indus- 
trial armies," 517. 

the " New West," 482, 493, 520. 
West Virginia organized, 405. 

admitted, 405. 
Whigs of the Revolution, 178. 

rise of the modern? "225, 325. 

victory of, in 1840, 334. 

death of the, 369. 

See political parties. 
Whiskey rebellion (1794), 232. 

ring, 491. 
Whitefield in Georgia, 126. 
Whitman, Dr., and Oregon, 347. 
Whitney invents the cotton-gin, 229. 
Williams, Roger, driven from Massachu- 
setts, 72, 73. 

settles Providence, 104. 

establishes entire religious liberty, 106. 

secures a liberal charter for Rhode 
Island, 106. 
Wilmot Proviso, the, 355. 
Winthrop, Gov., 69. 
Wisconsin admitted, 361. 
Witchcraft in Salem, 83, 84. 
Wolfe takes Quebec (1759), 140. 
Woman Suffrage, 355, 510. 
World's Fair (1853), 371. 

(1876), 492. 

(1893'), 515. 



Ivi THE student's AMERICAN HISTORY. 

" Writs of Assistance," 164. York, the Duke of, seizes Delaware, 108. 

Wyoming admitted, 510. Yorktown, capture of, 207. 

X. Y. Z. Papers, the, 238. 

Zenger upholds the freedom of the press, 
York, the Duke of, seizes NewNetherland,48. 53. 



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By Fanny D. Bergen. Fully illustrated. 156 pages. For introduction, 50 cents. 

This is a capital child's book, and is intended for a supplementary reader for 
lower grades. 

OUTLINES OF LESSONS IN BOTANY. 

For the use of teachers or mothers studying with their children. By Jane H. 

Newell. 

Parti.: From Seed to Leaf. 150 pages. Illustrated. For introduction, 50 

cents. 

Part II. : Flower and Fruit. 393 pages. Illustrated. For introduction, 80 

cents. 

A READER IN BOTANY. 

Selected and adapted from well-known authors. By Jane H. Newell. 
Part I. : From Seed to Leaf. 199 pages. For introduction, 60 cents. 
Part U. : Flower and Fruit. 179 pages. For introduction, 60 cents. 

Newell's Botanies aim to supply a course of reading in botany calculated to 
awaken the interest of pupils in the study of the life and habits of plants. 



GINN & COMPANY, PubUshers. 

LB Mr '07 



Practical Physiology 

A Text=Book for Higher Schools. 
By ALBERT F, BLAISDELL, H.D., 

Author of " Child's Book of Health ;' " Hmv to Keep H^ell," 
"Our Bodies and How IVe Live" etc. 



i2mo. Cloth. Fully illustrated. 448 pages. 
For introduction, $1.20. 



'^HIS is a text-book on human physiology for use in 
^^ higher schools. The design of the author has been to 
furnish, a practical manual of the more important facts and 
principles of physiology and hygiene, which will be adapted 
to the needs of the students in high schools, normal schools, 
and academies. 

In the opinion of the author, a mere knowledge of the 
facts which can be gained in secondary schools concerning 
the anatomy and physiology of the human body is of little 
real value or interest in itself. Such facts are important and 
practical to young students only so far as to enable them to 
understand the relation of these facts to the great laws of 
health and to apply them to their daily living. Hence, it 
has been the earnest effort of the author in this book, as in 
his other physiologies for schools, to lay especial emphasis 
upon such points as bear upon personal health. 

Supplementary to the text proper, and throughout the 
several chapters of this book, a series of carefully arranged 
and practical experiments has been added. For the most 
part, they are simple and can be performed with inexpensive 
and easily obtained apparatus. 

The laws of most of the states now require the study in 
the public schools of the effects of alcoholic drinks, tobacco, 
and other narcotics upon the bodily life. This book will be 
found to comply fully with all such laws. 

The author has aimed to embody in clear and simple 
language the latest and most trustworthy information which 
can be gained from standard text-books and writers on 
modern physiology. 

GINN & COMPANY, Publishers, 

Boston. New York. Chicago. Atlanta. Dallas. 



TEXT-BOOKS ON CHEMISTRY 

By R. p. WILLIAMS, 

Instructor in Chemistry in the English High School, Boston. 

Elements of Chemistry. i2mo. Cloth. 412 pages. Fully illus- 
trated. For introduction, $1.10. 

Introduction to Chemical Science. i2mo. Cloth. 216 pages. 
Illustrated. For introduction, 80 cents. 

Chemical Experiments. General and Analytical. 8vo. Boards. 
212 pages. Fully illustrated. For introduction, 50 cents. 

Laboratory Manual of Inorganic Chemistry. One hundred 
topics in general, qualitative, and quantitative chemistry. i2mo. 
Boards. 200 pages. Illustrated. . For introduction, 30 cents. 

Williams' Laboratory Manual of General Chemistry is still kept in stock. 
For introduction, 25 cents. 



The Elements of Chemistry is very fully and carefully illus- 
trated with entirely new designs, embodying many original 
ideas, and there is a wealth of practical experiments. 
Exercises and problems follow the discussion of laws and 
principles. 

The subject-matter is so divided that the book can be 
used by advanced schools, or by elementary ones in which 
the time allotted to chemistry is short. 

Chemical Experiments is for the use of students in the 
chemical laboratory. It contains more than one hundred 
sets of the choicest illustrative experiments, about half of 
which belong to general chemistry, the rest to metal and 
acid analysis. 

The Laboratory Manual contains one hundred sets of ex- 
periments in inorganic general chemistry, including brief 
treatment of qualitative analysis of both metals and non- 
metals, and a few quantitative experiments. 



GINN & COMPANY, Publishers, 

Boston. New York. Chicago. Atlanta. Dallas. 



TEXT-BOOKS ON PHYSICS 

By ALFRED P. GAGE, 

Instructor in Physics in tJie English High School, Boston. 

Principles of Physics. A text-book for high schools and colleges, 
izmo. Half leather. 634 pages. Fully illustrated. P'or intro- 
duction, $1.30. 

Introduction to Physical Science. Revised Edition. i2mo. 
Cloth. 374 pages. Illustrated. With a color chart of spectra, 
etc. For introduction, $1.00. 

Elements of Physics. A text-book for high schools and academies. 
i2mo. Half leather. 424 pages. Illustrated. For introduction, 

$1.12. 

Physical Laboratory Manual and Note Book. i2mo. Boards. 
244 pages. Illustrated. For introduction, 35 cents. 

Physical Experiments. A manual and note book. i2mo. Boards. 
97 pages. Illustrated. For introduction, 35 cents. 



The Principles of Physics aims to supply the demand for an 
accurate, interesting, usable text-book of present-day physics, 
suitable for high schools and elementary courses in college. 

The size and general features of the Introduction to Physical 
Science in its present revised form have been changed little, 
but numerous slight changes have been made throughout 
the work which will be found improvements and which will 
make it more acceptable to those using it. 

The leading feature of the Elements of Physics is that it is 
strictly experiment-teaching in its method. The experiments 
given are rather of the nature of questions than of illustra- 
tions, and precede the statements of principles and laws. 

Physical Experiments contains the laboratory exercises 
required for admission to Harvard University and to many 
other colleges. Specific directions are given for the prepa- 
ration of notes, thereby securing uniformity which greatly 
reduces the labor of the examiner. 



GINN & COMPANY, Publishers, 

Boston. New York. Chicago. Atlanta. Dallas. 



BERGEN'S ELEMENTS OF BOTANY 



By JOSEPH Y. BERGE 

histrztctor in Biology in the English High School, Boston. 



i2mo. Cloth. 332 pages. Fully illustrated. 
For introduction, $1.10. 



Mr. Bergen's book differs from most other botanies of 
similar grade in the following details : 

In carrying through a simple account of the gross struc- 
ture, the microscopical structure, and the functions of the 
several parts of the plant side by side. 

In paying special attention to Vegetable Physiology and 
il'ustrating the subject by many simple experiments. 

In choosing for the experimental part of the work such 
experiments as may, if necessary, be carried on in the 
schoolroom during the regular recitation period. 

In employing for study largely such materials as are 
readily obtainable everywhere and at all seasons. 

In offering abundant pictorial illustrations, chosen from a 
very wide range among the most authentic sources. 



John M. Coulter, Head Professor of 

Botany, University of Chicago : I have 
been recommending Bergen's Elements 
of Botany to tlie teachers of the public 
schools as a very useful book. It con- 
tains the flavor of modern botany, retains 
much of the old that is useful, is simple, 
and enforces the necessity of laboratory 
and field work. 

W. W. Rowlee, Assistant Professor 
of Botany, Cornell University, Ithaca, 
N. Y. : Comes nearer to outlining an ideal 
course for high schools than an; book I 
have seen. 

W. F. Qanong, Professor of Botany, 
Smith College, Northaw/'ton, Mass. : 
The book comes fully up to our expecta- 
tions. I shall make use of it with my 
elementary classes. 



Thomas J. Burrill, Professor of Bot- 
any, University of Illinois, Urbana, III. : 
When asked to recommend a botanical 
text-book for use in the high school, I un- 
hesitatingly name Bergen's Botany. 

W. Q. Tight, Professor of Geology 
and Natural History, Denison Univer- 
sity, Grativille, Ohio: After a term's use 
of Bergen's Botany, I find it fulfills all 
my expectations. The most practical 
text-book on botany offered to our high 
schools and academies. 

Geo. G. Groff, Professor of Organic 
Sciences, Bucknell University, Lewis- 
burg, Pa. : An excellent work. I have 
taken pleasure in commending it to the 
teachers in our school. 



GINN & COMPANY, Publishers, 

Boston. New York. Chicago. Atlanta. Dallas. 



iir^?3i 



